Braido-Vol-2-DBYoungPeoplesPriest


Braido-Vol-2-DBYoungPeoplesPriest

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ISTITUTO STORICO SALESIANO – ROME
STUDIES – 21
Pietro Braido
DON BOSCO
THE YOUNG PEOPLE’S PRIEST
IN THE CENTURY OF FREEDOMS
VOLUME 2
LAS – ROME

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Chapter 19
FOUNDATION OF THE FMA INSTITUTE AND
CONSOLIDATION OF THE SDBs (1870–1874)
1837
1862
1864
1867
1872
1873
1874
9 May: birth of Mary Domenica Mazzarello
6 July: ‘did Jesus only redeem boys?’
8 October: first encounter with the Daughters of the Immaculate in Mornese’
Members transfer to the House of the Immaculate;
December: Don Bosco’s conference to members;
24 April: letter to Bl. Enrichetta Dominici asking help to adapt the Salesian
Constitutions ‘for an Institute of religious women.’
Costituzioni Regole dell’Instituto delle figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice.
23 May: entrance into the college, the final location;
5 August: clothing and religious profession of the first 11 Daughters of Mary
Help of Christians, and clothing for four others;
24 October: letter to Archbishop Gastaldi regarding admission to Orders for
Salesian candidates.
18 February: Don Bosco’s trip to Rome;
22 March: leaves for Turin via Florence, Bologna, Modena;
Summer: the animadversiones on the SDB Constitutions.
March: Fr John Cagliero, Director General of the FMA Institute;
3/13 April: approval of the SDB Constitutions and rescript granting faculties for
dimissorials ad decennium;
15 May: death of Fr Pestarino;
15 June: election of M. D. Mazzarello as Superior (Mother) General.
Autumn: local Spiritual Director, Fr James Costamagna;
8 October: the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians at Borgo S. Martino (AL).
The early 1870s mark two fundamental moments in the story of Don Bosco: the broadening and
consolidation of his youth activity extended to the female world through the founding of the FMA
Institute, and the gaining of the approval of the Salesian Society’s Constitutions. The achievement
of these two fundamental results differed both in their dimension and how they were pursued. In
the first case, perhaps Don Bosco gained more than he had hoped for, and in the second it was
certainly less than he had asked for, with painful consequences for the life of the Congregation
which was still incomplete according to him.

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1. The FMA Institute: convergence of two distinct experiences
During the years when Don Bosco was giving shape to the Salesian Society, seeing to the
Salesian spirit in its first young adherents, including telling them about his dreams, there appeared
one special, distant prelude to a similar initiative for girls. He located this as being on the night of 5
July, 1862, reduced to a handful of details: ‘I found myself on a broad plain. I saw the Oratory boys
running and jumping, happily playing. Then I went for a walk with Marchioness Barolo who said to
me: “Leave me just to look after the girls. You can just look after the boys.” I replied: “But tell me
something: did Jesus just redeem boys and not girls?” She replied: “I know that he redeemed them
all.” “Then I must see that his blood is not shed in vain for boys and girls.”’1
So the possibility of and the need for initiatives on behalf of girls, similar to the ones for boys,
was not absent from his purview. This involvement, however, would not have an absolute starting
point but would come about thanks to his encountering an already established group of girls who
were already dedicated to some extent to a special mission in the service of God and neighbour.
While it is not the task of the biographer of Don Bosco to write up the origins and early
development of the FMA Institute, it is, nevertheless, his duty to recall the part he played in how it
came to be and in its early growth, as its founder. In fact one must certainly take into serious
consideration the important basis which this group of young girls offered the foundation. They were
its core group, under the direction and leadership of Mary Domenica Mazzarello (1837–81) and
their common spiritual father, Father Domenico Pestarino (1817–74). It is likewise essential to
explore the historical reasons which made Don Bosco the founder for all intents and purposes2 and
not just in its formal, legal sense.3 The Institute arose and took shape, in fact, thanks to two distinct
but convergent movements. Both were historically essential to its existence and peculiar nature.
Seeing things this way can help reconcile two quite different testimonies offered at the
Informative Process stage for Don Bosco’s Beatification and canonisation. These were the
testimonies of Fr Francis Cerruti and Fr Michael Rua. Neither were quite exact, but this should not
create difficulties for the historiographer. They spoke of his involvement in establishing the FMAs.
Basically they can be regarded as complementary accounts.
1 G. BONETTI, Annali III 1862, pp. 31–32; cf. also D. RUFFINO, Cronaca. 1861 1862 1863 1864 Le doti
grandi e luminose, 5 June [= July] 1862, p. 23.
2 Regarding this complex interaction, cf. P. STELLA, Le Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, in ID., Don Bosco nella
storia della religiosità cattolica I..., pp. 187–208; M. E. POSADA, Significato della “validissima cooperatio”
di S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello alla fondazione dell’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, in M. E.
POSADA (Ed.), Attuale perché vera. Contributi su S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello, Rome, LAS 1987, pp.
53–68; P. CAVIGLIÀ, Il rapporto stabilitosi tra S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello e S. Giovanni Bosco. Studio
critico di alcune interpretazioni, ibid., pp. 69–98; A. DELEIDI, Don Bosco e Maria Domenica Mazzarello:
rapporto storico–spirituale, in Don Bosco nella storia, pp. 205–216; , L’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria
Ausiliatrice in rapporto a don Bosco..., in Don Bosco nella storia, pp. 217–229; , Don Bosco fondatore
dell’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice, in M. MIDALI (Ed.), Don Bosco Fondatore della Famiglia
Salesiana. Atti del Simposio, Rome–Salesianum (22–26 January 1989), Rome, Editrice S.D.B. [1989],
pp. 281–303; A. DELEIDI, Il rapporto tra don Bosco e madre Mazzarello nella fondazione dell’Istituto delle
FMA (1862–1876), in M. MIDALI (Ed.), Don Bosco Fondatore della Famiglia Salesiana..., pp. 305–321; P.
CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita tracce di futuro. Fonti e testimonianze sulla prima comunità
delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (1870–1881), Rome, LAS 1996.
3 On these aspects see the problem posed by the Promoter General of the Faith, Salvatore Natucci, in the
Apostolic Process of Beatification and Canonisation of Mary Domenica Mazzarello: cf. SACRA
CONGREGATIO RITUUM, Aquen. Beatificationis et canonizationis Servae Dei Mariae Dominicae Mazzarello,
Primae Antistitae Instituti Filiarum Mariae Auxiliatricis. Nova Positio super virtutibus, Rome, Guerra et
Belli 1935, pp. 1–2; L. FLORA, Storia del titolo di “Confondatrice” conferito dalla Chiesa a S. Maria
Domenica Mazzarello, nel vol. di (Ed.), Attuale perché vera..., pp. 39–47; in the process of the Cause,
Factum Concordatum, undated, containing the Novissimae Animadversiones of the Promoter, 27
November 1935 (pp. 5–10) and the Responsio degli Avvocati (pp. 2 and 13): in L. FLORA, Storia del titolo
di “Confondatrice”..., pp. 47–51.

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Francis Cerruti referred to what he had heard from Don Bosco himself. When Pius IX asked the
latter why he hadn’t thought of extending what he was doing for boys to girls as well, he replied
that he had already thought of it and indeed wanted the future ‘religious association’ to be a
‘monument which speaks … of filial gratitude’ to Mary Help of Christians.
A ‘propitious moment’ would come in 1872 [which is clearly chronologically inaccurate] when he
met Fr Pestarino and the ‘excellent girls who made up the Immaculate Conception Sodality or
groups founded and directed by Pestarino himself. They then went on to be called the Daughters
of Mary Help of Christians according to the Rule given them by D. Bosco and approved by Bishop
Sciandra, the Bishop of Acqui. Don Bosco was really the founder of the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians.’4
Fr Rua’s testimony came from personal acquaintance. ‘As well as the Salesian Society,’ he
attested, Don Bosco ‘also founded the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians.’ On the death of his
mother, Margaret, he saw the opportunity for a Religious Congregation which could take up
household duties, ‘but no decision was made until Providence clearly opened the way.’ The
decision was taken when Fr Domenico Pestarino at Mornese in the diocese of Acqui ‘began
bringing together young women from his birthplace and nurturing their piety,’ ‘with such good
results that he adopted them as his spiritual family.’ ‘Seeing the good spirit, piety and mutual
charity that reigned there,’ Don Bosco left Fr Pestarino to guide them, ‘but not without lending him
some assistance by way of advice and funds.’ Then when Fr Pestarino died, ‘he sent along one of
his priests helped by some good lay confreres to take up the family’s spiritual direction. Then this
Congregation began to develop like all his works, under the name of Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians,’ ‘for the benefit of female youth.’5
Fr Rua was emphasising an incontrovertible historical reality. Under the direction of a spiritual
father, the Mornese group was not just the raw material which then became an institute of
consecrated religious women. In truth, the girls who comprised it with Mary Domenica Mazzarello
as their guide were already virtually consecrated women in the world, consecrated to God and
neighbour, girls especially, and already prepared to take up a regular and structured form of
common life. Their superior, truly a Sister at home and in community, ticked off all the boxes
needed for the official title of co–foundress and much more to boot. This was then reinforced by
her intense collaboration with Don Bosco to give form and substance to the Institute.
From a formal point of view, Don Bosco was certainly the founder, inasmuch as he fostered their
establishment as a true and proper religious community and suggested, rewrote, checked and
promulgated suitable Constitutions to guarantee its organisational structure and spirituality. But
from a concrete historical perspective, its founding differed from the Salesian Society. The latter
began with Don Bosco’s boys who had no concept of religious life, some of whom were even
allergic to ‘becoming a friar’ like the young Cagliero. Nevertheless, for the most part they came
from good Christian families and with a more or less evident leaning to clerical life. Because they
lived with Don Bosco, he gradually led them to want to live and work in a permanent way, in
community, with him, to the point of deciding to share his mission and bind themselves by religious
vows, thus becoming members of a true and proper society of consecrated men. Instead, the
Mornese situation was already a potential expectation of a call which became an offering in real
terms when his earlier intention to found something, an intention not yet concrete, began to take
shape. Don Bosco himself began to petition for diocesan approval of the Institute, presenting it to
Bishop Sciandra of Acqui in the following significant words: ‘Your Lordship will know that the
zealous Fr Domenico Pestarino of fond memory, began an Institute called the House or College of
Mary Help of Christians with the purpose of offering Christian education to poor and abandoned or
4 Taurinen. Beatificationis et Canonizationis..., Positio super virtutibus, 1920, p. 141.
5 Taurinen. Beatificationis et Canonizationis..., Positio super virtutibus, 1920, pp. 279–281.

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otherwise non–wealthy girls, in order to set them on the path to a moral life, knowledge and
religion, under the direction of Sisters called the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians.’ He had
obviously replaced ‘Mary Immaculate’ with this.6
Fr Cerruti’s testimony, while not mentioning what Fr Pestarino offered, refers to Don Bosco
nevertheless planning to start a female Congregation, having come across a group prepared by
the priest from Mornese, and that this was the foundation stone. Fr Pestarino had met Don Bosco
around 1862, and probably in 1863 he was accepted as an ‘extern member’ of the Salesian
Society, like Fr Giovanni Ciattino.7 From 1865, he was always at the St Francis de Sales
Conferences where each rector referred to the work for which he was responsible. So for a number
of years he found himself in circumstances where he could assimilate the significant features of
Don Bosco’s mentality and spirit, and where he could pass them on, consciously or otherwise, to
the Daughters of the Immaculate group at Mornese. Finally, from 1870 he worked explicitly in
complete harmony with Don Bosco at Mornese so his and Don Bosco’s projects in Turin could
converge on the same objective. In presenting the printed copy of the Constitutions in 1878, Don
Bosco did not fail to recommend the soul of Fr Pestarino, ‘the first Director of the Sisters of Mary
Help of Christians whom the Lord made use of to lay the foundations for this Institute. ‘8
It is obvious that in reconstructing what Don Bosco did for the Institute one cannot avoid at least
a rapid overview of the life of the group which, with its superior, ended up being the Institute’s
essential core.
2. A community of women vowed to God and neighbour in the world
Behind Mary Domenica Mazzarelli’s personal life and founding abilities, from infancy to
adolescence (1831–52), lay her exemplary family and upbringing within the Church pervaded by a
sense of God and work, perfected by the early spiritual direction of Fr Pestarino, who set her on a
higher path to interior life, the practice of mortification, including outward mortification, and an
intense sacramental life. There were three fundamental periods within which this spirituality was
further plumbed and which marked her life distinctly. These can be identified as 1852–55, 1860–
69, and1870–71.
The four years from 1852–55 saw her conscious and free involvement in founding, initially
secretly and then officially, the Pious Union of the Daughters of Mary Immaculate, a group
promoted by Angela Maccagno. Angela wrote the first draft of a Rule which they followed in the first
two years and which was then revised and given structure by Blessed Giuseppe Frassinetti in
1855, and approved by the diocesan Bishop Modesto Contratto (1798–1867) by decree on 20 May,
1857. Frassinetti published it as an appendix to his La Monica in casa (The Nun at home),9
indicating its publication in the Letture Cattoliche’s September 1860 issue entitled The Model of
poor girl Rosina Pedemonte who died in Genoa aged 20 on 30 January, 1860.10 Rosina spent the
summer of 1858 at Mornese as a guest of Angela Maccagno, who had earlier been her guest in
Genoa in 1857–58 when attending the school of method for qualification as an elementary school
teacher. ‘The Rule of the Pious Union became known through this appendix,’ Frassinetti said in
6 Letter of 14 January 1876, E III 11–12.
7 They appear as such among the “Membri della Società di S. Francesco di Sales appartenenti alla casa
madre di Turin anno 1865”: cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale..., pp. 296, 318,
524.
8 Regole o Costituzioni per l’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice aggregate alla Società Salesiana.
Turin, Tip. e Libr. Salesiana 1878, p. 5.
9 Oneglia, Tasso 1859.
10 By Giuseppe Frassinetti, Prior at Santa Sabina in Genoa. Turin, Tip. G. B. Paravia e Comp. 1860 [VIII–95
p.], p. VI.

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1863 ‘and Piedemont’s life showed it was capable of leading all the girls who followed it to
perfection.’11
The lifestyle led by Mazzarello and her companions was the beginning of a partial experience of
being a ‘nun at home’. It was a lifestyle which, unconsciously to begin with, but later consciously,
drew its inspiration from the original Ursulines as conceived of and founded by St Angela Merici.
Indeed some of its basic elements were already discoverable in Maccagno’s first draft. There were
three key concepts; An intense ascetic and contemplative interior life, the exercise of charity to
one’s neighbour, and obedience to their common spiritual guide Fr Domenico Pestarino. The
following pointers can be extracted from the first Rule:
‘Being united in heart, spirit and will in Jesus Christ ’we confirm and wish to maintain this will
and the Pious Union by a vow of Chastity taken for a length of time determined by the Director’s
advice.’ ‘We do good for the glory of God and the benefit and good of our neighbour.’ ‘If any of the
Sisters is abandoned by her family or is without their support, she may remain alone with the
Director’s advice and will join with the other Sisters as indicated by him.’ The general aim was
indicated thus: ‘To cooperate for the glory of God and religion in these terms and always: through
good example, by approaching the holy Sacraments; devotion to the passion of O.L.J.C.; tender
and special devotion to our most holy Mother the Virgin. Let this be the uniform and the purpose of
the Pious Union …’12
Frassenetti dedicated an appendix in his Vita e istituto di S. Angela Merici (Life and Institute of
St Angela Merici),to the Pia Unione delle Figlie di Maria SS. Immaculata (Pius Union of the
Daughters of Mary Immaculate), in which he recalled the Mornese origins of the Union and
summed up the characteristics of the Rule he had drawn up.13 He began by saying that ‘Many girls
who cannot or do not want to profess a life in the cloister would more easily give themselves to
God if they had a way that made it easier for them to achieve Christian perfection by remaining in
the world.’ This was what the sodality or group originally conceived by Angela Maccagno in
Mornese was aiming at. It was ‘her idea’ that members ‘live happily detached from earthly goods,
thus practising true poverty of spirit; that above all they do not follow their own will, and love a more
perfect obedience; that they have, besides, the firm resolve to preserve perpetual chastity and
stand out for this virtue insomuch as a poor human creature can, angelically, being prepared also
to make this a vow if allowed to by their confessor. In a word, while remaining in the world, these
girls aspire to perfection which good Religious aspire to in their cloisters. Beyond this, she wanted
them to practise works of mercy, notably by helping and being with the sick at Mornese, and seeing
that young girls do not miss out on Christian instruction, promoting works of piety and in general
whatever is in the service of God and for the salvation of souls. Finally, it was her intention that
they be thought of as real Sisters and not only involved for their mutual spiritual benefit but also to
help one another in their temporal needs.’ He pointed, finally, to the first five women [amongst
whom Mazzarello] who gave official beginnings to the Pious Union on the Sunday following the
Feast of the Immaculate Conception in 1855.14
Recapping the first ten chapters of the Rule, he explained some of the special features of the
original Rule which perfectly encapsulated the tasks of the little group Mary Mazzarello was the
leader of. ‘In § 3,’ he wrote, ‘it speaks of their duties’ which ‘are in general, practising works of
spiritual and corporal mercy’ including ‘seeing that girls neglected by their parents frequent the
11 Cf. G. FRASSINETTI, Vita e istituto di S. Angela Merici... Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1863, LC
a. XI. fasc. 5, July, p. 119.
12 Il primo Regolamento delle Figlie dell’Immacolata (abbozzo di Angela Maccagno) – 1853, in Cronistoria I.
Rome, Istituto FMA 1874, pp. 321–323.
13 Cf. G. FRASSINETTI, Vita e istituto di S. Angela Merici..., pp. 109–138. Frassinetti’s rule became the point
of reference for countless Unions in the 19th century in Italy.
14 G. FRASSINETTI, Vita e istituto di S. Angela Merici..., pp. 109–113.

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Sacraments and Christian doctrine’ and ‘nurturing the spirit of the older girls so they may love holy
things and give themselves to a devout life.’ In § 7 it speaks of spiritual gatherings the daughters in
the Pious Union should hold, to encourage one another in practising works of piety and in their zeal
for the salvation of souls.’ ‘In § 9 it speaks of the method of living, prescribing especially that they
offer themselves completely to God morning and evening, hear Mass each day, be present for
vocal and mental prayer, frequent the Sacraments and have true devotion to Our Blessed Lady.’ In
the end, ‘this Pious Union’ Frassinetti noted, ‘is the same as the Society of St Ursula both in
substance and in secondary details,’ an ancient institution ‘flourishing anew in our midst.’15
So, effectively in this early period of the Union of the Daughters of the Immaculate, this was the
dominant spirituality mediated through Fr Pestarino, already a pupil and friend of Frassinetti, who
was also familiar with Mornese. It was a spirituality similar to Cafasso’s, Liguorian, positive and
with everything that made the spiritual experience at Mornese similar to Don Bosco’s and the
Convitto in Turin.16 It is significant that at their meeting the Daughters read from St Alphonsus
Liguori’s La monaca santa (The holy nun) and, from 1859, the earlier mentioned La monaca in
casa by Giuseppe Frassinetti,17 as well as parts of St Teresa of Avila’s life. Except for this latter,
they were books that Don Bosco was already using in the late 1860s for the religious formation of
the Salesians.18
During a second stage beginning with her illness in 1860, and an intensified ascetic and
educational involvement, Mazzarello in fact began an experience that was much closer to that of
Don Bosco’s men. Expressions of this were the gradual emphasis on spiritual and apostolic
dedication to girls, setting them on the path to employment and providing religious education.
There were also some incipient elements of common life for young ‘apostles’. Fr Pestarino soon
became the mediator between the group of Daughters of Mary Immaculate and Don Bosco. The
first personal encounter of the Daughters with the future founder occurred on 8 October, 1864, the
year when Mary and Petronilla Mazzarello had increased their detachment from the family, setting
up a small community. Angela Maccagno wrote to Fr Frassinetti on 4 December, 1864: ‘Know that
when D. Bosco came to Mornese, one evening we all met in the church, that is, all the Daughters
from the Union, and he told us a number of things. Then at the Director’s suggestion I asked him to
recommend us to our bishop, because he was going to Acqui, and at the same time I told him that
when he went to Rome he might intercede on our behalf with the Holy Father. He replied that he
would not fail to do so. He asked us if we had any indulgences and that if we wanted some he
would also ask for these since [the Pope] had all the faculties to grant them.’19 Over these days,
and in agreement with Don Bosco, Fr Pestarino began to give shape to a plan that would lead him
to building a college for boys. In 1871, at Don Bosco’s indication, this immediately metamorphosed
into one for girls.
A more precise vocational choice was determined in October 1867, when both teachers and
girls transferred to the House of the Immaculate which Fr Pestarino had left them. Mary Mazzarello
became the one in charge of it. Meanwhile, the small group of Daughters, supportive of
Mazzarello, intensified their activities which grew ever closer to forms of apostolate similar to those
of Don Bosco: work as seamstresses dedicated to the professional (employment) formation and
Christian education of the girls, the beginnings of a hospice for needy or orphaned girls, preventive
activity of an oratorian, religious, catechetical and recreational kind. On Monday 9 December,
15 G. FRASSINETTI, Vita e istituto di S. Angela Merici..., pp. 115–117.
16 Cf. M. E. POSADA, Giuseppe Frassinetti e Maria D. Mazzarello. Rapporto storicospirituale. Rome, LAS
1986.
17 Oneglia, Tasso 1859.
18 Cf. Chap. 15, § 11.
19 Cit. in G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (1872–1885). Critical texts
edited by Sr Cecilia Romero. Rome, LAS 1983, p. 24, no. 15.

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1867, Don Bosco arrived in Mornese where he spent some days and where he officially received
proceeds from the Mornese community assembled on the 10th, promised for the construction of
the Church of Mary help of Christians.20 He also gave a conference to the Daughters of Mary
Immaculate and on the 13th blessed the new chapel at the college, celebrating Mass there.21 He
returned to Mornese at Fr Pestarino’s invitation on 19 April, 1869, staying there until the 22nd. ‘He
spoke to the Daughters’ the Cronistoria [FMA version of the SBD Chronicle] tells us, also referring
to a kind of oratory program that Don Bosco would then have sent the young women. We have no
trace of it, nor do we know its contents, which is even more problematic since we know that the
Daughters of Mary Immaculate already had their Regulations.22
Don Bosco was in Mornese again on 9 May 1870, the second day of the triduum of celebrations
for the first Mass in the village of Fr Pestarino’s nephew, Fr Giuseppe. He mentioned it to Countess
Callori on 15 May, praising the heightened spiritual temper of the village and the daughters’
community: ‘Your letter reached me in Mornese, which is the earthly paradise of the province of
Acqui.’23
It was probably at this point that the third key moment was beginning to mature, in1870–71,
which led to the important day of the official foundation on 5 August, 1872. The bishop was not in
favour of opening a boy’s college. Fr Pestarino involved Don Bosco in determining the new
direction. We can deduce this from an indication in the letter with which Don Bosco assured Fr
Pestarino that he would be in Mornese on 9 May, 1820: ‘We will also see what needs to be done
about the house and school at Mornese.’24 More explicit, but for the recipient of the letter rather
than today’s reader of it, was what he wrote to Fr Pestarino on 10 July, inviting him to come to
Turin for the Forty Hours Devotion from the 20th to the 30th of the month. ‘If you come for that
occasion it would give me great pleasure and we will have time to discuss business … You could
come on the 18th, spend the week with us then return to the parish on Saturday if you want. This
way I will have some time to tell you things which are best not entrusted to paper.’25 Finally, there
was the explicit decision on who the college would be for, agreed with Fr Pestarino at the end of
January 1871 when he was in Valdocco for the rectors conferences. On 28 February, he wrote to
his nephew Fr Giuseppe: ‘I have been in Turin and have decided absolutely on opening the
College in a broad sense. Don Bosco had some big ideas and will still need to work on it from what
I understand. All that is lacking is the over–all plan. We will back it, but what to do?’ 26 The
Daughters of the Immaculate would not have been left out of nor have been ignorant of these ‘big
ideas’ about opening a college.
3. Don Bosco as founder of the FMA Institute.
It is preferable to stick with the facts which have already been briefly put, but accurately analysed
by others, rather than go with particular confidences. Moreover, as Don Bosco’s spiritual director
had noted in the 1850s, he did not have a tendency to talk openly of plans and thoughts in the
making. When he spoke about them they had already happened! Only then would there be a
confidant or two – whoever was called on to collaborate, a Salesian or benefactor.
20 Cf. letter of Don Bosco to Fr Pestarino, 4 October, 3 and 25 December 1867, Em II 440–441, 453–454
and 464–465.
21 Cf. MB VIII 1012–1018.
22 Cf. Cronistoria I 224–225. 23
23 Em III 208
24 To Fr Pestarino, 2 May 1870, Em III 205.
25 Em III 224.
26 Cit. in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita…, p. 21.

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Something similar proves to be the case regarding the beginning of his direct involvement in
founding the FMA Institute. His proverbial reserve even precludes absolute certainty about any
likely alternative solutions which might have preceded his choice regarding the Daughters of Mary
Immaculate.
Thus it does not seem that he had ever thought of beginning with the apostolic and educational
work established by Mother Luigia Angelica Clarac in Via Pio V, not far from the St Aloysius
oratory.27 It is more credible that his awareness of the Clarac initiative, rather than being a
‘hypothetical possibility for a foundation,’ had served him as ‘a strong stimulus for maturing in the
ideal notion of a work on behalf of needy girls which was gradually taking shape in the spirit of the
Saint.’28
More problematic still seems to be an early but unsuccessful attempt, towards 1860, which the
biographer of Blessed Joseph Allamano speaks of: ‘When Don Bosco thought about founding the
Congregation of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians,’ Allemano had said ‘the first person he
looked at as a first superior was precisely Benedetta Savio. With his in mind he had sent two of his
priests to Castelnuovo to persuade her to come to Turin.’29 Advised by Caffaso ‘to be a nun at
home,’ Benedetta Savio (1825–96), an elementary school teacher from 1849–56, then in charge of
the Pescarmona children’s nursery in her birthplace for almost 50 years, had declined Don Bosco’s
proposal ‘to be co–foundress of the Sisters of Mary Help of Christians’30 either of her own accord or
she was dissuaded by her family. Despite the authoritative nature of the testimony, some errors
and inconsistencies urge one to very much reconsider this information, which seems even more
problematic if one considers the decidedly premature date and the ‘if we wanted to connect it with
the facts in Mornese.’31
The cautious and slow process at Mornese seems to be the only reliable one as it gradually
took shape in Don Bosco’s mind towards 1870, then became a gradually unveiled plan from 1871:
to Fr Pestarino perhaps, and openly to an unforeseeable individual, a benefactress of the
Oratory.32 Mother Enrichetta Dominici (1829–94), beatified in 1978, was Superior General of the
Sisters of St Anne of Providence from 1861. They were founded by Marquis Tancredi and
Marchioness Giulia di Barolo. After earlier talking to her, Don Bosco sent her an extremely
demanding letter on 24 April, 1971, with a copy of the Constitutions attached. ‘I am placing the
Rule of our Congregation in your hands so that you can kindly read it and see if it could be adapted
to an institute of religious women in the sense that I had the honour of explaining to you when I
was with you. You should begin with No. 3 – Purpose of this institution, the Daughters of the
Immaculate – then subtract or add as you see fit in your wisdom for founding an institute where the
daughters will be true religious in the Church’s eye, but will also be free citizens in the eyes of civil
society. If any chapters or articles of the Rule of St Anne could be adapted, I would be very pleased
if you could do so. When you believe it would be good for us to talk about it, let one of our clerics or
delivery men know who often go there. This is certainly inconvenient news for you but I believe it
27 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica I..., pp. 189–192.
28 Cf. , Alle origini di una scelta. Don Bosco, Fondatore di un Istituto religioso femminile, “Salesianum” 50
(1988), p. 157; M. E. POSADA, Don Bosco fondatore dell’Istituto..., in M. MIDALI (Ed.), Don Bosco
Fondatore della Famiglia Salesiana..., p. 291; M. TREACY, Mother Marie–Louise–Angélique Clarac and
Don Bosco, “Journal of Salesian Studies” 5 (1994) 1, pp. 152–159.
29 Cf. I. TUBALDO, Giuseppe Allamano. Il suo tempo. La sua vita. La sua opera, Vol. I 1851–1891. Turin,
Edizioni Missioni Consolata 1982, p. 11.
30 Cf. M. E. POSADA, Alle origini di una scelta..., “Salesianum” 50 (1988), pp. 157–159.
31 Cf. M. E. POSADA, Alle origini di una scelta..., “Salesianum” 50 (1988), p. 162; ID., Don Bosco fondatore
dell’Istituto..., in M. MIDALI (Ed.), Don Bosco Fondatore della Famiglia Salesiana..., p. 292.
32 Cf. letter of Don Bosco 21 September 1869, Em III 137.

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will be for the greater glory of God. If we succeed in winning over some souls, you will have played
a major part in it.’33
Certain assumptions are explicitly revealed here, be it the intention of founding a Religious
Institute for the education of girls, and the plan which had already ripened of beginning with the
Union of the Daughters of the Immaculate. Even outlined there is an Institute identical in religious
and civil terms to the Society of St Francis de Sales. As we see from a letter Dominici wrote on 4
December 1872 to her spiritual director, Mons. Pellegrino Tofoni, secretary of the Archbishop of
Fermo, Cardinal De Angelis, the Superior followed up the request, getting her secretary to write up
the Rule – Sr Francesca [her secular name was Caterina] Garelli. Sr Francesca drew ‘much of it’
from the Rule of the Sisters of St Anne.34
According to the testimony given by Fr Paul Albera at the Apostolic Process, a significant
development occurred the following month. ‘In May 1870 [actually it was 1872], having called a
Chapter meeting, Don Bosco recommended we pray for a month to gain the necessary
enlightenment to know whether or not we should occupy ourselves with girls as he was asked to
do from time to time. When the month was over, he called the Chapter together once more, asking
each one for his opinion. Everyone agreed that we should also do this kind of good, and then he
thought of entrusting this work to Fr Pestarino, a secular priest of the diocese of Acqui resident in
Mornese. While living in his own home there, he was busy as a director of souls but especially of
the Congregation of the Daughters of Mary founded on the example of a Congregation established
in Genoa by Fr D. Frassinetti who was a very close friend of his … I can attest to the above
through direct knowledge, because I belonged to the Chapter when D. Bosco was talking about
this institution.’35
This testimony is a reliable alternative to the minutes of the Superior Chapter meeting of 24
April, 1871, which cannot be found and during which, according to Angelo Amadei, Don Bosco had
manifested his intentions of founding the new Institute.36 We know that it is not exactly correct to
say that the Union of Daughters in Mornese followed Genoa; the order is clearly the reverse. In
one of his Memoirs written soon after the facts, Fr Dominico Pestarino wrote almost word for word
the decisive moment which led Don Bosco over these months to be the new founder. ‘Towards
halfway through June’ 1871, he wrote, Don Bosco ‘explained to D. Pestarino from Mornese at a
private conference with him at the oratory in Turin, his desire to give consideration to the Christian
education of girls of the ordinary people, and stated that Mornese was the place he knew of best
suited for such an Institute. It had a healthy climate, a good religious spirit reigned there, and
already for a number of years the Congregation of Daughters under the name of the Immaculate
and the new Ursulines had been established there. From among these he could easily choose the
ones who were best disposed and called to a life completely in common and away from the world,
because they would already have some idea of a more regulated life and spirit of piety. It would be
easy to begin the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. Through its spirit, example
and salutary instruction, it would help nurture older and younger girls, and following the examples
of the oratories which Don Bosco himself had established in Turin, and the colleges for boys
already to be found in various places, it would, under his guidance and with those few exceptions
and adjustments needed for girls, promote good, offer Christian instruction for so many poor girls
of the ordinary people.’ Don Bosco had asked Fr Pestarino for his opinion and the latter gave full
33 Em III 325.
34 The letter is found in P. CAVIGLIÀ, and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., p. 60.
35 Summarium, Substantialia Causae, p. 68. “Prefect of the day boys” at the Oratory, Fr Albera was elected
as a Councillor to the Chapter on 10 December 1869; cf. Chap. 24, § 1.3.
36 MB X 594.

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assent on condition that Don Bosco accept ‘the management and offer immediate and absolute
protection for the scheme.’37
In another, longer Memoir written after 5 August, 1872, Fr Pestarino followed up with a report on
events, almost identical to the preceding one, with a commentary on what had occurred during Don
Bosco’s illness at Varazze, and some brief notes on the internal life of the members up until the
Institute was formalised in August. During Don Bosco’s illness at Varazze ‘D. Pestarino went to visit
him on a number of occasions.’ Particularly important was the visit on the day of the Epiphany, with
a group from Mornese. Don Bosco asked the Daughters’ spiritual director to bring them together
and, following the Constitutions already available to them, he asked that they move to electing the
Chapter, meaning the Superior and her assistants.38 In fact, it is probable that Fr Pestarino had
already received a draft Rule from Don Bosco some months earlier, consisting of the original
manuscript of the Constituzioni Regole dell’Istituto delle figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (Constitutions,
Rules of the Institute of MHC). We can share here what the Cronistoria says in reference to
summer 1871: ‘In that same summer, and probably at the palazzo of Countess Corsi in Nizza
Monferrato, or at Lanzo during the retreat, Don Bosco gave Fr Pestarino the first draft of the Rule
he had already told him about, telling him to take a look through it: it is only a kind of outline.’39 Fr
Pestarino corrected it and added the title as follows: ‘1871. 24 May. Constitutions, Rules of the
Institute of the Daughters of the Immaculate and Mary Help of Christians. Under the protection of
St Joseph, St Francis de Sales and St Teresa. In 1872, Jan. 29 they began to organise the
Chapter.’ We will see the contents further on.
The elections Don Bosco wanted while he was at Varazze, took place on 29 January, the Feast
of St Francis de Sales. ‘On his return to the village’ the writer of the longer Memoir continues ‘Fr
Pestarino carried out what D. Bosco had suggested to him; without telling anyone, he brought
those who were living in the house near the church together, and all the others in the village, on the
great day of St Francis de Sales:’ ‘When the Veni Creator spiritus had been said, with the Crucifix
exposed on a table between two lit candles, the voting took place, there being 27 present, and the
votes received were read out by Fr Pestarino to Angela Maccagno, the village teacher and up until
then superior of the ones living at home with their families. The election resulted in 21 votes for
Mary Mazzarello daughter of Joseph from Valponasca, with Petronilla 3, Felicina 2, Giovannina 1.’
Mary Mazzarello stated that she did not feel ‘able to manage such a burden.’ Fr Pestarino did not
want to discuss it until first hearing Don Bosco’s opinion. Everyone agreed with the elected one’s
suggestion ‘to leave the choice of the first Superior in D. Bosco’s hands.’ In the meantime, it was
agreed she ‘remain first Assistant known as Vicar.’ Voting continued, and Petronilla became
second Assistant with 19 votes.’ Then two other Assistants were elected: ‘They appointed Felicina
as Novice Mistress and Giovanna [Ferretino] as Bursar, and as Vicar or Vice superior for those
from the village, Teacher Maccagno.’40
5 August, 1872, was the day of the official beginning, with the first fifteen Daughters of Mary
Help of Christians taking the habit and eleven of them professing vows. Diocesan Bishop Giuseppe
Maria Sciandra (1808–88) presided. Don Bosco was present but he was tired from the journey to
Liguria and not in good health. It seemed he had not wanted to come and had decided to only at
the insistence of the bishop who expressly sent his secretary to Valdocco to collect him.
The new Sisters’ habits were brown, their heads covered by the broad blue veil of the
Daughters of the Immaculate. Four of them received the novices’ medal, while the other eleven
professed triennial vows and received the crucifix. At the bishop’s request, Don Bosco addressed
37 The Memoria is mentioned in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 42–44.
38 Second Memoria of Fr Pestarino, in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita…, pp. 44–47.
39 Cronistoria I 250. Don Bosco arrived at the Corsi’s villa on 21 August 1871 and left on the 29th.
40 Second Memoria of Fr Pestarino, in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 46–47.

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the Sisters briefly. The minutes of the ceremony record its topic: ‘The new religious had the
consolation of hearing the most important advice in his own words for corresponding to the grace
of their vocation in the Religious Institute they had embraced.’41 Don Bosco returned to Turin at 5
p.m. The next day he went up to St Ignatius above Lanzo for the retreat and some rest. ‘It seems
my health has improved and here I have been able to get on with a number of matters that have
waited some time,’ he wrote to Fr Rua on the 12th.42 Meanwhile at Mornese, the retreat which
began on 31 July, continued until 8 August. The minutes of the clothing and profession ceremony
bear this date, so Don Bosco’s signature is missing. They were written ‘By request of his Lordship
Bishop Giuseppe Maria Sciandra,’ Don Bosco noted in the margin of the text. It began rather
solemnly: ‘Already for some time, Very Reverend Fr John Bosco, Founder and Director of many
colleges for the Christian education of boys, has wanted to open a house that would be the
beginning of an Institute extending equal benefits to girls mainly of the ordinary class, and finally
his wish has been satisfied. On the fifth day of the current month …’43
4. Early shaping of the Institute
Don Bosco’s desire to be the founder became more intense and evident from 5 August, 1872,
parallel with and tied in with the tangible daily work of practical guidance and religious animation by
the Sister Vicar, soon to become the Superior General.
Don Bosco’s activity was expressed both through direct personal intervention and guidance
passed on through his appointed Director General, at first Fr Pestarino then, following his death, Fr
John Cagliero from 1874, or through the Rector of the local Salesian Community. These men
interpreted Don Bosco’s wishes for the Superior, sisters and pupils. Other guidance came through
contact with the diocesan bishop and the district civil administration.
Obviously, all this happened while the superior and religious in the Institute carried out their
daily work according to their respective responsibilities and competences. In general terms we will
not be dealing with this latter aspect but focusing rather on the part Don Bosco played.
Don Bosco’s interest in the Institute was expressed above all in being careful to give it the best
possible set of Constitutions. The text known as the Costituzioni Regole dell’Istituto delle figlie di
Maria Ausiliatrice had as its basis the text drawn up by Sister Francesca Garelli, which struck a
mean between the rules of the Sisters of St Anne (overall, these were in the majority) and the rules
of the Society of St Francis de Sales. Don Bosco intervened twice, once at the beginning and then
further on, to make modifications. Given that Garelli’s original has disappeared, it is very difficult to
establish the exact extent of the founder’s interventions. These would have been the most
interesting for our history. What has been attempted is a comparative examination of the FMA
draft, that is, the text given Fr Pestarino and reworked by him, the Rule of the St Anne Institute, the
Salesian Constitutions of the 1860s and the Regulations of the Daughters of the Immaculate.44 Two
main, fully reliable conclusions emerge from this: 1) ‘there is a real and intrinsic relationship
regarding structure and content’ among the texts, ‘mediated by the Garelli original; 2) nevertheless,
‘articles of a more elaborate and demanding nature such as “The Purpose of the Institute”
dependence on “the Ordinary” of the place, dependence on the “Superior General of the Society of
St Francis de Sales” and new items such as “The Bursar [economa] and Novice Mistress” and
“Change of the name of the Institute” lead us to believe that there was an intervention of some
importance between the Garelli Original and the FMA draft. The form and content of this
41 Verbale relativo alla Fondazione dell’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice eretto in Mornese, Diocesi di
Acqui, in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., p. 40.
42 Em III 459.
43 The text is found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 38–41.
44 Cf. G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 38–48.

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intervention lead us to believe it can be attributed to Don Bosco, the founder of the FMA.’45 Also, it
‘seems that Ms A [the FMA draft or Constitutions and Rules] is the one Don Bosco gave to Fr
Pestarino’ and which the latter readjusted in term of its headings.46
Of fundamental importance is the section: 1. Purpose of the Institute outlining the religious and
with it social and educational nature of the new Institute. What is evident is the imprint of both
Mornese and Don Bosco on this. The purpose ‘is to attend not only to one’s own perfection but to
cooperate in the salvation of one’s neighbour by giving girls of common folk a moral and religious
education.’ (art. 1) The Daughters ‘will take special care to teach girls in poor villages and towns
and to nurture the spirit of young women who desire to lead a spiritual life and achieve Christian
perfection while living in the world,’ bring them together in ‘congregations’, thus preparing the best
of them for admission to ‘the pious union of the Daughters of the Immaculate and Mary Help of
Christians.’ They would also ‘be ready to lend assistance to the poor who are sick and provide their
neighbour with whatever other charitable service is consistent with their state.’ (art. 2). They may
also accept girls from the middle class into their house, but will never teach them subjects and
skills which are proper to noble, upper class education. They will make every effort to form them in
piety, and everything that can help make them good Christians and good mothers of families.’
(art.3). The ‘Daughters profess common life in everything: the vows will be taken as three lots of
temporary vows over three years; there will be no strict cloister.’ (art. 4). Finally, ‘all the houses and
establishments of the Institute will depend on the central house and will immediately obey that
Superior. She can give them their role, move them, employ them in any way she decides best
before God, and no one may refuse to obey; nor is it allowable under any pretext whatsoever to
refuse any office or role they are chosen for.’ (art. 5) However, the Superior’s authority was not to
be exercised without a higher need or request. In fact, according to the first article under the
second heading, General Arrangements of the Institute, the Institute ‘is in immediate dependence
on the Superior General of the Society of St Francis de Sales, known as the Major Superior. Where
he decides to, he can be represented by a priest whom he delegates, his title being Superior or
Director of the Sisters. The superior of the house will turn to this director for all her needs and will
never undertake anything of importance without his advice, especially in what concerns religion
and morality.’ Clearly the fifth article is also from Don Bosco: ‘When Sisters enter the Institute they
do not lose their civil rights even after taking vows, thus they retain ownership of what is theirs, the
faculty to bequeath or receive inheritances, legacies and donations; but they cannot administer
their goods except within the limits and in the manner desired by the Major Superior.’ The eighth
heading and section, instead, echoes the spirit of the Sisters of St Anne and the Daughters of the
Immaculate: Principal virtues proposed for study by the novices and to be practised by the
professed. ‘Simplicity and virginal modesty, the spirit and strict observance of poverty; patient
charity and zeal, not only for the salvation of children but also of older girls. A spirit of prayer
through which the Sisters remain perpetually in the presence of God and abandon themselves to
his providence. Obedience of will and judgement.’ The broad nature of the fourteenth heading
leaves a similar impression, but it is not dissimilar in a number of its articles to Don Bosco’s ideas
and practices: modesty, mutual charity, books for spiritual reading other than the ones indicated by
the Superior, the Imitation of Christ, Rodriguez, Monaca Santa by St Alphonsus, the lives of saints
who dedicated themselves especially to the apostolate and the education of the young.47
On 3 November, 1872 [or 1874?], Marchioness Maria Fassati wrote to her mother, Azelia de
Seyès, widow of Rodolfo De Maistre (and did she hear this from Don Bosco?): ‘At Mornese for the
last two years, a certain number of young women are being formed to religious life and the
45 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 48–49.
46 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 59.
47 The texts are quoted from the manuscript of the Costituzioni–Regole adjusted by Fr Pestarino, kept in
Rome in the AGFMA.

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bosconian spirit. Don Bosco has given them their Rule which he is studying and improving; then he
will build a house for them in Piazza Maria Ausiliatrice and they will do for girls what the boschini
are doing for boys. They will also look after linen at Don Bosco’s house.’48
5. The ‘Bosconian spirit’ in the founder’s activity (August 1872–spring 1874)
The ‘Bosconian’ or specifically Salesian quality proved to be decisive for the new Institute,
especially in the first two years of its existence. Don Bosco was careful to combine fidelity to the
religious and apostolic aims of the Union of Daughters of the Immaculate with their precise radical
status as women consecrated to God and their apostolic and educational mission according to the
spirit of St Francis de Sales, mediated through the founder. Somewhere between the end of 1873
and early 1874, this led to a calm and amicable but nevertheless clear distinction between the
nature and structure of the two groups, the New Ursulines and the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians.
The educational aim was immediately expressed, throughout 1872–73, by organising an
elementary course of various school subjects and practices in the large building built by Fr
Pestarino. L’Unità Cattolica wrote things up on 1 October, 1873: ‘The results over this year are
better than was commonly anticipated and the teachers who came from Turin at the beginning of
the month to give the pupils their exams gave solemn testimony to this. Bishop Sciandra, Bishop of
Acqui, sought to honour the Institute by his presence, examining the pupils in French and assisting
in the distribution of prizes. He was feted with poetry, songs and music which were also excellent
proof of the progress made by the girls in music.’49 On 11 December, 1873, the Delegate for the
Castelletto d’Orba school district gave official approval, beginning from the 1873–74 school year,
for the girls’ boarding school and associated courses.50 This came as the result of the request from
Emilia Mosca, in charge of the school. She was not yet professed, but it had been made possible
through Don Bosco’s intervention. He had sent two young teachers to Mornese from Turin, one
with a teaching certificate for elementary school and the other with qualifications from the
University of Turin for teaching French. She would gain her teacher’s certificate in 1874. They were
twenty–four year old Angela Jandet from Novara, who arrived on 10 May, 1872, and twenty–year–
old Countess Emilia Mosca (1851–1900), who arrived in Mornese on 30 December, 1872. The
former was among the first eleven to be professed on 5 August, but withdrew at the beginning of
1875. The latter made her profession on 14 June, 1874. She became the headmistress of the
school and boarding section then was Assistant General of the Institute, responsible for schools
until her death. They gave a beginning to the fundamental educational and scholastic activity
typical of the Institute.51
At the same time, Don Bosco was taking a no less important step. He made experienced
individuals available to the community in formation and to the Superior. They helped the newly
consecrated young women establish a regular religious life. In Mother Enrichetta Doninici’s earlier
mentioned letter, to Mons. Pellegrino Tofoni on 4 December, 1872, she added to what we have
already noted: ‘Now Don Bosco wants one of us, and in saying one he means two, to go there to
Mornese, such is the name of the town where the new Institute has arisen, to set these good
48 Found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 58–59.
49 Un buon istituto per le ragazze, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 229, Wednesday 1 October 1873, pp. 919–920.
The text, drawn up by Don Bosco or Fr Durando, probably refers to a private course with internal
examinations, run by Salesians coming from Turin.
50 Cf. P. CAVIGLIÀ, La scuola di Mornese (1872–1878). Alle origini di una scelta per la promozione integrale
della donna, “Rivista di Scienze dell’Educazione” 26 (1988), pp. 159–162; P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA
(Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 95–96.
51 Cf. P. CAVIGLIÀ, La scuola di Mornese (1872–1878)..., pp. 151–186.

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religious women on the path to common life and help them put the rules established for them into
practice.’52 In order to familiarise herself with the situation she herself made a personal visit to
Mornese, where she was welcomed ‘with much warmth and kindness.’ She realised the
correctness of Don Bosco’s request and the opportunity to agree to it. In fact, ‘the house under
discussion’ she wrote to Tofoni on 26 January, 1873, ‘was already well under way as a secular
institute but as a religious house it lacks much in the way of regularity and the means of preserving
it.’ On the other hand, ‘the ground seems to be well prepared; if diligently cultivated we can hope
for good results.’53 She sent Sister Francesca Garelli, the Mother’s secretary and her second
Assistant General, and Angela Alloa, who had an elementary teacher’s upper level certificate. They
arrived at the beginning of Lent 1873 (Ash Wednesday was 26 February and Easter was 13 April)
and returned to Turin for the Easter ceremonies, returning to Mornese after 15 April, remaining
there until September.
One detail highlighted in the biographical sketch of Sr Francesca’s life is interesting (1838–96):
‘The highly ordered, precise spirit of our dear Mother Francesca, her exact observance in forms of
religious behaviour which is religious decorum, and makes her worthy of commendation by people
in the world, were such that she was not too much in agreement with the freer and easier
understanding in which Don Bosco wished to form his new Sisters.’ We could possibly also partly
revise Sr Enrichetta Dominici’s first impressions of the Mornese Community in this light. The two
Institutes owed their origins to very different personalities, and inevitably reflected differences of
mentality, method and style. Don Bosco intended to stamp the Institute he founded with its own
distinctive spirit, so much so that Sister Francesia said that ‘Once the novices had begun to follow
the Founder’s way of thinking’ she very willingly returned to the mother house.54
After the two St Anne’s sisters had returned to Turin, the widow of lawyer Matteo Blengini, who
had been among the benefactors of the early Oratory, arrived in Mornese. She had been sent by
Don Bosco as additional help.55 In the founder’s intentions this outstanding woman, already a
spiritual daughter of Fr Cafasso’s and raised in a monastery in Turin, would support the hesitant
Superior in accepting the burden of office and would help the community’s outward religious face,
temper its austerity and encourage a certain style of relationship both internally and externally.
Since she was somewhat overbearing, she probably did not intend to return to Mornese after going
back to Turin for Christmas festivities, but Don Bosco insisted: ‘If Madam Blengini has not yet gone
to Mornese,’ he wrote to Fr Rua from Rome in early January 1874 ‘tell her not to worry, that things
will come right bit by bit. I have already written her about it; a letter is waiting for her there.’56 But it
would seem that the good woman’s not so discreet zeal soon also changed his thinking. In summer
she finally withdrew from the incongruous and confusing task.57
Don Bosco, however, gave direction and shape to the Institute mainly through direct intervention
and personal presence. He was in Mornese at the beginning of July 1873 from where he wrote to
Fr Rua with some satisfaction: ‘Here we are enjoying an excellent brisk climate, however with
plenty of fire for God’s love.’58 He went back there again in early August while they were having
their retreat (which began on 29 July) in preparation for the clothing of the novices and profession
of those completing their novitiate. Bishop Sciandra, the diocesan bishop, was a guest there from
halfway through July. The preachers were Bishop Andrea Scotton and Jesuit Fr Luigi Portaluri,
52 Found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 60–61.
53 Text found in in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 62–63.
54 Libro delle Suore defunte, Vol. II, pp. 86–87, Arch. Sisters of St Anna, cit. By P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA
(Eds), Orme di vita..., p. 61, n. 6.
55 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale..., pp. 79, 416, 551; Chap. 7, § 1.
56 Em IV 189.
57 Cf. Cronistoria I 50–53, 74–75; II 51, 54 and 596.
58 Letter of 3 July 1873, Em IV 125.

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whom Don Bosco had expressly asked for. He had also invited a dozen or so women who wanted
to be part of the retreat. The founder received the Sisters and postulants, spoke to them in private
and was available for confession. He left together with Fr John Cagliero who had come with him,
on the evening before the closing of the retreat, in order to go up to St Ignatius above Lanzo. On 5
August, following the concluding sermon of the Sister’s retreat, Bishop Sciandra took on the task
and honour of the clothing and profession ceremony.
That same month, Don Bosco was busy again on behalf of Mornese, this time on the mission
front. He had a curriculum printed for the small girls’ boarding school, almost identical to the one
for his colleges, and sent it out to parish priests and other priests, accompanied by a circular. He
wrote: ‘I am taking the liberty of presenting Your Reverences with the curriculum of the girls college
set up at Mornese a year ago. You will certainly appreciate that the purpose of this Institute is to
raise Christian girls in religion and morality. Therefore I place much hope in your kindness and I
respectfully ask you to make this curriculum known and thus gain some pupils for the new house.’59
Then there was the earlier mentioned article by L’Unità Cattolica on 1 October, concerning the first
school year, 1872–73.
The end of 1873 saw the inevitable clarification by Don Bosco of the situation regarding
members belonging to the Union of Daughters of the Immaculate, some of whom were already
professed in the FMA Institute. We gather this from a letter from Fr Carlo Valle, parish priest, to
Bishop Sciandra in Acqui. ‘At the invitation of the Sister Director of Don Bosco’s Institute’ he told
him ‘the Daughters of the Institute of St Angela Merici went to the Director’s residence to hear what
she had to tell them. Sister read the members a passage from a letter by the Very Rev. Don Bosco
expressing the wish that members of St Angela would join with the Sisters of Mary Help of
Christians for the Sunday Conferences, then adding in her own words that it was desirable for the
two Institutes to form just a single one and that indeed our indication of submission and belonging
to Don Bosco’s administration would simply be that of attending the above–mentioned
Conferences.’ This came as a surprise to the Daughters of St Angela who were ‘little prepared to
abandon their own rules and subject themselves to D. Bosco’s Institute which seemed uniquely
adapted to a community [of religious].’ A number of them turned to the parish priest for advice. ‘In
my own view,’ the parish priest said wisely ‘there is nothing stopping there being two institutes in
Mornese and that the Institute of St Angela be promoted and assisted. This would very much help
nurture the goodness and devotion of young women who, having been educated in piety, would be
more easily prepared to leave the world and take refuge with D. Bosco.’ The Bishop’s reply was
crystal clear: ‘I find it appropriate if indeed not essential, to leave the Daughters of the Institute of
St Angela Merici in complete freedom in the matter of joining the Institute of the Sisters of Mary
Help of Christians established there: they may live entirely separate as if the aforesaid Institute did
not exist. It seems that D. Bosco’s invitation is for now limited to an invitation to the Daughters of St
Angela to attend the Sunday Conferences held at the college. This participation is not an
identification of the two Institutes, however, also on this point they can have full freedom to adopt
the practice or not. Forcing them can be the origin of arguments, scruples, etc, and then we find
nitimur in vetitum. This is contrary to our own way of seeing things. I will see to appointing the
Director General of all the Daughters of St Angela residing in the Diocese.’60
The two Institutes, the New Ursulines and the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, lived in
harmony together, respecting differences of purpose, spirit and structures. It involved the wisdom
and refined spirituality of the two leaders, Mary Mazzarello and Angela Maccagno.
59 Circular, undated, but from August 1873, Em IV 154 and Programma. Casa di Maria Ausiliatrice per
educazione femminile in Mornese. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1873: the text is mentioned
in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 81–85.
60 The two letters, from 2 and 7 December respectively, are found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme
di vita..., pp. 90–94.

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In the early weeks of the founder’s sojourn in Rome in 1874 for the definitive approval of the
Salesian Constitutions, there would have been the audience at which the Pope formulated five
reminders, all shared if not even suggested or reformulated by Don Bosco, and which he passed
on to Mornese: ‘Uniformity in food, clothing, permissions, avoiding exceptions, and practice of the
Rule!’61 Unity–uniformity, as we have seen, was also the central theme of one of his first circulars to
the Salesians.62
It was certainly Don Bosco, in those same days, who had explicit reference to the Institute
included in document no. XV of the Positio for approval of the Salesian Constitutions, and the
Summary of the Pious Society of St Francis de Sales. The list of houses of the Congregation
ended with an indication that could be considered the first presentation of the FMA Institute to
Roman ecclesiastical authorities: (16. As an appendix, and dependent on the Salesian
Congregation, is the House of Mary Help of Christians in Mornese, in the diocese of Acqui,
founded with the approval of the Ecclesiastical Authority. The purpose is to do for poor girls what
the Salesians do for boys. There are already forty Religious Sisters looking after 200 girls.’63 As
confirmation of the solid bond, in the founder’s mind, uniting the two Congregations making almost
a single, articulated Religious Family, in the second half of March he sent a circular to Mornese
similar to the one addressed to the Salesians, asking the ‘Daughters of Mary Help of Christians
and the pupils Divine Providence has entrusted to them’ for special prayers to gain approval of the
Constitutions of the Society of St Francis de Sales.64
In a letter to his nephew on 17 April, 1874, Fr Pestarino, referring to missing out on meeting Don
Bosco at Alessandria, since he had just returned from Rome, confirmed and explained the idea the
founder had of legal connections between the FMA Institute and the Salesian Society. Arriving in
Turin for the St Francis de Sales Conferences he wrote: ‘I found him “in camera” with all the
rectors. When we were free we spoke a lot together. He said that the Institute of Mary Help of
Christians was embedded within the Congregation of St Francis de Sales.’65
Two months later, Don Bosco had to go to Mornese following a sad event. Fr Pestarino died
suddenly on 15 May. The funeral was set for the 18th. On the 16th, Fr Francis Bodrato (who was
from Mornese) arrived, and on the 17th Fr John Cagliero accompanied by Fr Joseph Lazzero and
Carlo Gastini. Don Bosco went to Mornese in June with Fr John Cagliero some days prior to the
month’s mind. They were welcomed by a party of three – a Sister, a postulant and a pupil from the
college. He preached a number of instructions in preparation for the clothing of the future novices
and profession of the new Sisters, among whom Emilia Mosca and Enrichetta Sorbone. On the
15th, after the memorial Mass for Fr Pestarino, with the whole community of professed together,
the Sisters proceeded with the election of the Superior General and her Council. Mary Domenica
Mazzarello was voted unanimously. Elected as her collaborators were: Sr Petronilla Mazzarello as
Vicar, Sr Giovanna Ferrettino as Bursar [economa], Sr Felicina Mazzarello, Sr Maria Domenica’s
sister, as Assistant, and Sr Maria Grosso as Novice Mistress. After a brief ferverino, the founder
announced that his representative or Director General was Fr John Cagliero. As the local Salesian
Rector he had already appointed Fr Joseph Cagliero (1847–74) Fr John’s cousin. The young priest
arrived in Mornese on 23 May. He died prematurely on 4 September.
61 The Cronistoria II 61 refers to it without accompanying documentation.
62 Circular towards end of April 1868, Em II 529–531: cf. Chap. 15, § 11.
63 Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari... Torinese sopra l’approvazione delle Costituzioni
della Società salesiana. Relatore... Nobili Vitelleschi... Segretario. Rome, Tipografia Salesiana 1874, p.
46, OE XXV 382.
64 The text is found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 110–111; cf. Circ. ai salesiani
Dilettissimi figli in G. C., 16 March 1874, Em IV 255–256.
65 Letter in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 113–114.

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The Institute was now launched as an autonomous entity, supported and promoted as well as
controlled and watched over. Confirming this was the letter Don Bosco addressed to a benefactor
of close confidence, Francesca Pastore from Valenza Po, on 15 June. He wrote that the
irreparable loss of Fr Pestarino was compensated for by trust in God and the Institute: ’Let us trust
in God, but the great fervour of the professed, the novices and even the pupils gives us good
reason for hope.’ ‘I am involved in this work and with the Lord’s help I trust that I can lead it to a
regular state.’ He added by way of postscript: ‘Yesterday there were thirteen for clothing and nine
professed.’66
During summer and autumn of 1874, a number of events confirmed Don Bosco’s active interest
in the Institute. In July there was a circular inviting men and women to a retreat at the House of
Mary Help of Christians in Mornese.67 A little later the diocesan bishop regularised the position of
Salesian priests with regard to the priestly ministry carried out in the parish and at the Sister’s
college.68 Two particularly important events occurred over the first ten days of October. On 6
October, 1874, Fr James Costamagna (1846–1921) arrived in Mornese as the local spiritual
director and remained there until autumn 1877 when he left for Argentina with the first missionary
Sisters. He was also the rector of a small community of Salesians at Mornese made up, in 1874–
75, of some young clerics and professed coadjutors and some novices. On 1 May, Don Bosco had
asked the Bishop of Acqui if two of the clerics could be admitted to tonsure and minor orders. 69
They were teaching at the local school.
8 October 1874 became an historic date for the Sisters’ community at Mornese. A group of
Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, accompanied by Fr John Cagliero, began a second
community in the Salesian college at Borgo S. Martino where they looked after the kitchen and
clothing but were also involved teaching catechism to the girls of the town. They were Felicina
Mazzarello, Felicina Arecco, Angiolina Deambrogio, Carlotta Pestarino. At the end of month,
Mother Mazzarello accompanied a novice there, Agnese Ricci, and went on with two sisters to
Turin where they were to sit for a supplementary exam in Mathematics to gain their elementary
teacher’s certificate: all three were guests of the St Anne Sisters.
Further confirmation of Don Bosco’s thinking on the religious and apostolic closeness of the
Daughters of Mary Help of Christians with the Salesian Society is found in the postscript of a letter
he sent a month later to Fr Bonetti from Rome. Fr Bonetti was Rector of the college at Borgo S.
Martino. The postscript echoed an audience granted Don Bosco by Pius IX: ‘You should also pass
on with my greetings, all the spiritual favours. Then the Salesians, our pupils, the Daughters of
Mary Help of Christians should pass them on to their own families. Such is Pius IX’s intention.’70
The spiritual goods of one were also the spiritual goods of the other, including their respective
families.
6. Approval of the Constitutions of the Salesian Society (1872–74)
Armed with reckless hope and illusory tenacity, Don Bosco had hoped to gain everything right from
the outset of procedures in Rome: approval of the Congregation and its Constitutions and with
these, faculties of exemption and dimissorials on which the freedom and facility of his work
depended. Instead, he had to resign himself to gaining these things by degrees. Following
66 Em IV 296.
67 Cf. P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 127–128.
68 Exchange of letters between the Bishop of Acqui and the parihs priest of Mornese on 10 and 12
September 1874, found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (Eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 130–133.
69 Letter of 10 May 1875, Em IV 463–464.
70 Letter of 15 March 1875, Em IV 441.

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approval of the Society it was then the turn of the Constitutions; after this the so–called ‘privileges’
were granted.
Apparently, the question of approval of the Constitutions was never touched on over his three
stays in Rome in 1871 and 1872. Don Bosco was preparing the solution. His many contacts should
have made it more viable. However, while waiting, he did not tire of asking, from time to time, either
the Pope directly or through intermediaries,71 for the granting of the faculty of dimissorials for cases
not contemplated by the 1 March 1869 decree. He presented a list of eleven names in a petition to
Pius IX prior to 13 August, 1869.72 For some of them, Bodrato and Guidazio,73 he had also asked
separately. He then followed up with Berto and Barberis.74
Finally, at Don Bosco’s request, Cardinal Berardi told him on 27 August 1872 that the Pope
thought ‘there would be no difficulty’ for the founder to be able to ‘freely put the request’ ‘through
the usual channels’ for approval of the Constitutions of the Society.75
Don Bosco prepared to submit the dossier by finalising three documents: 1) The partially
modified text of the 1867 Constitutions;76 2) A brief note De regulis Societatis Salesianae aliqua
Declaratio, in which he illustrated and gave reasons for accepting or rejecting the 13
animadversiones (objections or at least observations) sent him by the Congregation of Bishops
and Regulars in 1864, and repeated during procedures for approval of the Society in 1868–69.77 In
the Declaratio, which was a more summary kind of reply to the animadversiones than the other
document, the Super animadversiones in Constitutiones, Don Bosco insisted on defending the
essential points of the constitutional text; 3) The information booklet De Societate S. Francisci
Salesii brevis notitia et nonnula decreta ad eamdem spectantia.78 This was the 1868 text updated
by adding the 1 March 1869 decree approving the Salesian Society, plus a summary of the current
situation of the Salesianae Societatis praesens: 4 oratories and 7 houses.
Don Bosco kept the points he considered essential in the text of the Constitutions, in relation to
the specific nature of his religious society and the demands of his ever–increasing youth works in
need of assistance and teachers.79 Essentially there were four of them: 1) the faculty for the
Superior General to issue dimissorial letters for ordination ad quemcumque episcopum (to any
bishop). In fact he was convinced that the decree of approval of the Congregation on 1 March,
1869, opened the way to including this in the Constitutional text: for candidates who had entered a
Salesian house prior to turning 14, the decree itself was enough; Don Bosco felt that so long as he
presented a list of candidates80 the papal decree was automatically applied to others; 2) exclusion
of any canonical references that might appear to make his Institute a conventual one and thus
hypothetically falling foul of the 7 July 1866 law of suppression. According to Don Bosco, this would
occur if the constitutional text explicitly sanctioned the need for the Holy See’s agreement for
certain financial operations or for opening new houses and accepting seminarians; 3) the
possibility of ‘affiliating’ ‘external members’ to the Society. Rules for this were attached as a chapter
71 From among them emerged the skilful and prompt Cardinal Giuseppe Berardi: cf. For example, the
Cardinal’s letter of 9 June and 15 July 1871, in MB X 669–670.
72 Em III 122–123; cf. Already two years earlier, letter to P. Marietti, 5 May 1869, Em III 84.
73 To Pius IX, May and July 1869, Em III 90 and 111.
74 To Pius IX, August and 8 November 1870, Em III 123, 268–269.
75 Letter of 27 August 1872, in MB X 673.
76 Cf. Regulae Societatis S. Francisci Salesii. Augustae Taurinorum, Ex officina Asceterii Salesiani 1873, 38
p., OE XXV 35–72.
77 Cf. text in Cost. SDB (Motto) 248.
78 Cf. text in OE XXV 103–121.
79 The succession of variations added to the text from 1867 to 1873 (from doc. Ls to doc. Ns) is
reconstructed in minute detail in the critical edition edited by Francesco Motto, Cost. SDB 18–19, 58–
211.
80 Cf. conference to Salesians on the evening of 7 March 1869, MB IX 563–567.

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placed as an appendix to the constitutional text. According to him, both the Church and the Society
would benefit greatly from the collaboration of such members; 4) omission of the formal
requirements of a three yearly report to the Holy See, removing the risk that the civil powers would
consider the Society to be a moral entity where its goods might then fall under the control of
secular bodies.81 As for the fact that Don Bosco had put aside the troublesome 13
animadversiones, the new Consultor Dominican Father Raimondo Bianchi, after examining the text
of the Constitutions in 1873, had starkly noted: ‘I was not a little surprised to see that most of them
have been omitted or dodged under more or less specious pretexts attached to the petition by the
Superior General in something called a Declaration on the Rules [the Declaratio mentioned
earlier].82
The fight over the ‘animadversiones’ also moved into the practical realm for Don Bosco and he
was reminded of this, to his bitter surprise, by Turin’s Ordinary, Lorenzo Gastaldi. In a letter on 24
October, 1872, the Archbishop stated that he felt ‘deep affection for the Congregation’ founded by
his peer and friend, and that he considered it to be ‘a work inspired by God’ stating that he was
‘very happy to continue to assist it so it could succeed in gaining full approval from the Vicar of
Jesus Christ.’ However, mindful that good must be done well and that bonum ex integra causa,
malum ex quocumque defecta, he was placing taxing conditions on the admission of Salesian
candidates to tonsure and minor orders. He claimed it was entirely legitimate, asked for by the
Council of Trent and in harmony with the limited faculties granted by the decree of approval of the
Society. Presentation to the Ordinary of candidates for tonsure and orders would be conditional on
fulfilment of some of their precise obligations: presenting themselves personally to the Archbishop
40 days prior to ordination; producing a signed certificate, which included year of entry at the
Oratory and which specified the place and number of years study from grammar school (Latinitas,
Arts course) through to philosophy and theology, and indicated the year and date of profession or
renewal of triennial vows. They would then need to sit for an exam on at least two entire treatises
of theology ‘which would be selected differently for every ordination’ on everything concerning the
Order to be received. He added that the Ordinary could also have demanded that Don Bosco’s
students attend classes at the Seminary, but he was confident that ‘the exam would provide such
proof of study and profit from the theological disciplines that it would not be necessary to oblige
them to observe that requirements.’83
In his reply, written two weeks later with ‘embittered heart and worried mind’ (at the end of the
letter he even confessed: ‘I have written almost without knowing what I have written’). Don Bosco
showed he was not aware if the Archbishop’s directives were in reference so much to particular
cases or rather were a program of episcopal governance aimed at normalisation of ecclesiological
perspective. The Archbishop could only be amazed at the request Don Bosco then made: ‘I am
asking you as best I know how, to write to me or tell me or have someone else tell me what has
gone wrong between us so we can know how to deal with one another and what limits we need to
observe.’ The final observation must have disturbed him even more: ‘Allow me to be bold by saying
that if you continue along these lines you will end up being feared by many and loved by few.’84
Supposing that his directives regarding ordinands were something that could have been foreseen,
the Archbishop replied the same day, explaining his thinking concerning these conditions as the
basis on which he had supported the approval of the Salesian Constitutions in Rome. It was
inspired by a precise theology of Church and, as part of that, of Bishops and Religious Institutes
81 De regulis Societatis salesianae aliqua declaratio, in Cost. SDB (Motto) 248.
82 Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari... sopra l’approvazione della Società Salesiana...
Rome, Tip. Poliglotta della S.C. di Propaganda 1874, p. 28, OE XXV 364: the complete text on pp. 28–
36, OE XXV 364–372.
83 Letter of 24 October 1872, in MB X 683–684.
84 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 9 November 1872, Em III 488–489.

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and the way they related to each other. Furthermore his requirements were identical to those put
forward by the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars and the conditions sine qua non for approval
of the Constitutions: setting up a novitiate, the containment within precise limits of ‘exemption from
the Bishop’s authority,’ the non–admissibility in the constitutional text of the faculty to issue
dimissorials. ‘In primis et ante omnia,’ the Archbishop stated ‘continuation and flourishing of the
Congregation of St Francis de Sales depends on a good Novitiate,’ ‘this Congregation currently
lacks a Novitiate;’ ‘so I cannot promote [the final and complete] papal approval of this Congregation
except on condition that it establishes such a Novitiate.’85
Also, while admitting the convenience of exemption for Religious Orders he stated that he was
‘opposed to any unnecessary exemptions, especially if harmful as, in my view, is the one that
wants to say that the bishop does not diligently examine ordinands. The Council of Trent and the
Bishop’s Pontifical order the bishop to do this.’ It was his ‘intention to build up, not destroy, to
cooperate in doing good, not in impeding it.’ He was, therefore, asking the recipient to examine
whether, in his ‘complaints’ ‘there may be something not right’ and if he could ‘lend a hand to
correct it.’86
In reply, Don Bosco recalled a discussion he had had with Pius IX on the occasion of the
procedures for approval of the Society. During it, the Pope seemed to have legitimised what was
being done at the Oratory to form those enrolling in the Congregation. ‘If there is no novitiate by
that name there is one in fact,’ was the gist of his reply. It was unlikely that claims entrusted to
vivae vocis oraculo would have succeeded with Gastaldi or that they would have convinced him to
alter deep–rooted theological, legal and pastoral convictions.87 Exactly a month later, as agreed,
Don Bosco sent the draft of the Brevis notitia to the Archbishop for him to take a look at, promising
once again to let him see the draft copy of the Constitutions. The final lines of his letter showed
what the blockage was, visible in the tautological motivation for a proposal that the Archbishop
probably felt was offensive: “if you would also like your recommendation to be printed along with
the Brevis notitia, it would make it much easier to ensure it would be read.’88
On 10 February, 1873, Archbishop Gastaldi issued his letter of recommendation in Latin. In it he
wrote an extremely benevolent account of the history of Don Bosco’s work and the work of his
Society on behalf of the young, regarding it ‘as worthy as ever to be given the protection of the
Holy Apostolic See.’ However, he added six predictable conditions: the founder would have to
present the final version of the Rule and include in it rules for the novitiate which would guarantee
a lasting formation of excellent members, keeping them as close as possible to the current rules of
the Jesuits; no member of the Salesian Society would be promoted to Holy Orders before
professing perpetual vows; those being promoted to either minor or major Orders would, following
the precepts of the Council of Trent, have to submit themselves to a diligent examination by the
ordaining bishop; the right of the bishop to visit the public churches and oratories of the
Congregation was to be maintained; the Congregation would be granted the decree of exemption
from the bishop’s jurisdiction that was needed for its preservation, and no more. The right and
duties of bishops in everything else were to remain intact.89 The Archbishop communicated
identical thinking to the bishops of Piedmont and of other dioceses where Salesian institutes were
to be found, expressing the wish that they include similar requests in their own letters of
85 Letter of 9 November 1872, in MB X 684–685. The novitiate was not really spoken about, not even in the
text of the Constitutions that Don Bosco set about providing for the request for approval on 1 March
1873.
86 Ibid., p. 685.
87 Letter of 23 November 1872, Em III 494–495.
88 Letter of 23 December 1872, Em III 499.
89 The recommendation found in Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari..., pp. 9–11, OE XXV
345–347.

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recommendation so as to ‘maintain good harmony between the respective bishops and the houses
of the Congregation when’ as he said ‘I hope it will be approved.’90
Don Bosco departed for Rome on 18 February, 1873. He left there on 22 March after presenting
a formal request to the Pope for approval of the Constitutions. The request, in Latin, was dated
‘Turin, 1 March, 1873.’ The opening gambit was an example of considerable dexterity: ‘The
Salesian Society, which you, Holy Father, have founded guided and bolstered through your efforts
and advice, begs new favours of your great kindness.’ A twofold request followed: ‘definitive
approval to issue dimissorials.’ He provided a list of attachments: the Brevis notitia, various copies
of the latest edition of the Constitutions, ‘some remarks on various small variations which
experience has shown to be very useful for the development and consolidation of the
Congregation’ that is, the well–known Declaratio.91 He also passed on the letters of
recommendation to Archbishop Salvatore Nobili Vitelleschi, the Secretary of the Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars. These had come in February and March from the Bishops of Casale,
Savona, Vigevano, Albenga, Genoa, Fossano.92 Of these, the only one which accepted some of
Gastaldi’s requests was the Archbishop of Genoa, Salvatore Magnasco: perpetual vows required
of ordinands, examination prior to ordination, the right to visit churches and chapels.93 The letter of
recommendation defending the Congregation issued by Bishop Manacorda was exceptionally
substantial. As a young priest he had entered the Roman Curia through Don Bosco’s
recommendation and as a thirty–eight–year–old, again at Don Bosco’s recommendation, he had
been appointed Bishop of Fossano in November 1871.94
Archbishop Gastaldi did not limit himself to a letter of recommendation. He further illustrated the
conditions he had listed there. If they were not met he did not consider approval appropriate, as he
wrote in two letters, one to Cardinal Prospero Caterini, Prefect of the Congregation of the Council,
and the other to Cardinal Andrea Bizzari, Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars,
dated 19 February and 20 April 1873 respectively. In the former case he indicated his fear that Don
Bosco might not for now present his requests for ‘definitive approval’ of the Congregation because
of the conditions laid down by his Ordinary. In fact, Gastaldi was of the view that the approval thus
far gained was incomplete and ‘temporary’. Don Bosco’s possible refusal to send on the request
would probably lead some to look for the reasons for the conditions imposed by his archbishop: a
regular novitiate, sound and serious philosophical and theological studies, perpetual vows prior to
holy orders. Therefore he was briefly illustrating these so Cardinal Caterini could examine them
and offer his view. As for dimissorials, though, he was of the opinion that Don Bosco could keep
the faculty of issuing them for those who had entered the Oratory before they turned 14 and had
taken perpetual vows.95
The letter to Cardinal Bizzari on 20 April was more expansive, and concerned with the present
and future of the Salesian Society. The achbishop was asking primarily if the Society should be
‘considered as already approved by the Holy See and therefore already admitted to enjoying the
rights and privileges of Regulars,’ or should it be ‘considered as a Congregation’ – and he wanted
this clarified – ‘only enjoying the benevolence of the Holy See, and therefore those privileges
already granted should be thought of as ad experimentum, temporary, and not to be extended to
being the privileges of Regulars.’ He then went to certain content in the constitutions which,
furthermore, had never been approved by him or his predecessors: 1) Above all they lacked ‘rules
90 To Bishop P. De Gaudenzi, Bishop of Vigevano, 11 January 1873, MB X 694.
91 Em IV 59–60; cf. The Italian translation and, following on from the Latin text, lindications of modifications
to the Constitutions, in MB X 699–703 and again 894–895.
92 Texts found in Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari..., pp. 18–27, OE XXV 354–63.
93 Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari..., pp. 26–27, OE XXV 362–363.
94 Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari..., pp. 23–25, OE XXV 359–361.
95 Letter of 19 February 1873, in MB X 697–698.

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essential for a good Novitiate.’ What Don Bosco was doing with an education that could form
excellent Christians was not enough to form ‘good religious’; 2) It was ‘no small disturbance to
ecclesiastical discipline’ in the diocese when the Superior had the ‘faculty to present’ young men
‘for ordination’ who lacked ecclesiastical patrimony and had only professed triennial vows; 3) Even
more serious was the problem ‘following another faculty’ which Don Bosco claimed he had ‘for
presenting young men for ordination who had entered his Congregation after turning 14, even after
turning 20,’ some of whom had been sent away from the seminary and had then been assigned to
institutes in other dioceses to be ordained. ‘Some of these’ he said ‘returned to the diocese when
their triennial vows elapsed.’ ‘They are priests without their diocesan bishop playing any part in it,
and whom indeed he may even have judged unsuitable.’ He mentioned the case of a priest from
Saluzzo diocese, Luigi Chiapale, who drank too much, had already been professed as a Salesian
[probably with temporary vows]; had been expelled or left the Congregation of his own accord and
then returned to the diocese; 4) Finally, it was difficult to form clergy well–educated in philosophy,
and candidates for ordination in theology who were engaged ‘in school, teaching Latin or some
trade or other subject.’ He then followed up with a few practical proposals which we have
substantially noted. The first of them was the only novelty: ‘Let the rules of this Congregation be
examined by the Archbishop of Turin and approved by him. If the Archbishop refuses to approve
them, he will explain the reasons to the Bishop of Casale, Savona, Albenga and the Archbishop of
Genoa where Don Bosco currently has houses, and between them arrive at approval among all of
them.’96
This was a tough blow for Don Bosco, who precisely over these days was led to fear he could
lose his highest protector – in early April the national and foreign press had spread news of a
sudden worsening of the state of health of the eighty–year–old Pius IX. Further, but passing
concern at his decline was announced in May, but this was followed by an overall improvement in
June, and after a brief lapse this improvement picked up finally at the end of August.97
Around the end of April, beginning of May 1873, the archbishop gave a practical example of his
convictions regarding a few particular cases. Through his secretary Canon Tommaso Chiuso, he
let Don Bosco know that he was not admitting members of the Salesian Society to ordination while
he was allowing two seminarians who had left the seminary, Borelli and Rocca, to be put up at the
Oratory, and until Don Bosco had made a formal declaration that anyone who had been at a
seminary in the Turin Archdiocese would not be accepted as a cleric in any of the houses of the
Congregation.98
Don Bosco responded firmly, finding the conditions the archbishop had imposed to be drastic
and unjustly punitive with regard to those who had left the seminary, since they also needed
special help. As for the request for a declaration, he felt it was illegal and harmful both to his men
and the diocese. He did not feel authorised to issue such a statement unless there was ‘some
ruling from the Church’ which he did not know about.99 Towards the end of the letter he went
further, making a disconcerting and decidedly counterproductive reference to Gastaldi’s elevation
to the episcopate and his appointment to Turin. He wrote: ‘I would like you to be informed that
certain news items which someone else has locked away in Government drawers, are doing the
rounds in Turin. We hear from these that if Canon Gastaldi was Bishop of Saluzzo it was because
Don Bosco proposed him. If the Bishop then became Archbishop of Turin it was almost at Don
96 Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari..., pp. 12–17, OE XXV 348–353. On Chiapale’s return
to the diocese, cf. letter of Don Bosco to Archbishop Gastaldi of 16 June 1869, Em III 100; on some
precedents, letters of Don Bosco to Fr Rua of 24 January and 21 April 1869, Em III 43 and 75.
97 Cf. C. M. FIORENTINO, La malattia di Pio IX nella primavera del 1873 e la questione del conclave, in
“Rassegna storica del Risorgimento” 78 (1991) 175–204.
98 Cf. letter of 29 April and 7 May 1873, cit. in MB X 716–717.
99 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 14 May 1873, Em IV 96–97.

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Bosco’s suggestion. And we know what difficulties had to be overcome for this to happen. Also
noted are the reasons why I went into bat for you, amongst others the great good you had done for
our house, our Congregation.’100 An identical direct statement of the kind would appear once more
on the dramatic 28 October 1875, about which we will have something to say.101
Other remarks which would not have pleased the archbishop can also be found in a letter of 12
August, 1873, in which Don Bosco defended his actions on behalf of certain former seminarians.
There he dared comment on a letter Gastaldi had written about him to the Bishop of Vigevano: ‘If it
was not a bishop you had written to I would say it was written in jest, but instead it was serious;’ ‘I
can say that I will have to account to the Lord for some mistakes I have made in my lifetime, but I
know of none in your regard … I know you are concerned about what is for the greater glory of
God and I do what I can to the same end; so why can’t we agree? Try to tell what you want from
me.’102
Undoubtedly, despite their friendship in the past, as bishop, Gastaldi did not intend having one
of his priests as his monitor and spiritual counsellor. He wanted obedience and submission, pure
and simple, similar to what he had sought from his confreres as the disappointed superior of the
Rosminian community at Cardiff.103 However a fortnight after the traumatic letter of 14 May, Don
Bosco thought it appropriate to follow up on the request for the problematic declaration, except for
two situations and with one reservation. He would continue to accept people who had been in
Salesian houses prior to turning 14, or who had asked to come in order to learn some skill or trade.
Finally he wanted his declaration made ‘with the reservation and limits prescribed by the sacred
canons established to safeguard the freedom of religious vocations.’104 Naturally, the reservation
which gave Don Bosco a free hand to act according to his conscience was not one the archbishop
accepted, and he rejected the declaration. This was a dispute between two men of strong
character and tenacious beliefs. A reforming bishop was struggling with determination pro aris et
focis for his diocese, the Church, for the serious nature of religious and clerical life, and was trying
to win his brother bishops over to the cause. And besides, ‘good must be done well’ was a phrase
a younger Don Bosco had been told in the 1850s by the austere but also benevolent Fr Cafasso.
On the other side, a man counter–attacking, intent on consolidating his Religious Society, his youth
world and the personnel running them, trying to resolve the urgent problem of salus animarum and
moved by a different functional point of view; ‘It is enough to do the good you can amid so many
miseries,’ as he had first replied to Fr Cafasso two decades earlier.
7. The objective achieved ( 3/13 April. 1874)
Procedures set in motion within the Roman Curia did not stop. By letter on 19 May. 1973 the
Secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, Salvatore Nobili Vitelleschi, let Don Bosco
know that the Congregation’s Consultor, Dominican Fr Raimondo Bianchi, had given his ‘vote’ on
the text of the Constitutions, suggesting ‘many modifications.’ Letting him know he would be
sending him the official summary of their comments, he anticipated one item of information that
would have alarmed Don Bosco and was intended to make him more prepared to acquiesce:
’Meanwhile, what I can tell you is that the matter of the dimissorials has been argued against by all
parties.’105
100 Ibid., Em IV 97.
101 Cf. Chap. 20, § 4.
102 Em IV 143–144.
103 Cf. G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815–1883, Vol. I, Teologo, pubblicista, rosminiano, vescovo di
Saluzzo: 1815:1871. Casale Monferrato, Piemme 1983, pp. 112–115.
104 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 29 May 1873, Em IV 105.
105 Letter cit. in MB X 726.

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The summary arrived at the end of July with 28 ‘animadversiones’ drawn from the 38 the
Consultor had formulated.106 Vitelleschi suggested in a friendly but frank manner that he willingly
follow up on these. Moreover, this Curia man who also came from a noble family very sympathetic
to Don Bosco, was the best one to inform him of the legal limits beyond which it was neither
permitted nor productive to venture into. He wrote: ‘I am of the view that you should accept them
without demure, include them in the Constitutions then send these back to the Sacred
Congregation. Most of the ‘animadversiones’ are an application of rules established by Rome for
new Institutes. I can see what they want for Novitiates and Studies and Ordinations is what you
would like modified and eliminated; but on the other hand, it is precisely all this on which Ordinaries
have always insisted and on which the Holy See has stood firm and immovable.107
The position of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars on the legal ties between the
diocesan Ordinary and the Salesian Society emerged from the reply – given on 26 July – to
Archbishop Gastaldi’s query: is the Congregation of St Francis de Sales ‘directly subject to the
Holy See and is it immune from the bishop’s jurisdiction, yes or no?’ The Congregation of Bishops
and Regulars was able to indicate, said the reply on 8 August, that the Salesian Society ‘is only an
institute of simple vows and such institutions are not exempt from episcopal jurisdiction except for
the Constitutions when they have been approved by the Holy See, and any special privileges it has
obtained’; ‘however, we should not hide the fact that Father Bosco has obtained more than one
special privilege concerning dimissorials to be issued for a certain number of his students and most
recently at an audience on 8th inst. (August) he has obtained another similar privilege for six
students.’108
Don Bosco knew of neither the question nor the reply when he responded to Archbishop
Vitelleschi’s letter of 26 July on 4 August. He noted that the current animadversiones ‘put matters
further behind than they were earlier,’ meaning 1864, and that the ‘unrestricted faculty for
dimissorials’ was absolutely essential for the Salesian Society not to remain ‘a diocesan
Congregation.’ As for ‘study, the novitiate and other matters’ he had explained what had already
been agreed with Bishop Svegliati, Cardinal Quaglia and Pius IX himself. Finally he said: ‘If I could
not count on your valuable patronage I would have quickly withdrawn.’109 It was an off–the–cuff
reply but one full of hope for a positive hearing. His state of mind changed profoundly when, after a
‘cursory glance’, he gave the document a more thorough reading. He wrote of this to his usual
authoritative man of trust, Archbishop Vitelleschi. On 25 August, he wrote that in practical terms he
had met ‘serious difficulties’ in modifying the Constitutions in the manner proposed by the
animadversiones. So he returned to well–worn arguments that were outdated or of scant credibility:
he would have had to remove things ‘that in general had already been approved for other Religious
Orders and clerical Congregations’ such as the Jesuits, Redemptorists, Oblates, Rosminians,110 he
would have had to ‘also radically alter a basis established by the Holy Father with which I have had
to coordinate all the Salesian rules’; the Congregation ‘would not exist as such’ because having
houses in different dioceses, it would have to depend only on the Ordinary, in the external exercise
of what pertains to Religion’; ‘and besides, I have tried not to vary or destroy what it seemed had
already been established by the two decrees issued in 1864, 1869.’ He had lost faith in the
proceedings and was resolute: ‘Should you see it as absolutely essential to adopt all these
observations I will desist from any further requests since an approval in this sense would very
106 Cf. Text in Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari..., pp. 37–40, OE XXV 373–376; Cost. SDB
(Motto) 244–245.
107 Letter of 26 July 1873, cit. in MB X 728.
108 Letter in MB X 729–730.
109 To Archbishop S. Nobili Vitelleschi, 4 August 1873, Em IV 138–139.
110 From the Rome chronicle of Don Bosco’s secretary, Gioachino Berto, we see that in the first ten days of
February 1874, Don Bosco met especially with Redemptorists, Passionists and Vincentians.

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much worsen the current situation of the Salesian Society.’111 Naturally, he had no interest in going
back to animadversiones which had accompanied the 1864 decree but which had never been
forgotten by the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. It is obvious that some of the
animadversiones from summer 1873 would radically go against Don Bosco’s older and essential
expectations, and would indeed make these worse by adding new requests: in particular the 4th
(civil rights) 5th (vow of poverty), 16th (novitiate), 17th (time and place for philosophical and
theological studies), 25th (purchases and alienations, civil causes), 28th (the faculty of
dimissorials). The consultation prepared for members of the Special Congregation in 1874 would
have emphasised these same points regarded as fundamental by those requesting them and
inadmissible by the one being asked to implement them.112
The new, broader and just as forceful observations led Don Bosco to prepare his defence on a
more extensive front and to draw up supplementary documentation. This included: Osservazioni
sulle Costituzoni della Società di S. Francesco di Sales e loro applicazioni (Observations on the
Constitutions…… and their application)113 and a Cenno istorico (Historical outline) as his historical,
legal justification.114 In Rome, Don Bosco would have been discouraged from attaching the Cenno
to the official dossier, so he would have distributed it privately to members of the special
Congregation. On 30 December he was in Rome with his secretary and valuable copyist Fr
Joachim Berto, to follow up the final stages of these lengthy procedures. He immediately met with
Archbishop Vitelleschi and Cardinal Berardi whom he considered influential and trustworthy
friends. Received in audience with the Pope on 5 January, 1874, among other things he spoke of
negotiations for the imminent foundation of a school of arts and trades in Hong Kong and of other
matters concerning the life of the Congregation.115 Already in the early days of his stay in Rome,
Don Bosco met with Bishop Simeoni, Secretary of Propaganda, and the Cardinal Prefect,
Alessandro Barnabò, had expressed the wish to see him again. Don Bosco said he would visit him
after having spoken with Archbishop Raimondi, Prefect Apostolic of the Hong Kong mission. They
met a number of times during January116 arriving at an agreement which would not, however, come
to a good result, though Don Bosco had already thought of the Economer General, Fr Angelo
Savio, as the Rector of the new work.117
Fr Giovanni Bertazzi, a missionary from Brescia, had a number of meetings and an exchange of
letters with Don Bosco, in the name of the Bishop of Savannah, Redemptorist William Gross. He
was in Rome and Turin for a number of months to discuss the founding and running of a complex
work: the diocesan seminary, a college, hospice for orphans, two free schools.118 On 6 March, they
had an audience together with the Secretary of Propaganda Fide, Simeoni.119 Fr Bertazzi was also
a guest at the Oratory for a few days, even hoping to return to the United States at the end of May
with two Salesians. Among them and leading them he had in mind Don Bosco, or Fr Rua, who
knew some English, or Fr John Cagliero or Fr Angelo Savio. But this grand plan laid out in a widely
read memoir dated ‘Turin, 9 April, 1874’ was seen to be unworkable.120
111 Letter of 25 August 1873, Em IV 151–152.
112 Cf. Consultazione per una Congregazione particolare, pp. 7–13, OE XXV 393–399.
113 Published in Cost. SDB (Motto) 245–247.
114 Cf. [G. BOSCO], Cenno istorico sulla Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales e relativi schiarimenti. Tip.
Poliglotta della S. C. di Propaganda 1874, 20 p., OE XXV 231–250. On the draft and its contents, cf. P.
BRAIDO, L’idea della Società Salesiana nel “Cenno istorico” di don Bosco del 1873/1874, RSS 6 (1987)
245–331.
115 Cf. Letter to Fr M. Rua, 5 January 1874, Em IV 194–195.
116 Cf. G. BERTO, Brevi appunti…, pp. 14, 27, 35, 38, 40.
117 Cf. Letter to Fr M. Rua of 11 January, Em IV 203: ‘Tell D. Savio’ he wrote ‘to prepare himself to be a saint
so he can go and sanctify people in Hong Kong.’
118 Cf. G. BERTO, Brevi appunti…, pp. 64, 70, 72; letter of Don Bosco to Fr M. Rua, 4 April 1874, Em IV 275.
119 G. BERTO, Brevi appunti…, p. 73.
120 Cf. MB X 1270–1272, 1358–1371.

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At any rate, on the threshold of approval of the Constitutions, one or other of the proposals was
still the subject of serious negotiations. It was no utopia. Don Bosco felt justified in insisting in word
and in writing on the granting of faculties vital to the more efficient operation of his Religious
Institute.121
However, those who were hesitant about this were no less insistent. A particularly strong letter
from the Archbishop of Turin had come to Cardinal Bizzari in early January, repeating the need ‘to
make a two year Novitiate obligatory,’ with serious formation in humility and submission. He added
two new proposals: giving the Ordinaries of dioceses where Salesian houses were to be founded
the faculty of interfering in promotion of members of the Society to Holy Orders ‘so that none of its
members could be promoted without the positive and explicit consent of the diocesan bishop,’ also
giving the same bishops ‘the faculty of examining said members before admitting them to perpetual
vows.’ Also repeated and made more loaded were accusations concerning the lack of clerical
formation within the Salesian Society, reporting the problematic situation of two clerics, one from
Saluzzo diocese, the other from the Archdiocese of Turin and both formed at Don Bosco’s
Oratory.122 By comparison with his earlier letters, Archbishop Gastaldi took a daring step forward:
he seemed to be offering himself as Don Bosco’s collaborator in giving stability and cultural and
spiritual consistency to the Salesian Society, almost as the guardian of a body without a father, or
with a father who was as inadequate at forming religious as he was exceptional as an educator of
the young.
It should be noted that in the meantime, Don Bosco was also busy with extraordinary diligence
with the problem of the exequatur.123 Over the first two months of his time in Rome he informed his
archbishop of the shifting events in the matters, wanting him to be the first to benefit from such a
hotly debated solution. The four letters sent to Gastaldi between 11 January and 8 February reflect
the tortuous path in search of formulas acceptable to both the Italian Government and the Holy
See: ‘Proceedings in the well–known affair are progressing well;’124 ‘the well–known affair is
complete. One formula has been accepted by both parties;’125 ‘everything appears to be at an end,
but today there is a hitch.’126 It seems a solution might have been arrived at, but ‘publicity in the
matter’ attributed to the Archbishop of Turin had aroused opposition – ‘but all that was just a
smokescreen to hide the real situation.’ Don Bosco maintained that ‘the real truth is that a day
earlier, a harsh letter arrived from Bismarck protesting against the voices of reconciliation and
especially against the bishops who … etc. Proceedings have not broken down, just been
interrupted.127
Don Bosco only found out about the Archbishop’s 9 January letter to Cardinal Bizzari some
weeks later, but in time still to prepare his defence. It had been copied and signed by one of the
accused, Fr Giovanni Battista Anfossi, a former pupil at the Oratory. The copy was sent to Don
Bosco, who in turn also had it copied and sent to each Cardinal in the special Congregation.128 He
also had the text of the Constitutions printed in January by the Poliglotta Vaticana. The articles on
civil rights and the fact that the Congregation was not a moral entity remained unchanged. Two
121 Cf. [G. BOSCO], Cenno istorico sulla Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales..., p. 20, OE XXV 250 e P.
BRAIDO, L’idea della Società Salesiana nel “Cenno istorico”..., RSS 6 (1987) 309–310, 318; Riassunto
della Pia Società di S. Francesco di Sales nel 23 Febbraio 1874, in Congregazione particolare dei
Vescovi e Regolari..., p. 47, OE XXV 383; letter to Pius IX, March 1874, Em IV 252.
122 Letter of 9 January 1874, in MB X 757–758. The two priests were Fr Luigi Chiapale and Giovanni
Battista Anfossi.
123 Cf. Chap. 18, § 7.
124 Letter of 11 January 1874, Em IV 200.
125 Letter of 16 January 1874, Em IV 204.
126 Letter of 24 January 1874, Em IV 211.
127 Cf. Letter of 8 February 1874, Em IV 223.
128 Cf. MB X 759–760.

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chapters were added: 16, on the Novitiate, but conceived of rather as a practical period of active
life (art. 8) and 15, De Studio with four rather vague and generic articles. What was stated
concerning dimissorials and external members also remained unvaried.
Hoping to soften opposition, in March Don Bosco had a constitutional text reprinted without the
appendix on external members and including some rather formal corrections.129The judgement
which the cardinals he had visited and asked protection of over those weeks was not entirely
mistaken, according to Archbishop Vitelleschi: ‘Don Bosco solves all the problems and makes them
disappear. He accepts everything while accepting nothing.’130
At the advice of the Compiler, Fr Carlo Menghini, who had put together the explanatory
document of request for approval, Don Bosco prepared a Riassunto della Pia Società di S.
Francesco di Sales nel February 1874 (A summary … February 1874) to be added in place of the
earlier Cenno istorico to the fourteen documents of the positio. On 7 March, each of the Cardinals
making up the special Congregation – Patrizi, De Luca, Bizzarri, Martinelli – received the text of the
March edition of the Constitutions, the Consultazione, Don Bosco’s petition to the Pope sent on 1
March, of the preceding year.131 That was not all. On 18 March, Don Bosco privately sent each
member of the special Congregation, as well as the Secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars. Cardinal Berardi and Pius IX, a note with a rather eloquent title: Some thoughts moving
Don Bosco to humbly petition for the definitive approval of the Constitutions of the Salesian
Society. There were both old and new factors militating in favour of the complete legal
legitimisation of the Salesian Society by the definitive approval of the Constitutions: ‘The trial run of
the Constitutions over thirty three years,’ [he has gone back to 1841 once again] ‘the letters of
recommendation from forty four bishops, ‘the fruits of blessing’ thus far obtained, ‘sixteen houses
opened in various dioceses,’ ‘the number of members (330) and of youngsters (around 7,000)
entrusted to them, the nearly complete negotiations to open houses in America, Africa, China,’ ‘the
need for a practical Directory of the Constitutions for both the moral and material parts,’ ‘the keen
desire that this great act, the most important one an Ecclesiastical Congregation can make’ be
completed by the current devout, learned and charitable Eminences, the Cardinals’ and approved
by the ‘saintly and marvellous’ Pius IX. Perhaps Don Bosco believed some incense would not go
astray, given he was addressing clerics. But the proposal he advanced to escape the hidden
dangers of the animadversiones could seem quite evasive and improvised: ‘If we see a need to
modify some articles of the Constitutions, that could be done in the account presented to the Holy
See every three years on the moral, religious and material state of the Institute, or in the General
Chapters held every three years.132
The lengthy meeting of the special Congregation on 24 March, remained unfinished. Work was
adjourned until 31 March. Don Bosco was unbeaten and tireless and on 29 March attempted his
final defence regarding Gastaldi’s letter to Cardinal Bizzarri on 20 April, 1873. He sent the
Cardinals of the Congregation a brief Note on a letter from the Archbishop of Turin regarding the
Salesian Congregation.133 He intended it to be a detailed refutation on matters of law and fact. But
if Gastaldi’s letter was not quite precise, neither was Don Bosco’s counter argument. On 31 March,
after lengthy discussion, the Congregation replied to the question put at the end of the
Consultation: ‘Whether and how the recent Constitutions of the Salesian Society should be
129 Both texts are copied in OE XXV 253–292, 295–333. a detailed analysis of modifications introduced into
both is found in MB X 746–755, 784–785 and 915.
130 Cf. G. BERTO, Brevi appunti sul viaggio di don Bosco a Rome nel 1873–1874, ASC A 0040402, p. 83.
131 The entire documentation on the procedure is found reprinted in OE XXV 295–400: Regulae Societatis
S. Francisci Salesii, pp. 295–333; Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari... Relator Nobili
Vitelleschi, pp. 335–385; Consultazione per una Congregazione particolare, pp. 387–400.
132 Em IV 263–264.
133 Em IV 268–270; cf. Letter on same date to Card. A. G. Bizzarri, Em IV 267.

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approved? Affirmative et ad mentem. The ad mentem simply meant that the ‘animadversiones
made by Consultor Fr Bianchi be included in the Constitutions.’ As for the ‘faculty for issuing
dimissorials for ordinations, this Privilege could be sought from the Holy Father for a period of ten
years.’ ‘The Holy Father can be asked for approval of the Constitutions as proposed and thus
emended and extended. Three of the Eminent Fathers are of a view to grant definitive and
perpetual approval.’134
It was the inevitable solution. Furthermore, Don Bosco himself had helped make it possible.
Perhaps hoping the members of the Congregation would not take things too literally, he had
concluded the Consultation with a declaration (pragmatic?) that was a return to discretion: ‘Finally,
Don Bosco after repeated requests, asks for final approval after several years of negotiations and
declares expressly for this purpose, that he will also take account of every correction, modification,
and any advice you should wish to offer from your elevated and enlightened wisdom, or simply
advise to be for the greater glory of God and the good of souls’; he was thereby hoping to fall in
line with the respective Ordinaries and peacefully pursue his negotiations on behalf of the foreign
missions.’135
At an audience given Archbishop Vitelleschi on 3 April, Good Friday, Pius IX confirmed and
approved the opinion of the special Congregation, ordering him to proceed with the decree of
definitive approval of the Constitutions and separately granting the indult ad decennium for issuing
dimissorial letters for Holy Orders.136
The 13 April decree and rescript regarding dimissorials meant the two acts could legally be
made public.137 The same day, Don Bosco informed the archbishop from Rome that he had gained
‘the decree of definitive approval of our rules.’138 The recipient noted on the reverse side,
underlining the final words: ‘1874 – 13 April – Don Bosco – news of definitive approval of his
Institute which, however is not definitive’’139 – and he was partly right – not everything had been
completed – since the faculties of exemption and dimissorials for any bishop remained excluded
from the text of the Constitutions. Specific concessions would have been needed for this, and Don
Bosco had to struggle from 1875 until 1884 to obtain them.
Back in Turin, he wrote a letter in familiar terms thanking Archbishop Salvatore Nobili Vitelleschi
who was first in line according to him for bringing the procedure to a happy ending. He asked him
to also convey his gratitude to all of his family ‘for the great courtesy and kindness’ they had shown
him during his Roman sojourn.140 He would soon need to write back to him to resolve a matter
raised by Archbishop Gastaldi. ‘The diocesan Ordinary’ he wrote ‘wanted to see the decree
granting dimissorials.’ It was an essential condition for admitting Salesians to Orders who were
presented by Don Bosco. In a long letter, Don Bosco informed him that not only had he complied
with the Archbishop’s various requests concerning ordinands but he had also let him see the
document regarding dimissorials. But the archbishop wanted a genuine copy for the Curia in Turin,
something Don Bosco believed it was his duty to refuse. He took advantage of what he considered
to be back–stabbing on the part of his superior to renew his old request. ‘It would not be too daring
of me to request dimissorials ad quemcumque episcopum?’141 His patient reader replied to him on
21 May, advising him to ask the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars for a duplicate of the
134 Minutes of the two meetings of the Commission of Cardinals on 24 and 31 March written by Archbishop
Nobili Vitelleschi, MB X 795.
135 Consultazione per una Congregazione particolare, p. 13, OE XXV 399.
136 Statement by Archbishop Vitelleschi at the bottom of the previous minutes, MB X 796.
137 Cf. MB X 802–805.
138 Em IV 277.
139 Cf. MB X 808, 821–827.
140 Letter of 28 April 1874, Em IV 281.
141 Letter of May 1874, Em IV 288–289.

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Rescript.142 Don Bosco did this, and half way through June was able to send the document to the
archbishop’s secretary, also discrediting the notion, as the archbishop thought that he had it in
mind to publish his letter to Don Bosco.143 He insisted on this a day later: ‘I can state that I have
never thought, never dreamed of printing any written material of the kind. I believe it is one of those
things where the only support for the idea is misinformation. I would like to have just one argument
to prove things to the contrary but this, certainly, no one can produce.144
In this climate, one can only imagine Archbishop Gastaldi’s feelings when he read the hymn Fr
Lemoyne had composed that year for the traditional feast on 24 June. Don Bosco was presented
there as the new Moses who at the end of a road filled with obstacles, received the Law from an
angel on another Sinai, Rome – a law written on gold foil:
‘Quest’Angel di Dio di Cristo è il Vicario, appellasi Pio
Chiamotti sul monte la legge ti diè`… guerrieri del Cielo
Innanzi inchinatevi al nuovo Mosè’
This angel of God, Pius the Vicar of Christ / Called you up the mountain and gave you the Law /
Warriors of heaven Kneel before the new Moses.
The archbishop had noted on the proofs presented him for the Nihil obstat: ‘We will not block it
from being printed, but the exaggerations are to be criticised; they could never achieve any
good.’145
During 1874, Don Bosco published the Latin text of the Constitutions revised and adjusted both
by himself and Professor Vincenzo Lanfranchi.146 Of particular import was the note following art.
12, Chapter 4 On novices, the novice master and their rule of life. It was a complete reversal of
what the Roman Congregation had wanted, by modifying the version of the Constitutions
presented for approval. The note said that on the basis of a concession granted Don Bosco by the
Pope on 8 April, 1874 vivae vocis oraculo, candidates for the Salesian Society subject to the
second trial, meaning the novitiate, could undertake some of the activities laid down for the first
trial period.147 In the 1875 Italian edition – and thus in translation into other languages – which was
also accessible to people who knew no Latin, a more drastic solution was adopted. The number of
articles in Chapter 14 was reduced from 17 to 7. Naturally, the ones omitted were the ones
referring to the different trial periods, the Canonical erection of houses of novitiate, the separation
between novices and professed. A number of notes of legal relevance were then added in a variety
of contexts.148 The complete Latin text of the Constitutions only came into the hands of Salesians in
1902.
142 Cf. Text of the letter in MB X 824–825.
143 Fr T. Chiuso, 17 June 1874, Em IV 297.
144 Fr T. Chiuso, 18 June 1874, Em IV 298.
145 Cf. P. BRAIDO – R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne attraverso 20 lettere a don Michele
Rua, RSS 7 (1988) 130–132.
146 Cf. G. PROVERBIO, La prima edizione latina ufficiale delle Costituzioni salesiane dopo l’approvazione
pontificia, RSS 3 (1984) 93–109.
147 “Pius Papa IX benigne annuit tyrones, tempore secundae probationis, experimentum facere posse de
iis, quae in prima probatione sunt adnotata, quoties ad maiorem Dei gloriam id conferre iudicabitur. Vivae
vocis oraculo die 8 aprilis 1874” (Regulae seu Constitutiones Societatis S. Francisci Salesii Juxta
Approbationis decretum die 3 aprilis, 1874. Augustae Taurinorum, Ex officina asceterii salesiani, An.
MDCCCLXXIV, p. 45, OE XXV 455).
148 Regole o Costituzioni della Società di S. Francesco di Sales secondo il decreto di approvazione del 3
April 1874. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1875, XLII–49, OE XXVII 51–99 (text of the
Constitutions).

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4.1 Page 31

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Chapter 20
TENACIOUS DEFENCE OF THE FREEDOM OF HIS
INSTITUTIONS AMID INSECURITY AND PROTEST
(1874–78)
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1881
29 January 29: announces plans for Argentina;
18 February – 21 March: in Rome, attempting to gain privileges;
The work of Mary Help of Christians for vocations to the clerical state’
16 September: negative decision by cardinals regarding privileges;
11 November: farewell ceremony for first missionaries;
Second half of November: establishing a community in Nice.
23 January: diocesan approval of FMA Institute;
10 February: SDB and FMA community established in Vallecrosia;
29 March: FMA community established in Valdocco, Turin;
21 April: Some faculties and privileges obtained;
June: assistance given to seaside camp at Sestri Levante;
October: Community established at Biella (7), Lu Monferrato(8), Alassio (12).
November: departure of first FMA missionaries;
22 June: Sisters establish community in Chieri (Turin);
September: opening of FMA Mother House at Nizza Monferrato with a girl’s boarding
school;
Official presentation of printed Constitutions (1878) of the FMA;
14 May: death of Mary Domenica Mazzarello;
12 August: election of new Mother General, Caterina Daghero.
Now that his two Religious Institutes had undoubtedly achieved positive goals, Don Bosco could
tackle their organisation and formation with renewed enthusiasm. But the contexts in which they
were working were different. The actual world in which the fervent Mornese community in Acqui
diocese was working created no particular problem. On the other hand, Don Bosco had the good
sense to keep the new Congregation and its founder sheltered from legal complications with
Roman authorities by associating it with the Salesian Society which was already approved, and
maintaining it at diocesan level, easily gaining approval from generally benevolent bishops, also
because they were often the first to benefit from the Sister’s work.

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Instead the to some extent imperfect approval of the Salesian Constitutions – imperfect certainly
in terms of Don Bosco’s requests and expectations regarding the faculty of dimissorials and the
privilege of exemption – created a number of difficulties for the Salesian Society. Given that it was
made of mostly priests and aspirants to the priesthood, it was affected by a number of relationship
difficulties in the Turin Archdiocese and with certain sectors of the Roman Curia. Our biographical
reconstruction also needs to take account of these matters.
1. From legal disputes to disciplinary reminders (1874–76)
There is no reason to think that approval of the Constitutions and the Rescript on dimissorials,
restricted though the latter was, were regarded or proclaimed by Don Bosco as a victory over his
Ecclesiastical Superior. There is no doubt that it was a great conquest, but he had paid for it by
acquiescing to some notable issues which translated as subtractions and additions to the
constitutional text, depriving him of concessions he had yearned for and burdening him with things
he had managed to dodge up until then. The ad mentem accompanying the cardinals’ affirmation
vote imposed a number of weighty burdens. He had to strike out the article on dimissorials.
Particulars were either dropped or added which, in Don Bosco’s opinion, cancelled out his rightful
insistence on the civil rights of members and the private civil character of the Religious Society. As
for the vow of poverty, the version in the Constitutions of the Society of Mary (Marist Fathers) was
imposed. In order to alienate goods or contract debts it meant proceeding ‘juxta SS. Canones et
Constitutiones Apostolicas.’ Reference to civil legislation regarding inheritance and legacies was
suppressed. The articles on studies were a real reversal. They established two years of philosophy
and four of theology, all of which the students had to pursue free of the activities proper to the
Society except in cases of necessity. There were similar rules regarding the novitiate which had to
take place in a suitable house, leaving the practical training period in specific activities of the
Salesian congregation to earlier or later periods.
For Archbishop Gastaldi, even though he was unaware of its real terms, Don Bosco’s success in
Rome could have been perceived as at least a partial denial of his own ideas on episcopal
jurisdiction and on the serious requirements of a Religious Institute and even on the relationships
of the bishop with the Roman Curia. Deep down, he could have thought that Don Bosco had been
listened to and found to be credible, while his own recommendation with its conditions and
conclusions, and his other letters were seemingly not given equal hearing.
Together with this was another initially unconscious and secondary element, but one which
became explosive: satisfaction on the one hand and uneasiness on the other that Don Bosco might
have contributed to his elevation to the episcopacy and then to the See of the subalpine capital,
and the perception that his ‘benefactor’ was overly aware of the fact and had sometimes told
others of it. We can gather this from a pacifying letter from the Bishop of Alba, Eugenio Galletti
(1816–79), a friend of both of them, who was certainly reflecting a real complaint made by his
correspondent. ‘For the love of God’ he wrote to the Archbishop, ‘do not to deny him, in charitate
Dei et patientia Christi, the opportunity to gradually explain and speak about the reasonableness
of his motives for excusing what he has done. Nor would it be a good idea to throw back at him
that he has boasted of playing a part in making you Archbishop, or worse, that he is pretending to
act as a “black Archbishop”.’1 No wonder, then, that in his pastoral management, without
questioning the reality of the Society of St Francis de Sales, Archbishop Gastaldi would have
clearly tried to claim the episcopal authority he legitimately believed he had, and the responsibility
that he felt could not be delegated. That meant an approach to governing adopted impartially
1 Letter of E. Galletti to Arch. L. Gastaldi, 3 September 1874, cit. in MB X 834. In ecclesiastical jargon he
was called the “black Pope”, the hidden person prompting the popes. The Superior General of the
Jesuits.

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towards everyone in the diocese without overvaluing or making special allowances for Don Bosco
and his Religious Society which, moreover, the Archbishop professed to love, and wanted to see
as beyond reproach.
1.1 Disagreements over practical matters.
There was no lack of occasion for disagreement and more. However, after 13 April 1874,
differences shifted from the plane of legitimately different attitudes regarding approval of the
Constitutions to the level of facts, though not without connection to principles. In the background
were the legal status of the Salsian Society and the importance of the constitutional norms,
complicated by a different way of understanding the special faculties obtain in April 1874. It was
well and good that Don Bosco sent the Archbishop’s secretary Fr Chriuso the ‘genuine duplicate’ of
the decree on dimissorials ad decennium in June2 but the printed copy of the Constitutions was not
yet available and less so did it ‘compare with the true original’ and it was not authenticated by the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars – it was not published until 28 years later.3
The first incident, ending up in a copious exchange of correspondence, was due to a circular in
which Don Bosco announced a Retreat for school teachers to be held at the Lanzo college from 7–
12 September, 1874. L’Unità Cattolica informed readers of it in its 23 August edition. On the same
day, the Archbishop had a letter dispatched to him complaining that his consent was required yet
he had not even been informed. Don Bosco (mixing different kinds of retreats run at different times
and for different circumstances) argued against the legal basis for requesting the Ordinary’s
‘consent’ regarding a practice that had already been established for a decade ‘in Turin, Moncalieri,
Giaveno, and Lanzo,’ ‘in Valdocco and Trofarello, and which had been confirmed and legitimised,
according to him, by decree on 31 March, 1852, and had continued on the basis of concessions
from the Vicar General Ravina and Provicar Fissore.4 This was clearly a spur–of–the–moment
extension of the decree with which Fransoni had appointed Don Bosco as ‘Chief Spiritual Director’
of the oratories, giving him ‘all the necessary and appropriate faculties’ for their development.5 The
Archbishop also scolded Fr Federico Albert – the Archbishop’s ‘Vicar’ for the Parish of St Peter in
Chains at Lanzo6 – for agreeing to preach the retreat. He made his thinking clear: ‘You should
never have lent a hand to a work, which, though good in itself, even excellent and greatly pleasing
to the Archbishop, is nevertheless vitiated by the spirit of insubordination, meaning that no mention
of it was made to the Archbishop.’7 Obviously, Don Bosco cancelled the planned retreat.
Another less important case gave rise to a number of problems, At Don Bosco’s invitation, and
due to the wish of the family of a young pupil at the Oratory who wanted to enter the diocesan
seminary, a parish priest of the diocese celebrated the rite of clerical clothing for the young man. In
fact, even during the 1870s there was a constant influx of students from the Oratory and the
college at Lanzo to the seminary.8 When the Archbishop protested at the clothing being done
without his agreement, Don Bosco once again claimed faculties granted him by the 31 March 1852
decree, indicating the example of well–known diocesan priests who had received their clerical garb
in similar circumstances and ‘who, in their day, sat for the regular exams before being admitted to
2 Letter of 17 June 1874, Em IV 297.
3 Cf. letter of Don Bosco to Arch. L. Gastaldi 3 May 1874, Em IV 285, and of the Archbishop to Card. G.
Bizzarri of 24 May 1875, in MB XI 550–552.
4 Letter of 10 September 1874, Em IV 316–317.
5 [G. BOSCO], Notitia brevis Societatis Sancti Francisci Salesii..., 1868, p. 4, OE XVIII 573–574.
6 Cf. Il santuario di Sant’Ignazio di Loiola presso Lanzo Torinese descritto da un sacerdote di Turin. Turin,
P. Marietti 1878, p. 2.
7 Letter to Fr F. Albert, 17 September 1874, in MB X 836–837.
8 Cf. G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815–1883, Vol. II, Arcivescovo di Torino: 1871–1883. Casale
Monferrato, Piemme 1988, p. 392.

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the Seminary.’9 Logically, the Archbishop asked his secretary to make it clear that ‘a huge interval
of time had elapsed since Ravina and Fissore were the Vicar Generals’ and from when young
students at the Oratory ‘were fully incorporated’ into the Archdiocese, until the present.10
On 23 September, the Archbishop once again queried the Secretary of the Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars on the legal status of the Salesian Society. They were questions posed a
year earlier and which Cardinal Bizzarri had replied to on 18 August 1873: were the Constitutions
definitively approved? Was the Salesian congregation considered to be a Religious Order enjoying
all the privileges as such and therefore ‘immune from episcopal jurisdiction? Can the Rector admit
clerics to the novitiate or vows who were ‘listed as diocesan clerics’ without prior agreement and
also contrary to the bishop’s disapproval? ‘Was it licit to accept clerics into the Congregation whom
the bishop had ordered to put aside the clerical habit, and without his consent and contrary to his
disapproval?’11 Vitelleschi replied that he would get a response from the Congregation of Bishops
and regulars after the holidays.12
A day earlier, the Archbishop had written at length to the Pope himself, premising it with the fact
that he had had the usual recourse, where there were problems inherent to the government of the
diocese, to the opinion of Canon Luigi Anglesio, Cottolengo’s successor, and had received full
approval of this letter. He reconfirmed his unconditional support for the Salesian Society as a
regular Congregation. He complained, however, of the lack of a true novitiate and the abuse
whereby clerics were accepted who had been sent away by the bishop because he maintained
they were not competent for the clerical state. He also referred to the case of the retreat at Lanzo,
presenting Don Bosco’s irreverent letter of 10 September, for the Pope’s judgement. He asked him
‘keenly, humbly, warmly,’ to offer ‘a decisive word’ on the conflict.13
Informed confidentially of the two letters, on 12 October, Don Bosco addressed an elaborate
memorandum to the Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars in which he asked for
clarification concerning the legitimacy of the Archbishop’s queries on certain issues. They
appeared to him to be without canonical foundation: the conditions for admitting Salesian clerics to
ordination, acceptance of clerics who had left the seminary, organising retreats for laity and clergy
in Salesian Houses. He concluded with a detailed refutation of the Archbishop’s complaints with
five queries regarding his authority on the points of controversy.14
As Advent approached, the Archbishop repeated to Don Bosco that he would not be ordaining
any cleric he presented until he was sent a written declaration that no more clerics sent away from
the seminary would be accepted. It was the same position as in May 1873.15 The founder replied:
‘You know how strict is the duty of a superior to provide for the good of his religious; this is also the
Church’s duty, and you certainly also know the cases where the Ordinary can refuse such
ordinations. This is why I am offering you some reflections before asking Rome how I should
proceed with matters.’16 He had done so in October probably without appreciable results.
He sent his request through Cardinal Berardi to Pius IX.17 At the end of the year he sent off a
further letter to the Pope explaining the problems he had encountered with the Archbishop of Turin
9 To Fr T. Chiuso, 27 September 1874, Em IV 321–322.
10 Letter of Fr T. Chiuso to Don Bosco 28 September 1874, MB X 846.
11 Text in MB X 842–843.
12 Letter of 5 October 1874, MB X 844.
13 The text is found in MB X 847–854.
14 To Card. A. G. Bizzarri, 12 October 1874, Em IV 333–335; he also asked benevolent Card. Giuseppe
Berardi for clarifications on the legitimacy of accepting clerics of the diocese by letter on 7 November, Em
IV 344–346.
15 Cf. Chap. 19, § 7.
16 To Arch. L. Gastaldi, 10 November 1874, Em IV 350–351.
17 Letter of 18 November 1874, Em IV 353–355.

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in exercising his tasks as Superior of the Salesian Congregation, asking his advice and
protection.18 The two letters to the Pontiff had an unforeseen effect. Cardinal Berardi was given the
task by Pius IX of asking the Archbishop of Vercelli, Celestino Fissore, to act as mediator between
the two parties. Fissore asked both for their opinions. Foreseeably, Don Bosco’s filled a number of
pages. One name appearing for the first time in those pages was that of Blessed Luigi Guanella,
who then joined the Salesians. This was also unknown to the Archbishop. ‘A priest from Como
parish was accepted into our Congregation,’ he told the mediator. ‘When [the Archbishop] came to
know about it he wrote to the Ordinary there saying: “Inform Fr Guanella (such is his name) that
when he came into this Archdiocese he never received his maneat nor the faculty to preach.”’
It is interesting to note the role the devil was playing, according to the disputants: ‘If I were to
say what I thought, it would be this: the devil has foreseen the good that Archbishop Gastaldi could
have continued to do for our Congregation, so he secretly sowed weeds and let them grow – huge
disruption, gossip from all sides, lack of priests and confessors among us, serious problems for the
Archbishop himself who was my close confidant for thirty years; see the results.’19
Fissore was in Turin on 3 February and met both Don Bosco and Archbishop Gastaldi, first
separately then together at the Archbishop’s residence. From a letter of Don Bosco’s to Cardinal
Berardi on 7 February, 1875 and the report Fissore sent to Rome, we can see that the most
controversial point of the discussion and for reaching any understanding was the declaration that
no cleric dismissed from the diocesan seminary would be accepted in Salesian Houses.
Dependent on this was the Archbishop’s readiness to admit Don Bosco’s candidates to Orders.20
This was a simplification of the whole range of real or imagined broader issues made more
complicated still by ideological or emotional content which was often unconscious or unexpressed.
One need not be surprised, then, that even before the end of February, Don Bosco had written to
Archbishop Fissore: ‘We still have not reached an understanding,’ indicating the problem of
acceptance [to the Salesian Society, this time of priests] and ordinations.21
The Archbishop of Vercelli felt he could go no further, and had believed for some months that a
more general coming to terms was required, sanctioned by a written document which, for the
moment, was merely a utopian possibility.22
1.2 A difficult understanding between two personalities who felt equal responsibility
Archbishop Fissore was dealing with two very firm characters of more than usual intelligence and
both of a mind to honour their respective responsibilities to the utmost. They were similar in their
passionate interest in carrying out their own projects, though one was more controlled, the other
more volatile. But both personalities were admirable for their dedication to their hard fought
service. It was probably more difficult for Archbishop Gastaldi. While he was determined and very
proactive, he was also very much aware of his mission as a reforming pastor and his
corresponding authority as a superior. In the earlier quoted letter which the Archbishop wrote to Fr
Albert on 17 September, he warned him: ‘So I am asking you once more to be careful and avoid
cooperating with what is not in accord with the hierarchical order established by God … I will see
that the Archbishop’s authority is not threatened by someone who should be giving a different
18 Letter of 31 December 1874, Em IV 376–378.
19 To the Archbishop of Vercelli, 12 January 1875, Em IV 391–393.
20 To Card. G. Berardi, 7 February 1875, Em 411–414;cf. Report to Arch. C. Fissore, 12 February 1875, MB
XI 548–550.
21 To Arch. C. Fissore, from Rome 23 February 1875, Em IV 421–422; again, 1 and 27 June 1875, Em IV
468 and 471–472.
22 Cf. letter to Don Bosco 7 March 1875, MB XI 102–103.

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example of reverence to that authority.’23 Two days later, when he came to know that Don Bosco
had cancelled the retreat, he repeated the notion: it was not a matter of doing or not doing good
but of doing it well, i.e. in agreement with the superior. ‘Why did I let go of something good as a
consequence of that admonition? Could I have warned him more charitably? Is not the authority I
have a deposit which I am obliged to preserve in its integrity?’24
For his part, Don Bosco felt the same keen awareness of having particular responsibilities of
defending and strengthening the identity, specific nature and autonomy of his Congregation.’ It was
young and at a difficult stage of growth while at the same time involved in work for the greater glory
of God and the salvation of souls that could brook no delay. ‘Good must be done’ continued to run
up against the equally legitimate ‘Good must be done where possible’ in relation to concrete
historical needs and circumstances. He feared an authority that went beyond its proper limits, a
protection that became a stifling embrace, even in secondary matters. So on the one hand, he
defended himself with great energy, while on the other, he leaned towards an industrious but never
fully achieved reconciliation.
Worthy of note in particular are the beginning and end of his earlier cited letter of reply to the
Archbishop on 10 September. The opening was diplomatic but its recipient thought it ‘irreverent’,
and objectively speaking we might call it ironical. ‘The attentive eye with which Your Grace watches
over the progress of our poor Congregation demonstrates that you want exact observance of its
rules and the Church’s rules, and this can only be good for us and keep us vigilant over our duties,
for which we give you heartfelt thanks. But there are certain things that I really do not know
whether or not they are according to the spirit of the Church, or if they can be of any benefit to
others.’ Towards the end, before asking the Archbishop for a concrete and specific formulation of
‘what you want [ed]’ of the Salesian Society and reminding him of their earlier friendship, he was
tugging at emotional strings. ‘I now beg you to let me speak the language of the heart for a
moment.’ It was an appeal meant to decrease the hierarchical distance but it would certainly have
increased it. ‘It seems to me that before the Lord’s judgement seat Your Grace and I, who are very
close, will be much happier if we leave aside our concerns for what is better and set about fighting
evil and fostering what is good, returning to the era when every idea poor Don Bosco had, was for
you a plan to be executed.’25 The Archbishop could hardly accept a deferential approach of this
kind and being lectured in Canon Law, and even less so, on this occasion, by ‘the language of the
heart,’ out of place in situations where he felt the only appropriate words were the dutiful exercise
of authority for his part and obedience and submission by the other. In fact Don Bosco received a
warning letter from Canon Zappata, the Vicar General.26 He replied respectfully but not without
highlighting aspects of his mindset and responsibility as a founder: ‘I beg to reassure you’ ‘that I
need to foster observance of the Rules as they were approved and that I have the duty of
dedicating the few days the merciful God deigns to grant me still to countless improvements that
the quality of the Institute and the times we are going through make difficult. Therefore we need all
the indulgence of our Ordinaries that is compatible with their authority.’ He added an interesting
comment, one which could not be checked and to which there was almost no follow–up: ‘Some
days ago I sent Rome a printed copy of our rules’ he said, with incredible innocence ‘so they could
see if they were in accordance with the original. As yet I have had no reply; nevertheless I am
sending you a copy which I hope you will pleased with and am asking you to also give a copy to
His Grace. Should there be any discrepancy with the original I will hasten to advise you.’27
23 Letter to Fr F. Albert, 17 September 1874, in MB X 836–837.
24 Letter to Fr F. Albert, 19 September 1874, in MB X 839.
25 Letter of 10 September 1874, Em IV 316–318.
26 Cf. MB X 854; E II 408.
27 To Can. G. Zappata, 11 October 1874, Em IV 331–332.

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It would be superficial, then, to reduce the disagreement on related matters of religious and
ecclesiastical jurisdiction to quarrels, acrimony, hostility, arrogance, obstinacy on the basis of
distinct pastorTo Comm.itments and differing awareness of their respective duties and
corresponding rights, further complicated by temperament and style of action. These did partly
differ (though certainly not out of hasty opposition between charism and authority) but they were
also partly similar. No, within the context of the Catholic faith it was also a tense contrast between
two spiritualities, theoretical and practical. Gastaldi and Don Bosco, as were Moreno and Riccardi
de Netro before them, were men of God, priests. The three bishops were so at the highest level,
dedicated unreservedly to working for the greater glory of God and the salvation of souls. They all
celebrated Mass, absolved, preached, prayed, and suffered for the same cause: the Kingdom of
God, the Church, the Gospel of salvation. However, their ways and means betrayed their mentality,
perceptions of reality, their sometimes differing evaluations with consequent attitudes and prudent
decisions. In the case of the three bishops, they were more rigorous and inflexible in keeping to the
principles of a more strongly structured theology, ultimately assisted by a precise legal culture. Don
Bosco was less rigid theologically and legally, and had been formed in probabilism and casuistry,
so was more flexible, pragmatic, liberal or in the judgement of his antagonists, arbitrary, and more
likely to abuse his position. So, with regard to practical conduct in individual issues, both had
inevitable limitations of outlook and understanding each other. There were errors of evaluation,
preconceptions, lack of trust, and neither was very much inclined to compromise.
Many things, not all of them balanced, have been written about Archbishop Gastaldi’s
temperament, while in Don Bosco’s case it is especially the heroic aspects that have been
stressed. It seems difficult to write an appropriate history of a great individual who has not been
canonised and was heroic in other ways and who, out of a strict sense of duty had to deal with a
future canonised saint in many situations.28 Among other things, Gastaldi’s rock–solid, consistent
and convinced Rosminian approach in philosophy and theology, as well as his unbreakable
solidarity with the Institute of Charity, considerably weakened his position in Turin. He suffered from
this but fiercely preserved his loyalty and fidelity to it as demonstrated by the vibrant testimony he
gave in the opening address to the first Regional Piedmontese meeting of the Work of the
Congresses.29 Zoologist and writer Michele Lessona (1823–94), was spot–on when recalling the
figure of the Archbishop’s brother, Bartolomeo (1818–79), an internationally renowned geologist
and a colleague of his Turin University. He wrote that he found in all members of the Gastaldi
family ‘a special conformity of type’ both physical and moral: ‘Physically [they were] of medium
height, lean–bodied, muscular, and of light brown complexion.’ ‘In moral terms [they were] of
powerful intellect and very strong willed, of proud and dignified bearing, industrious, virtuous with a
taste for the fine arts, and contemptuous of wealth.’ Lorenzo, the first born, was ‘an exceptional
man who demanded much of others but much more of himself. He was the very model of an
austere and religious life, unflinching in his convictions, fond of fatherland and Faith and ready to
give his life for the latter.’30
2. Mary Help of Christians, protector of vocations to the clergy
28 Cf. Francesco Faà di Bruno (1825–1888). Miscellanea. Turin, Bottega d’Erasmo 1977, pp. 109–110 and
nos 117–118 and p. 157, no. 65; A. CASTELLANI Il beato Leonardo Murialdo, Vol. II Il pioniere e l’apostolo
dell’azione sociale cristiana e dell’azione cattolica (1867–1900). Rome, tip. S. Pio X 1966, pp. 151–157;
G. DACQUINO, Psicologia di don Bosco. Turin, SEI 1988, a debatable psychoanalytical interpretation
mediated by less than impartial and selective historical sources: what results is a confrontation between
two characters said to be different: the ‘normal’ priest, and the archbishop as a subject of clinical
psychology (cf. in particular, pp. 73–80).
29 Cf. G. DOTTA, La nascita del movimento cattolico a Turin e l’Opera dei Congressi (1870–1891). Casale
Monferrato, Piemme 1999, pp. 204–208.
30 M. LESSONA, Naturalisti italiani. Rome, Sommaruga, 1884, p. 209.

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In harmony with the ecclesial significance of devotion to Mary under the title Auxilium
Christianorum, Don Bosco named a work he had very much at heart, the Work of Mary Help of
Christians for vocations to the clerical state.31 The vast work of poor and abandoned youth or
rather, of poor and abandoned youth and the scarcity of priests, posed serious practical problems
for the Church. Don Bosco saw the two as connected. Despite his great appreciation for the laity,
he considered that the Christian education of the young could not be achieved without the
presence of the priest who was the dispenser of the mysteries and spiritual guide. Therefore,
halfway through the 1870s, as he intensified his campaign in search of and in forming good
vocations, which he extended to a later age as well, he placed his solution to the problem under
Mary’s protection. He saw an indissoluble bond between Mary and the Church: ‘This work has
been placed under the auspices of the Blessed Virgin, Help of Christians, because Mary, whom the
Church has proclaimed Magnum et singular in Ecclesia praesidium will certainly see fit to protect a
work that aims at finding good ministers for the Church.32
For this initiative, too, Don Bosco wrote an essential set of statutes which were clear though not
so systematic, adding items in the 1877 edition. The following headlines came after a long preface:
First experiments, Means (Finances), Observations, Spiritual advantage, Programs, this latter
divided into four subsections: Purpose of the work, Acceptances, Study, Personal belongings.
The preface attempted to diagnose institutes in Italy, Europe, the missions. Needs were on the
increase but vocations were diminishing. ‘Work of charity for this purpose’ had arisen in a number
of countries ‘and they had shown good results but were insufficient to meet the many and urgent
needs.’ He suggested another which would be more functional and practical, ‘a course of studies
for young adults intending to dedicate themselves to the clerical state.’
The conditions of acceptance stated that each student had ‘to belong to an upright family, be
healthy, strong, of good character and between 16 and 30 years of age.’33 He demonstrated the
advantages statistically: while only 20% of boys who felt ‘called’ actually became priests, 80% of
older young men achieved that goal and most of them over a shorter period. So what was needed
was an appropriate ‘course of secondary studies’ geared to ‘young adults’ who had the ‘exclusive
intention of pursuing an ecclesiastical career.’34 The purpose of the work was :’To Bring together
older youth who have willingly decided on literary studies thanks to appropriate courses, in order to
embrace the clerical state.’35
Before suggesting ways that people could help – of a financial kind, mostly – Don Bosco
responded to the likely (or real, as in Turin) objections of some bishops. His question and answer
ran thus: Would not this work harm others already in existence? Not only would it not harm them
but it would support them. Without priests, preaching, the sacraments, what would become of the
Work of the Propagation of the Faith, the Holy Childhood and all the other pious works?’36 In truth,
‘once the literary course is completed, every student is free to become a Religious, go to the
Foreign Missions, or return to his respective diocese to ask his bishop if he can take on the clerical
habit. In this latter case, the Director of the Work will make haste to humbly recommend the
31 Cf. [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice per le vocazioni allo stato ecclesiastico benedetta e
raccomandata dal Santo Padre Pio Papa IX. Fossano, tip. Saccone 1875, 8 p., OE XXVII 1–8; [G.
BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice... ecclesiastico. Eretta nell’Ospizio di S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli in San
Pier d’Arena. San Pier d’Arena, tip. e libr. di san Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1877, 28 p. The quote is from this
edition.
32 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., p. 17.
33 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., pp. 3–4 e 25.
34 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., p. 4.
35 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., p. 25.
36 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., p. 17.

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candidate to their respective Ordinaries so that in accordance with his merit he may take him into
kind consideration.’37
Financial support was assured by three categories of ‘contributor’ : donors who promised to give
two soldi [=10 cents; 0.35 euro] a month for priests, one mass offering; correspondents ‘heading
up a dozen or more donors; benefactors with more consistent offerings up to 300 lire [946 euro] a
year with the right to ‘send a student to the Institute for free’ (the St Vincent de Paul Hospice at
Sampierdarna), or give as much as 800 lire [2,524], enough to cover the entire literary course.
Other than participating in various spiritual benefits and indulgences ‘the reward of having
contributed to a great work of charity’ was considered to be the outstanding ‘spiritual advantage’.
He concluded: St Vincent de Paul says one cannot do a better work than contributing to making a
priest.’38
In an extremely busy year in which Don Bosco was planning the Salesian Cooperators
Association and preparing to launch the Congregation and its works in France and South America,
the setting up of this initiative found easy and ready acceptance in Rome. As soon as he returned
from the capital after his sojourn there in 1875, he told the assembled Chapter meeting and rectors
on 14 April that he had spoken at length about the Work at one of the audiences granted on 22
February and 12 March. He wrote to Cardinal Antonelli about it on 8 August as a project he would
have already known of: ‘I also spoke of it with the Holy Father who advised me to put it all down in
writing, which I did. His Eminence Cardinal Berardi was asked to make a report, which the Holy
Father was pleased with. He blessed its purpose and recommended it into action, as soon as
possible.’39
When he spoke to his Salesians about it he had already sent a printed copy of the regulations to
a dozen or so bishops. This was the booklet Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice (Work of Mary Help of
Christians) yet to be published.40 Between 12–18 April 1875, he had received letters of
recommendation from the bishops of Albenga, Vigevano, Acqui, Alessandria, Tortona, Casale, and
Genoa recommending both initiatives, the Cooperators and adult vocations.41 He sent Cardinal
Berardi the four which came directly to him along with the twofold project of clerical vocations and
Cooperators, asking him and Archbishop Vitelleschi to be intermediaries for obtaining indulgences
from the Holy Father ‘appropriate to each project.’42 He sent him further letters of recommendation
a few days later asking that the spiritual favours be granted distinctly to each of the two projects
and that the ones relating to the Work of Mary Help of Christians be passed on with particular
urgency.43
Both these men assured him of their support. However, Berardi recommended ‘prudence and
circumspection’ with Archbishop Gastaldi, and Vitelleschi asked him to accept a ‘suggestion’ of his,
that is, ‘to give good consideration to setting up the work for clerical vocations outside the Turin
Archdiocese.’44
In fact, Gastaldi had wanted to involve all the bishops within the ecclesiastical provinces of
Turin, Vercelli, and Genoa, so that the initiative would be carefully thought through.45 At the same
time, he wrote to Cardinal Bizzarri to put a stop to such a useless and harmful plan since the
37 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., pp. 25–26.
38 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., pp. 3–4.
39 Letter of 8 August 1875, Em IV 496–497.
40 The regulations came out at the beginning of August in the second number of the Bibliofilo, a catalogue
from the Libreria salesiana or Salesian Bookshop, the prelude to the Bollettino Salesiano.
41 Documenti XV 92–97.
42 To Card. G. Berardi, 18 April 1875, Em IV 452.
43 Letter of 22 April 1875, Em IV 453.
44 Letter of 7 and 11 June 1876, Documenti XV 168–169; cf. MB XI 37–38.
45 Cf. letter from Can. T. Chiuso to Don Bosco, 29 July 1875, Documenti XV 209.

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diocese already had their seminaries and there was a risk that Don Bosco might take away some
of their potential candidates.46 Bishop Luigi Moreno was even more negative in a long letter to the
same cardinal.47
Don Bosco acted to clarify the state of things with two letters to the Archbishop’s secretary: the
indulgences granted had not yet been communicated in writing, and they were reserved to
promoters of the work. Before going to print, things would be presented to the Archbishop.48 None
of the Vatican bodies had asked Don Bosco to come to any agreement with the Archbishop of Turin
since the Work, was ‘aimed at the general benefit of the Church.’49 In the earlier mentioned letter of
8 August, Cardinal Antonelli informed him of the obstacles posed in Turin, and asked him if it was
correct that his intention was to ‘cut off all difficulties and begin the Work in one of the dioceses of
the many bishops who had recommended it.’50 On the 10th, Don Bosco wrote to Archbishop
Vitelleschi: ‘Had I followed your advice somewhat for the Work of Mary Help of Christians to begin
it in another diocese I would have saved myself some trouble.’ But the solution was already
underway: ‘I have an understanding with Bishop Manacorda and I will have everything printed at
Fossano. I will try the first experiment in Genoa Archdiocese with full acceptance there of the
bishop, with whom it was earlier agreed.’51 He informed Fr Chiuso of the idea of ‘transferring
elsewhere’ ‘the establishment of this project’ if it were to happen at all, insisting on the universal
nature of the initiative: ‘Whoever would like a diocesan work is free to suggest it to the Ordinary,
introduce it, modify it as he wishes; but here it is something general.’ It was a Work aimed at
‘helping Religious Orders, the Missions, and also a way of presenting some to their Ordinaries
without giving any moral material concerns to them.’ To the reply that he would not ‘be allowed
either to print or disseminate the project and its curriculum nor appeal to charity in the Turin
Archdiocese, he replied by defending his right to print, other than the need for ecclesiastical review,
and to beg for money. However, he gave assurances that he would not do so if it was denied. But
he did not forget to remind them of how deserving the Oratory was in the archdiocese for
producing vocations to the clergy and for its work among the young.52 On 24 August, Don Bosco
sent a note to Archbishop Vitelleschi, who had informed him over those days of the letters from the
Archbishop and Bishop Moreno, and which the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars would need
to respond to. He summed up the origins and successive development of the Work, recalling the
difficulties posed by the Archbishop and made a suggestion: ‘I have now decided to experiment
with the Work of Mary Help of Christians in the house at San Pier d’Arena in the diocese of Genoa
where I have the complete acceptance of the Bishop.’53 He informed Archbishop Gastaldi of the
decision as a fait accompli, on 29 September: ‘So as not to cause your Grace either displeasure or
concern, I have begun the Work of Mary Help of Christians in another diocese. Now I would like to
disseminate some of the programs in the Archdiocese of Turin as well but I will not do so until I
have due permission!54
The Work opened happily both at Sampierdarena and the Oratory at Valdocco in 1875. Fr Luigi
Guanella, who arrived in Turin at the end of January, was appointed as the one in charge of the
Work at Valdocco. There is a splendid letter of his from April 1876, written in the name of all and
personally given to Pius IX by Don Bosco. Pius IX signed it, preceded by the date ( die 16 aprilis
46 Cf. letter of 25 July 1875, Documenti XV 207–209; MB XI 40–42.
47 Letter of 7 August 1875, Documenti XV 221–224; cf. MB XI 42.
48 To Fr T. Chiuso, 29 July 1875, Em IV 493.
49 To Fr T. Chiuso, 8 August 1875, Em IV 495.
50 Em IV 496–497.
51 Letter of 10 August 1875, Em IV 501.
52 Letter of 14 August 1875, Em IV 505–506.
53 Em IV 509.
54 Em IV 525.

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1876) and added words of blessing: Benedicat vos Deus et dirigat vos in viis suis.55 At the same
time Don Bosco asked the Pope for special indulgences for the Work which were granted in a
generous Brief.56
The matter was resolved – in fact and in law. Don Bosco caused a minor issue a year later by
sending an article on the Work, its purpose and the first successful year at San Pier d’Arena to
L’Unita Cattolica, which published it on 17 September, 1876.57 He followed up with a second on 19
September, but the editor, Fr Margotti, replied by sending him the admonition the Archbishop had
his secretary, Fr Chiuso, pass on to him with some details on fact and the law. All in all, these
corresponded to the truth. It said: ‘A Papal Brief was published in the article, which has not yet
been communicated to the Archbishop of Turin, as it should have been, along with a genuine copy.
We are speaking of a canonically instituted Association of the Faithful of which the Archbishop has
no knowledge of its being canonically instituted. Indulgences have been published which the
Archbishop knows nothing about, and this is contrary to the ruling of the Council of Trent; so the
hierarchical order of the Church has been ignored and the prerogatives and requirements the
Archbishop has in Divine and Church law have been harmed.’ He then returned to the principle
already noted and we are not sure if it was addressed to the editor of the newspaper or to Don
Bosco or both: ‘It is not enough to do good; this must be done well. Bonum est integra causa,
malum ex quocumque defecta.’58
On 5 October, Don Bosco sent the Archbishop a letter of explanation which could hardly have
been persuasive, especially when he wanted the granting of indulgences to pass as the formal
canonical institution of the Work.59 The Papal Brief of 9 May, 1876 supposed the existence of the
institution but did not create it: ‘Since, as explained, an association of the faithful or in other words
a Pious Work, as we say, has been canonically instituted under the title of the Blessed Virgin, Help
of Christians…. So that such a society may increase daily…we grant a plenary indulgence….. “60
It was not the most propitious moment for gaining privileges and the faculty of issuing
dimissorials about which the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars had to express an opinion at
the same time. Would all of this favour Don Bosco rather than the Archbishop who was dearly
contrary to these and other concessions?
3. Failure to gain privileges and the faculty of issuing dimissorials
Yet Don Bosco did ask for these special faculties, precisely to get around so many difficulties and
obstructions to his increasingly feverish activity. The Congregation was growing numerically and its
work was spreading. In 1875 it crossed the border into France and established itself in Nice. A few
weeks later it arrived across the Atlantic, creating two bridgeheads in Argentina.61 According to Don
Bosco, the Salesians needed greater freedom and flexibility of action. It seemed urgent to him to
play the privileges card. The outcome initially was entirely negative, but there was some progress
in 1876.62
55 L. Guanella’s letter was 1 April 1876, MB XI 60–61. Don Bosco wrote to Guanella about it from Rome,
Easter 1876, E III 39–40.
56 Petition dated 4 March 1876, the Brief 9 May 1876, MB XI 533–535.
57 A similar article had been sent to Il Cittadino, Genoa and perhaps to other Catholic newspapers (cf. MB
XI 62–63).
58 Letter of 17 September 1876, in MB XI 65.
59 Letter of 5 October 1876, E III 100–101.
60 [G. BOSCO], Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice..., pp. 11–12.
61 Cf. Chap.21.
62 Cf. MB XI 174–200 (Chap. IX Privilegi e dimissorie) e 466–477 (Chap XXI Nuovo passo per i privilegi).

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The state of mind of the Salesian Society’s leaders concerning the opportunity for obtaining the
most important privileges leading to more direct dependence on the Pope, was clear from the St
Francis de Sales Conferences in January 1875. It had already emerged from discussions on the
two decrees from 25 January, 1848: Romeni Pontifices and Regulari disciplinae, regarding the
testimonials required for admission to the novitiate, clothing and religious profession. The
prevailing opinion of those taking part in the Conferences was that they were not bound to their
observance, either because of the special circumstances of the young postulants or because of
what Don Bosco had obtained from the Pope vivae vocis oraculo.63 This position was confirmed at
the meeting on the following day, 27 January, at which Don Bosco presided.64 Don Bosco spoke of
the communication of privileges in the morning session the following day. He stressed the
difficulties of obtaining them after hearing about those enjoyed by other Orders or Congregations,
‘however he had studied the matter thoroughly and hoped to succeed.’65 We can gather the kind of
spirit he had gone to Rome with from a meeting he held with rectors on 14 April, three weeks after
the Conferences. On his return, he spoke to them about the main purpose of his trip to Rome: ‘To
gain communication of the privileges for the Congregation and the faculty of issuing dimissorials ad
quemcumque episcopum.’66 After providing a brief history of the privileges for Religious Orders and
of their extension then to modern Congregations, he came to the Salesian case: ‘The main
purpose of my trip to Rome was precisely to see what to do with regard to these principles I have
already spoken to you about on other occasions.’ It was about privileges in general ‘and especially
about being able to issue dimissorial letters ad quemcumque episcopum’ he explained. To
Archbishop Vitelleschi’s question as to which privileges he needed, he had replied: ‘Many of them,
both for smooth internal running and for the relationships we must have with Church authorities
and the faithful.’ He had prepared some eighty of them.67
Don Bosco had dedicated a good part of his busy stay in the capital from 18 February to 16
March 1875, to setting the procedure officially in motion. He was there with his trusty secretary, Fr
Gioachino Berto, who was as always extremely laconic with his diary entries. A number of issues
were part of the agenda: the privileges, the Work of Mary Help of Christians, the Cooperators
Association, and extending Salesian activity to the Americas. It was to these matters he dedicated
meetings with his friends Cardinal Berardi and Bishop Fratejacci but especially, at the official level,
with the secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, Archbishop Salvatore Nobili
Vitelleschi and two important papal audiences on 22 February and 12 March. The Pope got Don
Bosco to understand how procedures went for granting privileges and how this had changed over
several decades, becoming more difficult. However, after two feverish sessions of research, two
petitions were drawn up, one for the faculty of issuing dimissorials ad quemcumque episcopum,
the other for granting privileges given other Religious Institutes. An application by Archbishop
Vitelleschi was added to the petition. It pleaded Don Bosco’s cause for dimissorials for two
reasons: the Salesian Society had extended across many dioceses and its members could be
transferred from one to another, creating objective obstacles for Ordinaries to have suitable
knowledge of candidates’ readiness or otherwise for Holy Orders; the concession would greatly
help the unified running of the Society, which was an essential element for preserving the purpose
and spirit of the Institute.
The immediate result of the two petitions to the Pope was the appointment of a Special
Congregation asked to put forward its vote. The composition was identical to the one formed to
63 Meeting of Rectors, 26 January in the morning, at which Fr Rua presided, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad.
18, pp. 2–5.
64 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 11–12.
65 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 7–8.
66 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, p. 33.
67 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 38–42.

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approve the Constitutions. The relevant Consultation was prepared, with a Summary of five
documents. This listed the difficulties that had arisen with the Ordinary of Turin since March 1874
when Don Bosco had obtained the Rescript for dimissorials ad decennium. The Founder had
presented the two petitions ‘in view of such difficulties’ it argued ‘and also so his Institute can enjoy
the privileges that have been granted many Congregations which it is certainly not inferior to for the
prodigious deeds carried out on behalf of religion and civil society.’
In one it asked for the faculty of issuing dimissorials ad quemcumque episcopum and extra
tempus; in the other, the granting of privileges of Congregations similar to it. In the Summary, Don
Bosco had included two Clarifications. In the first, he highlighted the progress made by the Society
following the definitive approval of the Constitutions; in the second, he stressed difficulties for a
timely concession of favours and privileges when they were being requested on a case by case
basis according to need. Finally, in a Petition for the granting of spiritual favours on behalf of the
Salesian Congregation, he explained which favours of which Religious Institutes amongst the
many possible ones, he preferred: ‘We ask by preference, those of the Redemptorists or the
Priests of the Mission [Vincentians], whose Constitutions and purpose could be said to be identical
to the Salesian ones.’68
The truth was that it was not easy to obtain a favourable opinion, and Don Bosco could see the
good and the bad of it. Before returning to Turin and while awaiting the verdict – as he told the
rectors on 14 April – ‘I went to find Cardinal Berardi who, along with Bishop Fratejacci, had kindly
taken charge of the matter. I assured them that I would always be ready, as soon as I was called to
return to Rome, for any necessary clarifications or to conclude the matter. Before leaving Rome I
went to see the cardinals tasked with deciding issues. They all think well of us and see the
Congregation in a good light. And they all said that since the Holy Father wanted it, they could not
find serious difficulties.’69 This was the ‘bright side of the picture.’ But he did not hide ‘the dark side
as well’ from his listeners. To explain it, he invited secretary and archivist Fr Berto to bring two
letters from the archives, both from Archbishop Gastaldi – one to Cardinal Bizzarri and the other to
Pius IX, ‘both against us’ as the chronicler notes. ‘The reading of these letters’ the chronicler goes
on ‘was often interrupted to make similar observations. We could see the agitated mind of the
writer in them and what most disappointed us was the untruthfulness of the things said about us.’70
Further weakening Don Bosco’s position before the cardinals in the Special Congregation was
another letter to Cardinal Bizzarri on 24 May, 1875. The letter contained further complaints which
were unfavourable to the founder of the Salesian Society: the archbishop had never had ‘any
communication of papal decrees approving the Congregation or the Constitutions’; all he had was
a copy of the Rescript on dimissorials ad decennium; in order to know in what matters the Institute
was subject to the Constitutions or the Ordinary, he would need an authentic copy of the
Constitutions and not simply the printed one he had received, ’more so’ he insinuated, and not
without reason, because some believed ‘the printed copy is not in complete agreement with the
original; there were clerics and lay people working in the houses of the Congregation who had no
intention of professing perpetual vows and had been accepted without his consent and not without
diminishing his authority; there were others expelled from the seminary taking shelter in some
houses of the Congregation without putting aside the clerical garb, and thus being assisted in their
68 ‘Mese di agosto’ Anno 1875. Sagra Congregazione dei Vescovi e Regolari. Consultazione per la
Congregazione speciale composta degli Eminentissimi e Reverendissimi cardinali Patrizi, De Luca,
Bizzarri, Martinelli. Relatore Illustrissimo e Reverendissimo Monsignore Vitelleschi arciv. Di Seleucia
Segretario. Taurinen., seu Societatis S. Francisci Salesii super literis dimissorialibus, et communicatione
privilegiorum, 25 + XVII p., OE XXVII 101–143. The dossier reported only the commendation of Bishop
Pietro De Gaudenzi, Bishop of Vigevano.
69 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 46–47.
70 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 47–48.

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disobedience to their bishop.’71 As the Congregation of Cardinals was about to meet, from Turin
Don Bosco addressed an appeal to each of its members and especially to Cardinal Bizzarri, ‘the
benevolent father and outstanding benefactor at the time of approval’ of the Constitutions, restating
the ‘two great advantages’ that would accrue ’from this concession: 1. The Salesian Congregation
would be at the level of others before the ecclesiastical authorities. 2. Since the Salesians were
soon going to Argentina, ‘it would be extremely useful for our religious to enjoy the privileges and
spiritual favours of Religious Orders and Congregations already in that vast kingdom [sic]. He
added a third advantage which was probably counter–productive: ‘It would also remove the reason
for the opposition the Ordinary of this Turin Archdiocese shows, since he is not convinced the
Salesian Society has been definitively approved because he sees it does not enjoy the privileges
of other Congregations.’72
The outcome of the Congregation held on 16 September was negative. Regarding the granting
of the faculty for issuing dimissorials, the response was: Negative et ad mentem. And the
mens/mentem was that Don Bosco’s twofold request be communicated to the Archbishop of Turin,
along with the Congregation’s negative vote, also motivated by the fact that the founder already
had a ten year indult from April 1874, Regarding the privileges, the response was:
Communicationem, prout petitur, non expedire. The same evening the Secretary, Archbishop
Vitelleschi, made a report on it to the Pope who approved the opinion of the Congregation of
Cardinals. On 22 September, the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars gave official
communication to the Archbishop of Turin, at the same time asking him to hold to the Papal Indult
regarding the dimissorials obtained by Don Bosco on 3 April, 1874.73
4. Limited recovery amid new and more serious disagreements (1875–76)
Don Bosco did not give up. Taking advantage of the new situation created by the departure of the
first Salesians for Argentina, he returned to the task on 5 December, 1875, asking for thirteen
spiritual favours and indulgences and some privileges among which the extra tempus and the
faculty for issuing dimissorials to any bishop. The favours and indulgences were on behalf of the
missionaries mainly, but not only.74 Meanwhile the Secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and
regulars had changed. Archbishop Vitelleschi was made Cardinal,75 and from 2 October, 1875, was
succeeded by Archbishop Enea Sbarretti (1801–84) who in turn was made Cardinal in 1877. Due
to a series of unfavourable circumstances but especially because of the ongoing reasons for the
negative in September, the special faculties were denied, also because the already mentioned
Indult of 3 April, 1874 was in force.76
Here, too, there was interference from the Archbishop in Turin. Don Bosco visited him on 27
October to inform him of the proximate departure of his men for Argentina. Other problems must
have arisen and the audience became heated if it meant Don Bosco beginning a letter the
following day with: ‘Yesterday Your Grace decided to tell me everything you thought it was
appropriate to say without even letting me say a word in my defence or correcting what I was being
blamed for. I feel sorrier for Your Grace than I do for myself.’ The brief letter became a painful but
firm message with the sense that an old friendship had been irreparably broken. He continued: ’I
had in mind notifying you of matters that would have reduced your concerns, perhaps even freed
you of some.’ Then, ‘With all due respect for the episcopal dignity’ with which ‘Your Grace’ had
71 Documenti XV 155–157; MB XI 550–552.
72 Letter of 11 September 1875, E II 508–509.
73 Documenti XV 266.
74 Cf. text of letter to the Pope in MB XI 468–469.
75 Reserved, 15 March, declared,15 September. He died suddenly on 15 October 1875.
76 Letter of 28 December 1875 of Card. G. Berardi to Don Bosco, Documenti XV 384; MB XI 472.

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been invested, he went on to open an old wound: ‘I believe I can tell you that if you were Bishop of
Saluzzo and then became Archbishop of Turin, once serious problems opposing this were
smoothed over, that this was due, as you know, to suggestions and efforts of poor Don Bosco who
is now not even allowed to speak and is sent away – as you well know!’ It was the beginning of a
new level of relationship: ‘I believe I can, and indeed have the duty, to speak; now I believe I am
completely exonerated.’77
Any hope of friendly collaboration now seemed out of the question. The Archbishop had
probably ended up thinking that Don Bosco had chosen to follow his own path, preferring
confrontation to discussion. For his part, Don Bosco had come to a point where he did not know
what to do or believed he could do nothing to smooth things over, perhaps even fearing he was
being engulfed by his role as founder and religious superior. He felt a keener need for freedom to
advance, develop, and expand his works beyond Turin, Piedmont and even Italy. Hence, once
again the urgent need he felt of having the appropriate legal tools.
Towards the end of 1875, an incident came to light which had an ambiguous significance.
Eugene Ceria put it under the heading: Don Bosco suspended from hearing confessions.78
Don Bosco’s licence for confession had fallen due in September without anyone bothering to
ask for its renewal or without others renewing it, even without a formal request. Don Bosco was
informed by Fr Rua only on Christmas Eve. A reply came back a few hours later with an
explanation from Fr Tommaso Chiuso, the Archbishop’s Secretary, that the faculties ‘would never
have been interrupted had the procedure for similar cases been carried out in due time.’79 The
Archbishop knew of the case and Fr Chiuso’s letter was in response to the letter Don Bosco had
sent Gastaldi ‘humbly asking for the faculty to be renewed to avoid gossip and scandal.’80 It was
not a suspension and the licence was renewed within the space of two days.81 ‘The significance of
the Archbishop’s gesture (or the gesture of some powerful Curia member), Gastaldi’s historian
concludes, ‘was clear: to get the “recalcitrant” founder to understand where the authority lay in
matters of Church discipline. It was humiliating for Don Bosco, not so dignified on the part of the
Curia and ultimately the Archbishop himself.’82
The episode did not hide the chronic disagreements over different interpretations of a number of
cases of Church discipline. This was the nature of observations made in a letter of the Archbishop
on 31 December, 1825. Gastaldi listed five items, including bans and complaints to the Salesian
Society: it could not receive postulants who had not ‘presented testimonial letters from their
Ordinary;’ it did not have the ‘right to run a college with young men wearing clerical garb without
the bishop’s permission;’ nor did it have ‘the right to give clerical garb’ to any young man such that
he could ‘wear it outside the college without permission from the bishop’ of the diocese he
belonged to, as had occurred in the case of a young man from the parish of Vinovo; it had opened
and maintained a ‘rift’ with the ecclesiastical authority in Turin by having commenced and
‘persisted in having individuals in its houses dressed as clerics who had been sent away from the
Metropolitan Seminary, not only without permission but contrary to the explicit disapproval of the
ecclesiastical authority;’ ‘This was subversion of the hierarchical order and good discipline in the
seminary and as a necessary consequence, wounded the heart of the Archbishop in one of its
most sensitive parts;’ ‘such a rift’ he said ‘ continues in letters, chats which lack due reverence for
the Archbishop’s authority’ ‘and then seems content to repair matters … beginning with a
77 Letter of 28 October 1875, Em IV 536.
78 MB XI 478–490.
79 Letter of 27 December 1875, MB XI 485.
80 To Arch. L. Gastaldi, 26 December 1875, Em IV 586.
81 Documenti XV 383–384; MB XI 485.
82 G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815–1883, vol. II..., pp. 271 and 276, no. 9; cf. G. BARBERIS,
Cronichetta, quad. 4, pp. 33–35 (under the date 31 January 1876).

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questionable or conditional “if”.’ The reference was to an audience given Fr Rua on 29 December.
He had vigorously defended his superior, and the following day, in a letter to the Archbishop, had
begged pardon for possibly going too far.83 The Archbishop concluded with an all–embracing
reminder: ‘Let the Congregation stay within the strict limits of Canon Law, observe its Constitutions
in every detail, not forget the reverence due to the Archbishop and not do or attempt to do anything
against his jurisdiction.’ ‘Let it not be lacking in the duties of justice towards him and the diocese,’
and ‘let us give an example of humility which is the first virtue of Religious Congregations.’84
The reply written by Don Bosco but signed by Fr Rua, contained a very schematic set of
observations. He was in agreement both de iure and de facto on the first three items: the Vinovo
case was due to ‘pure inadvertence’ by the writer. As for young men dressed as clerics who
wanted to enrol in the Salesian Society, this took advantage of faculties obtained in a decree
attached to canonical approval in 1869. Reservations were expressed on the power of interdiction
by the bishop in the matter of accepting priests or clerics from the diocese who asked to join the
Congregation. As for irreverent letters and chats, he wanted to know about them ‘in order to detest
them, make amends and reparations in the most formal manner. ’Concerning observation of Canon
Law’ he asked for understanding for a Congregation which, he said, ‘had been born and was now
growing up in demanding times, so has need of everything and everyone with the greatest
indulgence, compatible with the authority of the Ordinaries;’ therefore what was asked for was not
‘the rigour of Canon Law but the greatest charity and clemency in applying it.’ ‘Items listed in the
last part of the letter were not particularly pleasing to its recipient.’ They were matters that had
‘caused great consternation and humiliation for the poor Salesians’; the decree of 17 November,
1874 with which their Archbishop had removed privileges and favours granted by his predecessors;
the negative reply to the request to come ‘to honour the seventh anniversary of the consecration of
the Church of Mary Help of Christians with some celebration’ and to administer Confirmation to the
Oratory boys at Valdocco or allow him to invite another bishop; the refusal of faculties to preach for
two Salesian priests. Despite all this the Superior was never ‘heard to say or write or foster
anything in any other way that was to the detriment of his Ecclesiastical Superior;’ indeed he had
not signed any of the correspondence against the Archbishop which had gone to Rome, and had
dissuaded ‘the collaborator of one of our worst newspapers’ from publishing ‘a series of articles
already paid for and ready’ and which were against him. Last October, at great financial cost to
himself he had destroyed the manuscript of an ‘infamous biography’ of the Archbishop which had
been sent him ‘so he could see to the printing of it.’ He was ‘always happy when, with sacrifices of
the kind’ he could succeed in doing things that could ‘safeguard the honour of the Archbishop
whom he had always loved and respected.’85
Despite the unfavourable atmosphere, Don Bosco, who was working hard towards the
upcoming departure of Salesians for South America, renewed his request for Salesian clerics,
mainly if destined for the missions, to have some of the faculties among those contained in the
earlier request. He would not have the Archbishop as an ally in pursuing them since there would be
no reason for the latter to alter his deep–rooted convictions of principle or his beliefs about the
ambiguous legal status of the Salesian Society and the uncooperative behaviour of its founder. The
days immediately following were just one hard blow after another.
A first indication was a Postulatum the Archbishop had included in his ad limina Report on 21
March, 1876 and which, on 11 April, the Secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars
ordered passed on to the compiler for the Congregation to summarise its content for the next papal
audience. It touched on matters of the legal status of the Salesian Society and its interference in
83 Cf. MB XI 486–487.
84 Letter of the archbishop, 31 December 1875, Documenti XV 389.
85 Cf. signed letter of Fr M. Rua, January 1875, MB XI 302–305; E III 1–4.

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diocesan life. The Archbishop prefaced his remarks by saying the Society ‘had already done so
much good and would do so in the future’ but he then complained that it had ‘the tendency to
interfere in the discipline of my diocesan clergy.’ It took in clerics dismissed from the seminary
because they were ‘considered unsuitable for the sacred ministries, and [the Society] sent them to
colleges in other dioceses, promoting them to Holy Orders with serious embarrassment to the
Archbishop. In fact, students at the seminary ‘who were threatened with expulsion laughed at the
threat, replying that in case of expulsion they already knew where they could safely go.’ ‘Therefore
I am petitioning the Sacred Congregation to finally offer an effective solution to this serious
confusion.’86
On 20 March, 1876, Gastaldi wrote to Cardinal Bizzarri with a more detailed argument against
the granting of privileges. He advanced reasons of principle and fact. The Archbishop stated that
he was always a ‘defender of Religious Orders’ and recognised the need for them to have ‘some
privileges and exemption’ for their internal government, for example dependence, transferal and
destination of their members’ and in the Foreign Missions. But ‘lengthy study’ and ‘repeated
practical observation’ had confirmed his view that the privileges accorded Religious Institutes ‘that
ran contrary to the authority of the bishops’ served ‘only to threaten their authority which has more
need than ever to be sustained and surrounded by the splendour and power of the Holy Apostolic
See, so the civil power over it [episcopal authority] is diminished.’ As for the granting of privileges
to Don Bosco, he was opposed to one circumstance in particular: his spirit of independence and
superiority’ which, moreover, was taking root in his disciples.’ He then presented a kind of either–or
that could only presumably have put the Cardinals of the Congregation in an embarrassing
situation: ‘If D. Bosco has deserved and does deserve the Church’s kindness, then I believe that I
too have not been and am not undeserving of it, and therefore I do not see why privileges should
be conferred on him which will be a punishment for me.’ The confession which concluded the letter
was not rhetorical pathos but a touching message of intimate suffering: ‘The Archbishop’s authority
in Turin has been stripped of any civil splendour, deprived of four fifths of its income, vilified,
derided, mocked, insulted daily in almost every newspaper in Turin, and this because the
Archbishop holds firm in manifesting his affection for the Holy See and in demanding observance
of God’s law and that of the Church, so it should not be further diminished by D. Bosco. His letters,
words and deeds have shown themselves to be so contrary that one of the worst newspapers in
Turin rejoiced that D. Bosco is known to be the only priest able to resist the Archbishop. If new
privileges are to be given the Salesian Congregation in Turin which will harm my jurisdiction, at
least wait till my death, which cannot be more than a few years away at most. Or give me time to
retire from this post where, given the accumulation of new difficulties, I cannot remain for much
longer.’87 This letter, too, the Secretary of the Congregation ordered to be passed on to the
compiler.
Archbishop Gastaldi made a last appeal in pained tone for Don Bosco not to be rewarded with
privileges in his letter of resignation sent to the Pope on 3 April, 1876. ‘I have one member of the
clergy around me’ he wrote ‘who, although he has done and does still do great good for my
diocese, has in some way brought and still brings great damage to my administration by speaking
ill of me within the diocese and to surrounding bishops. Since he is about to gain new privileges I
do not want to have further conflict with him.’88 This was a voice of someone playing a part in a real
drama where the antagonist was equally involved. Two believers, dedicated to doing good, not only
did not understand one another but were doing wrong on behalf of doing good. There can a lack of
understanding even between saints. There can be an inability to understand and be understood
86 Cf. letter and Postulatum in Documenti XVI 186–187, 188; MB XI 472–474, 599–600.
87 Documenti XVI 186–187; MB XI 472–474.
88 Text in MB XII 642.

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also in people who believe in the same God who is Love, people who certainly and sincerely love
one another in Him and love what is for the good of God and neighbour.
The faculties requested were limited, and did not include the ones Gastaldi was afraid of.
Having asked the Congregation of the Index for the faculty of reading and holding onto prohibited
books, others were granted, including: for priests to be able to hear confessions in any diocese and
while travelling; for erecting oratories and chapels; for exercising the pastoral ministry in all
churches of the Congregation; the extra tempus for ordinations89 Don Bosco told Fr Cagliero, the
leader of the expedition to Argentina, that he was satisfied: the Holy Father ‘has granted many
privileges and spiritual favours amongst which the same rights as parishes for all our houses:
confessors approved in one diocese can hear confessions in any of our houses and also while
travelling. The extra tempus has been granted. You will receive a list of them all.’90
Later, a letter from the Archbishop went to the curial lawyer, Carlo Menghini, stating that he had
‘no difficulty with the privileges Don Bosco’ might ask the Holy See for ‘so long as they do not
interfere with the bishop’s jurisdiction.’ So he opposed one which said: ‘In all the churches of the
Congregation they can celebrate Holy Mass, administer Holy Eucharist, expose it for the
veneration of the faithful, teach catechism to children and preach the Word of God.’ He noted: ‘This
jurisdiction would be seriously interfered with when a part of the flock is removed from the bishop
to be given to D. Bosco, submitted to him, making it independent of the bishop in certain of its
relationships.’ He argued: ‘Such a faculty should be in the bishop’s hands and granted with due
limitations, extended or restricted according to prudence or local circumstances.’ Nevertheless he
gave assurances the faculty had always been granted by his predecessors and by himself in a
decree dated 17 November, 1874, but he had had to ‘restrict it when a parish priest in Turin came
to me assuring me that given the small size of his parish he could and did in fact look after all the
children and young adults who were his parishioners but his efforts would be ineffective when the
above–mentioned freedom was left to his parishioners.’91 At audiences on 3 May, and 10
November, 1876, Don Bosco also gained vivae vocis oraculo from Pius IX a dispensation from
testimonials.92 However, this only came to the knowledge of the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars on 16 December in reply to a severe letter from the Cardinal Prefect, Innocenzo Ferrieri,
on 28 November. 93
What Don Bosco had gained was useful but far from what he had originally requested.
Objectively, the state of relationships in the triangle made up of the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars, Gastaldi and Don Bosco, did not permit rupture in the precarious equilibrium entrusted to
the wisdom of the Roman protagonists.
A number of simple incidents occurred which did not contribute to calming matters. A disciplinary
reminder was given on the occasion of the Feast of Mary Help of Christians, which saw the Bishop
of Casale celebrate the Solemn Mass with all due pomp but without the Archbishop’s permission.
Although it was a question of law, such defence of episcopal dignity seemed rather more political.94
There are two letters of Don Bosco’s from around this time, both interesting but for different
reasons. In the first, dated 12 August, he invited the Archbishop to the Oratory to administer
Confirmation to the boys.95 Archbishop Gastaldi preferred the boys to come to the Archbishop’s
church at his palace to receive Confirmation. The other letter was to his bishop friend at Vigevano,
89 Rescript of 21 April 1876, MB XII 646–647.
90 Letter of 27 April 1876, E III 51–53.
91 Letter of 5 May 1876, MB XI 600–601.
92 Text in MB XII 647.
93 Cf. Chap.25, § 5.
94 Cf. MB XII 236–237; and letter of justification from Can. Santo Giuseppe Masnini, 8 June 1876, pp. 649–
651.
95 E III 86.

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Pietro Giuseppe De Gaudenzi. He told him that the philosophy teacher for the clerics at the
Oratory, Fr Giuseppe Bertello, had replaced the text with Rosminian leanings by Pier Antonio
Corte, recommended by Gastaldi and used at the seminary in Turin, with another neo–scholastic
text. He also offered some criticism on the collapse of moral teaching at the Convitto after
Bertagna had been sacked in September. He ended with an obscure prediction: ‘But for sure, God
will put things right and maybe very shortly.’96
Over these weeks, the Archbishop suffered a serious affront with the priestly ordination in Rome
on 22 October of Blessed Francesco Faà de Bruno, with the direct backing of Pius IX, the
Vicariate, and support from Don Bosco and Bishop Moreno, thanks also to dimissorial letters
issued by the Bishop of Alessandria, Faà di Bruno’s own diocese. The Archbishop moved very
correctly in the case, seeking to avoid disparity of treatment in regard to similar cases in the
diocese. What he had asked for was simply a calmer preparation extended over a few more
months.97 The end result was a dignified one with the new priest being incardinated in the Turin
Archdiocese on 1 December.98
5. Constitutions improved, diocesan approval of the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help
of Christians. (1874–77)
The move of the first sisters from Mornese to Borgo S. Martino made way for the early rapid
expansion of works that would characterise the next five years, as we see from the Report to the
Holy See on the moral and material state of the Pious Society of St Francis de Sales for March
1879. From a mention of the Mother house at Mornese in the Salesian Society listings for 1873, it
went to a list of 21 works in the Report, three of which were already in Uruguay and Argentina.99
This vital expansion became one of the significant features contributing to the basic shape of the
Institute. The strong practical link with Don Bosco and the Salesian Congregation, in addition to the
legal and textual link, seems to have been decisive for the FMA Institute’s early history and rapid
development.
As for the Institute’s spirit, it is not possible to underestimate the part Don Bosco played directly
or via trusted helpers in reviewing the text of the Constitutions carried out between 1872 and 1885.
They were also an echo and result, naturally, of lived experience and mature reflection within the
Institute of the Mother and her successor (1881), her Assistants and the communities embodying
the law and spirit of the Constitutions.
Changes over the five years led to the text which gained diocesan approval of the Institute in
1876 from the Bishops of Acqui and Casale Monferrato, and led to the first printed text in 1878
(though in fact it was 1879).
Work on the Constitutions is documented by nine manuscripts which followed the Costituzioni
Regole which we have spoken of (ms A) and which provided discipline for the life of the Institute at
least until 1875 if not beyond. Over the whole period from 1872 to 1885, some manuscripts did not
make waves while others that ended up being decisive cannot be found.100 Other than the printed
96 Letter, autumn 1876, E III 99.
97 Cf. letter to Faà of 26 August 1876, reported by M. CECCHETTO, Vocazione ed ordinazione sacerdotale di
Francesco Faà di Bruno, in Francesco Faà di Bruno (1825–1888). Miscellanea..., pp. 148–149.
98 Cf. G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815–1883, Vol. II..., pp. 251–254; M. CECCHETTO, Vocazione ed
ordinazione sacerdotale di Francesco Faà di Bruno, in Francesco Faà di Bruno (1825–1888).
Miscellanea..., pp. 106–183; P. PALAZZINI, Francesco Faà di Bruno scienziato e prete, Vol. II. Rome, Città
Nuova 1980, pp. 74–185; G. MARTINA, Pio IX (1867–1878)..., p. 479.
99 S. Pier d’Arena, Tip. Salesiana 1879, 18 p., OE XXXI 237–254. pp. 14–16, OE XXXI 250–252 concern
the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians.

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texts of 1878 (1879) and 1885, approved and promulgated by Don Bosco, mss D (1874–75), G
(1876–77) and K (1884) were highly significant.
Important intervention by Don Bosco is noticeable in the first two, and by Fr Cagliero as an
authoritative interpreter of the founder’s thinking in the third. He had experienced the life of the
Institute with Don Bosco more than anyone else and over a longer period. The greatest number of
Don Bosco’s interventions are to be found in Ms D (1874). He intervened on at least two different
occasions. Cecilia Romero indicates that they ‘are found throughout the text of the Constitutions, in
the formula for clothing and profession [the only manuscript with this], and even in the minutes
relating to the foundation of the Institute there are two footnotes in his own hand.’101 They found
confirmation in Ms G (1876), ‘the most complete and authoritative of the manuscripts we have.’ In
fact, ‘it brings together all the drafts of the preceding manuscripts; it was reviewed and carefully
corrected by Don Bosco and is the one that coincides almost completely with the text approved in
the diocese of Acqui.’102 The variants due to Don Bosco which are in both, provide further proof of
how much at heart he had the task of giving life and shape to the new Institute structures.
With only minor variations, the two manuscripts sent to the Bishops of Acqui and Casale
Monferrato for diocesan approval were identical to ms D. Don Bosco corrected their title,
introducing the one of the Institute would finally settle for: Costituzione per l’Istituto delle figlie di
Maria Ausiliatrice. ms G, acknowledging ms D, with a number of corrections from Don Bosco, Fr
Rua and others, was then the basis for the first printed text in 1878 (1879).
With regard to ms A, Costituzioni Regole, it is worth highlighting the articles which include the
more ‘bosconian’ features, further qualified in that sense by adjustments Don Bosco made to ms
G.103 They were mostly to do with the crucial section 1. Purpose of the Institute: in the first instance
it was ‘to attend to their own perfection and to help in the salvation of their neighbour [add
especially Gb; and 1878] by giving a Christian education to the girls of the people.’ The articles that
followed specified how: ‘2. Therefore before anything else, the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians will endeavour to practise the Christian virtues, and then act for the benefit of their
neighbour. It would be their special concern to take on the running of schools [add Girls Boarding
Schools, Gb ‘educators’ 1878], infant schools, education homes, festive congregations
[‘congregation’ here to be understood as, say, Sunday prayer gatherings] and also to open
workshops to benefit the older girls in the poorest towns and villages. Where there is a need they
will also lend assistance to poor sick people, and other similar works of charity. 3. They can also
accept young middle class women in their houses but will never teach them subjects and skills
proper to the aristocracy and upper class. They will make every effort to form them in piety and
everything that can help make good Christians of them, but so they can also eventually be able to
honestly earn their daily bread. See the Institute’s prospectus. 4. The Institute will comprise young
single women who profess a common life in all things with temporary vows taken annually over
three years. When they have finished their triennial vows the Major Superior, in agreement with the
Superior Chapter, may also admit them to perpetual vows whenever they deem it useful for the
Religious concerned and for the Institute. There will be cloister but within the limits compatible with
their duties.’ The Superior’s powers were described as in the Costituzioni Regole.104
100 The process is followed up in the excellent critical work by Sister Cecilia Romero, which we are drawing
from.
101 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 86. In this manuscript all the variants, except for two, are from
Don Bosco: cf. Analytical recognition and related considerations in pp. 87–95, and variants marked D in
the critical apparatus for the critical edition of ms G.
102 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 203.
103 Quoting from the critical edition of Ms G along with corrections made, found in G. BOSCO, Costituzioni
per l’Istituto..., pp. 209–252.
104 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 209–211.

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The second section General Arrangements of the Institute was better structured on the basis of
clearer links with the Superior General of the Society of St Francis de Sales, his representative or
Director General, the local Rector–Parish Priest,’ confessor; and also regarding obligations of the
vows, perseverance and defections. ‘The Institute is in immediate dependence on the Superior
General of the Society of St Francis de Sales, who is known as the Major Superior. He can have
himself represented by a priest whom he will delegate under the title of Director of the Sisters. The
Director General will be a member of the Superior Chapter of the Salesian Society; the particular or
local Rector will be the one to whom the management of some House or Institute is entrusted.’ (art.
1); ‘All the Houses of the Institute will be fully subject to the jurisdiction of the Ordinary for
everything concerning the administration of the Sacraments and practice of religious worship. The
Sisters of each House will have their Rector as parish priest, proposed by the Major Superior and
approved by the diocesan Bishop.’ (art. 2)105
Section 3 in Don Bosco’s hand was new: Internal regime of the Institute. The numbering of
sections to follow changed as a result – there were now 16 sections instead of 15. It read: ‘The
Institute is governed by the Rector Major of the Salesian Congregation and guided by a Chapter
made up of the Superior General, Vicar, Bursar [Economa] and two assistants.’ (art.1 ). ‘The
Superior General will manage the whole Institute and all material and spiritual matters of the
Houses of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians will depend on her.’106 This meant restructuring
the three sections to follow: 4. Election of the Superior General, Vicar, Bursar and two assistants,
5. Superior Chapter, Elections of the superior of individual houses and their respective Chapters
(the earlier version read: Chapter of the central house and Council), and 6. Mother of Novices (the
earlier version read: Bursar and Novice Mistress). The three articles dedicated to the Mother of
Novices were new. The second and third of these stood out for offering a concentrated summary of
‘spiritual pedagogy’: ‘The Novice mistress should be a Sister of proven virtue and prudence. She
should have a profound and clear knowledge of the Rules and be known for her spirit of piety,
humility and patience in all things’ (art. 2). ‘She will make the greatest effort to be kind and friendly
so her spiritual daughters will open themselves to her in everything that will keep them progressing
in perfection. She will guide them, instruct them in observance of the Constitutions especially in
what concerns the vow of chastity, poverty and obedience. Similarly she will be a model for them
so the novices can observe and fulfil all the practices of piety prescribed in their Rule’ (art. 3). 107 In
1878, the last part of the 3rd article was modified by Don Bosco thus: ‘She will be a model for them
in everything so they may fulfil all the prescriptions of the Rule. She is also recommended to
inspire the novices in the spirit of mortification but using great discretion so as not to go beyond
their strength and make them unsuitable for the work of the Institute.’108
The last part of the draft of ms G and the 1878 printed Constitutions made no reference to the
‘General Chapter’ which existed in fact. The election of the Superior General and the members of
the Superior Council was up to a collegiate group made up of the Superior Chapter and the
superior and one Sister elected by each house.109 The 1878 Constitutions spoke only of the
Superior Chapter and superiors.110 In the two following sections, the 7th and 8th, a clear distinction
was made between the postulancy (three months corr ex three years: six months, 1878) and
novitiate (two years), with strong similarities with the recently approved Salesian Constitutions.111
105 Cf. G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 212–215.
106 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 216.
107 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 225.
108 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 266.
109 Cf. tit. 4°, art. 4° and 6°, G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 219 and 220.
110 Cf. G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 261, 262, 266.
111 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 228 e 268.

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Distinctive of the spirituality of the Institute were the Principal virtues proposed for study by the
novices and for practice by the professed as listed in the only article making up section 9, almost
identical to the ones already proposed in the first text, the Costituzione Regole.112 Again, in ms G,
the earlier Section 9, Distribution of hours of the day, was divided into sections 10, Distribution of
time, and 11 Special practices of piety, going from 10 to 14 articles all up.113 There were not many
changes compared with ms A in sections 13 to 15 on the vows and in the final Common rules for
all the Sisters.114 Section 15 and the final section of the Costitutioni Regole on the obligation of
observing the rules and daily timetable disappeared.
6. Formative government in view of the missions (1875–77)
Over these years ,Don Bosco did not limit himself to specifying or annotating the text of the rules.
He was also involved in the religious, inner nature of the Institute, strictly connected with the life of
institutions run by the Salesians. As indicated, from January 1815 onwards, he took steps to
purchase the Castellino house next to the old Moretta house. However, its previous use and
position did not make it suitable for a religious community. He was thinking of a dwelling with an
attached courtyard or playground that could function as a festive oratory for the girls.
On 8 August, 1875, he wrote to a mature novice, Maddalena Martini (1849–83) from Turin,
encouraging her to persevere in the pretty much heroic choice of religious life, given that she came
from a well–to–do family, which could make it hard for her to bear the poverty of Mornese. The
letter is a typical expression of Don Bosco’s style and an exemplary document of his thinking on
‘consecrated life’.
It was the kind of formation he knew how to provide as founder. ‘Beloved daughter of J.C.,’ he
wrote ‘Your going to Mornese has been such a blow to the world that it has sent the enemy of our
souls to trouble you. But listen to God’s voice calling you, to save you from an easy, smooth path,
and put aside any suggestion to the contrary. Indeed, be content with the concerns and doubts you
experience because the way of the Cross is what leads you to God. On the contrary, you could fear
some trick by the evil enemy. So, be of the opinion that: 1. One only arrives at glory through effort.
2. We are not alone, but Jesus is with us and St Paul says that with Jesus’ help we become all–
powerful. 3. Whoever abandons home, family and friends and follows the Divine Master is assured
of treasure in heaven that no one can take away. 4. The great reward prepared in heaven should
encourage us to put up with any difficulty on earth. So take courage, Jesus is with us. When there
are thorns, put them with Jesus’ Crown of thorns. I recommend you to God in my holy Mass; pray
for me too that I may always be, in J.C., your humble servant, Fr John Bosco.’115
She professed her vows on 24 June, 1876 and left for Argentina in 1879 as FMA Provincial,
where she was a wise and much loved Superior. She died at Almagro, (Buenos Aires) on 27 June,
1883.
Don Bosco wrote to the Secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars from Mornese
on 24 August, where he had arrived with Carmelite Fr Emiliano for a retreat for men and women: ‘I
am writing this letter from the House of Mary Help of Christians, where there is a retreat for 150 lay
people run by the Sisters in terms of discipline and the material side of things. These are the
Daughters of Mary of whom we have already spoken on occasions, and they are growing in
numbers considerably. They already have schools in one town, a boarding school and two houses
112 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 230.
113 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 231–236.
114 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 239–252.
115 Em IV 499.

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in other dioceses.'116 The following day he also told Countess Girolama Uguccioni about the
retreat.117 Don Bosco received and heard the confessions of those who came to him and he
announced the possibility for Sisters who had completed their triennial vows of taking perpetual
vows. On the 28th he gave the habit (no longer brown but black, with a blue veil) to fifteen
postulants, among whom Maddalena Martini, received fourteen triennial professions and as many
perpetual ones. Among the latter group were Domenica Mazzarello, Emilia Mosca and Enrichetta
Sorbone. The following day he gave a demanding conference to the whole community on cloister:
it was strict from a religious point of view but flexible with regard to their educational tasks. Among
other thing he referred to the ‘ruota’ [wheel or turntable for exchanging foodstuffs other items
between the Sisters and the Salesians] already operating in the community at Borgo S. Martino.118
He left Mornese on 29 August, accompanied by Fr John Cagliero and Fr James Costamagna,
for a destination and purpose he told Fr Rua of: ‘To speak with the bishops with whom I have
business to discuss. I am going to Ovada and I will let you know from there the day of my return to
Turin.’119 A number of bishops had come to Ovada, the birthplace of the founder of the Passionists,
St Paul of the Cross, to celebrate the first centenary of his death. Among other matters at Ovada
he busied himself with reviewing the Constitutions in view of having a text ready to present to the
Bishop of Acqui.
Following this, from Varazze, he insisted with Fr Rua on work to be done in preparing a place
for the Sisters in Turin. ‘Get on with works for our Help of Christian Sisters.’120 Two days later, from
Allasio, he gave instructions for the Rector at Mornese: ‘Also write to Costamagna for the clothing
of Sisters at {Borgo] S. Martino. Tell him also to prepare Campi and Fassio [two clerics in the
Salesian community at Mornese, and both elementary grade teachers] for ordination next
Christmas.’121 He also reminded him on the 24th from Nice: ‘Make yourself available to go to
Mornese the day after the Immaculate Conception, to do what has to be done.’122 We find out about
what had to be done from a letter to Fr Cagliero on 4 December: ‘On the 12th of this month Fr Rua
and Fr Mino [a Vincentian] will go to Mornese for clothing of some Sisters and professions of some
others.’123
Don Bosco was in Nice to begin the Salesian work in France.124 In the above–mentioned letter
to Fr Cagliero on 4 December he also announced the proximate establishment of the Salesians
and the Sisters at Vallecrosia, two kilometres from Bordighera. ‘On my return [from Nice]’ he wrote
‘I began the undertaking against the Protestants at Bordighera. The house which will look after the
boys and religious worship has been entrusted to Fr Cibrario with some other townsfolk. The
Daughters of Mary Help of Christians will look after the kitchen and the girls … They are still
increasing in numbers. At the beginning of next January a group will go to look after the new house
at Alassio.’125
The double community began its work at Vallecrosia on 10 February, 1876, as he once again
told Fr Cagliero: ‘Yesterday (10 February) the two small houses at Ventimiglia were opened.’126 The
Daughters of Mary Help of Christians house at Alassio, instead, opened on 12 October. In a
116 To Archbishop S. Nobili Vitelleschi, Em IV 510.
117 Em IV 510–511.
118 Cronistoria II 146–150.
119 To Fr M. Rua, 28 August 1875, Em IV 513.
120 Letter of 18 November 1875, Em IV 562.
121 Letter of 20 November 1875, Em IV 564.
122 Letter of 24 November 1875, Em IV 566.
123 Em IV 574.
124 Cf. Chap.21, § 1–2.
125 Letter of 4 December 1875, Em IV 574.
126 Letter of 12 February 1876, E III 18.

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petition to Leo XIII on 15 March, 1878, among the works most in need of help, Don Bosco included
the schools at Vallecrosia emphasising their success: ‘Four Salesians and three Sisters of Mary
Help of Christians are at work there and thanks be to God their efforts have been fruitful. The
Protestants have been forced to close their schools and conferences for lack of pupils and others
attending.’127 He wrote in similar terms on 12 March, 1879 to the Cardinal Secretary of State,
Lorenzo Nina (1812–85)128
Don Bosco had also made an amazing promise to Fr Cagliero at the beginning of January 1876:
‘Remember that in October we will be sending thirty Daughters of Mary Help of Christians with a
dozen Salesians, maybe some earlier if it is urgent.129 It was a grand dream that would actually
come true, though with a smaller group of Sisters in 1877.
On 14 January, 1876, he presented the Bishop of Acqui, Bishop Sciandra, with ‘the rules of the
Institute of Mary Help of Christians’ with the request ‘to give diocesan approval to the Institute and
its Constitutions.’130 The bishop granted this promptly by decree on 23 January.131 Then it was
Turin’s turn, with his thinking constantly on the Americas. On 12 February, Don Bosco wrote to Fr
Cagliero: ‘The Sisters will come to Valdocco at the beginning of March. Should we prepare them
for America?132 To set them up in Turin, on 22 March he forwarded a request to the Archbishop to
be able to open a girl’s oratory with its own chapel for girls from the Valdocco district. ‘The room set
aside as the chapel’ he specified, ‘is about one hundred and fifty metres from the church dedicated
to Mary Help of Christians, on the ground floor with public access and joined to the building
destined as a residence for some of the Sisters who are gladly coming to look after girls at risk.’ 133
Trusting in the ‘outstanding prudence’ of Bishop Sciandra, the Archbishop issued his decree on 28
March that ‘the aforesaid rooms in the aforesaid location may be entrusted to these Sisters,’
reserving the right to grant diocesan approval to their Congregation after adequate experience.134
On the 30th, Don Bosco told Fr Cagliero: ‘Today we blessed the chapel for the Sisters in the
Catellino house and for now there are seven of them. Sister Elisa is the Mother Superior. Mother
Giuseppina is also here.’135 On 5 April, Mother Mazzarello provided Fr Cagliero with more detailed
information on the various appointments for the Sisters and their respective duties: ‘The Sisters
who went to Turin are Sister Elisa [Roncallo 1856–1919] (Superior) and Sister Enrichetta [Sorbone
1854–1942] (these two for study; following her exams Sister Enrichetta will, I hope, return to
Mornese), Sister Caterina Daghero and Sister David for the school, Sister Carlotta for the kitchen,
Sister Adele Ajra for mending tunics, Sister Luigia di Lu for watching over the washer women.’136
Don Bosco provided additional information for Fr Cagliero on 27 April : ‘Mrs Orsella Felicita has
died. Teresa [her sister] will go and stay with our Sisters at Valdocco who are doing very well.’137
Early in 1877 he gave Fr Rua a nice suggestion which the Sisters were certainly happy with since
they were full–time ‘housekeepers’: If the Sisters like teatrino let them go.’138
127 E III 319.
128 E III 455–456.
129 E III 11.
130 Letter from Mornese, E III 11–12.
131 The texts of the request and episcopal decree are found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di
vita..., pp. 160–166.
132 E III 18.
133 E III 30.
134 Cit. in MB XII 664–665.
135 E III 32.
136 M. E. POSADA, A. COSTA, P. CAVIGLIÀ, La sapienza della vita. Lettere di Maria Domenica Mazzarello.
Turin, SEI 1994, p. 55.
137 E III 52.
138 Letter of 11 January 1877, E III 136.

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Meanwhile, negotiations were underway with Bishop Basilo Leto, Bishop of Biella, to send some
Sisters to look after the kitchen and wardrobe at the diocesan seminary. In a letter to Fr Rua on 25
April, Don Bosco offered an outline of points for agreement, not without reference to the canonical
‘tarabacola’ or ‘ruota’.139 With Fr Cagliero he once again took up discussion of the hoped for
overseas mission candidates, along with some other dreams and a few short–term
accomplishments: ‘See if you can tell me the personnel needs, Salesians and Sisters, and I will try
to quickly organise an expedition so that once things are in order you can return to Valdocco to
start a house in Rome, then a trip to India … It is understood that in October our Sisters will go and
look after the seminary at Biella, and three Sisters will open a hospice in Trinità.’140 At the end of
another letter, filled with facts and plans, he could not hold back his emotion at so much grace:
‘There are already 150 of our Sisters; we have to have two retreat sessions for them. There will be
some houses of ours [Salesians and/or Sisters] at Sestri Levante, Trinità di Mondovì, Biella etc.
etc. What movement!’141 The Daughters of Mary Help of Christians arrived in Biella on 7 October;
the following day, another group set themselves up at Lu Monferrato to run a workshop, school,
oratory and infant school, the first to be opened by the Institute. The Sisters were also requested
by the Rota family, parents of Salesian Fr Pietro, who subsequently became Salesian Provincial in
Brazil. With regard to financial arrangements at Biella, in a letter to Fr Rua on 13 October, 1876,
Don Bosco noted: ‘200 francs [a year] for each Sister is small, while Countess Callori is giving 400
[for Lu Monferrato]. At least f. 250.’142
A completely unforeseen involvement willingly taken on by the Central administration both in
Mornese and Turin, was the one undertaken by the Sisters at Sestri Levante over June –
September 1876, at a summer camp for scruffy children from Lombardy. Sister Enrichetta Sorbone
was so well accepted that she gave the ‘goodnight’ each evening and was avidly listened to.
Assistance in mountain and seaside camps ended up becoming one of the Sisters’ ongoing forms
of apostolate.143
In September 1877, the Sisters also went to the college at Lanzo for the usual services of
kitchen and wardrobe. Don Bosco had asked for the Archbishop of Turin’s consent, assuring him
that their presence would not interfere with other Sisters locally: ‘We note that the Sisters will be
involved exclusively in the college. For their practices of piety they will take part in the ones
regularly taking place for the students at the College.’144 Instead, the Sisters who crossed into Nice
the same month to set up there were destined for assistance and educational responsibilities
alongside the Salesians’ Patronage St. Pierre. Theirs was the girls’ Patronage of St Anastasia.
7. First move to South America; Mother house transfers to Nizza Montferrato (1877–78)
On 8 September 1877, the community at Mornese was told of the decision by Don Bosco to fulfil
his longed–for dream, and Mother Mazzarello’s too, to send some Sisters to Uruguay.145 Don
Bosco had already forewarned the man most interested, Fr Lasagna (Fr Cagliero was already on
his way back to Europe) of the event by letter on 16 July, 1877. He had already asked him
especially to decide on the number because Mrs Jackson from Uruguay had offered to meet the
expenses of the journey.146 He wrote to her two months later: ‘Fr Cagliero has made his choice and
139 E III 50.
140 Letter of 27 April 1876, E III 52.
141 To Fr G. Cagliero, 29 June 1876, III 69.
142 E III 105.
143 Cronistoria II 193–194.
144 Letter of 10 September 1876, E III 94.
145 Cf. Cronistoria II 276.
146 E III 199.

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the chosen six are hurriedly studying Spanish and preparing for their departure next November.’147
The names of those chosen were revealed at the end of the month. Angela Vallese, Superior,
Giovanna Borgna, a native of Buenos Aires, Angela Cassulo, Angela Senegri from Mornese,
Teresa Gedda, Teresina Mazzarello. On 25 October, Fr John Baptist Lemoyne arrived in Mornese
to replace Fr Costamagna who was to go to South America. The missionaries left on 6 November
for their farewell ceremony in Turin, and on the 7th for a papal audience fixed for the 9th. Halfway
through November they were already well on their way to Villa Colón in Montevideo. The Bollettino
Salesiano, which had come out a few months earlier for the first time, gave prominence to the
farewell at Mornese and the departure.148 On 31 December, Don Bosco hastened to tell Cardinal
Franchi, Prefect of Propaganda Fide, of the event in a report in which he listed the Salesian works
in Argentina and Uruguay: ‘10. Not far from Villa Colón, a girl’s boarding school and day school for
poor and abandoned girls run by the Sisters of Mary Help of Christians, who also belong to the
same Congregation.’149
He also outlined the arrival of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians in Chieri to start a girls’
oratory. Don Bosco did not foresee the problems he would meet, but on a front quite other than
that of his faultless and zealous Sisters.150 He wrote to Fr Rua from Rome in January 1877, where
he was involved in the matter of the Concetlini:151 ‘Our Archbishop wrote a long letter giving news
of his health and expressed pleasure at the idea of an Oratory in Chieri etc. etc.’ 152 He replied to
the Archbishop: ‘With regard to Chieri, I will do what I can to set up an oratory for girls and another
for boys; the approval and support of the Ecclesiastical Authority give me greatest
encouragement.’153 More concretely, he asked Fr Rua to be involved in their future support, and ‘for
a priest.’154 Less realistically, he told Fr Cagliero by letter on February how the arrival of the Sisters
in Chieri had gone: ‘Our sisters have opened a girls’ oratory in Chieri.155 In reality, the opening
would only take place in January 1878.
Over this period, Don Bosco also provided guidelines of a general nature for activity which
confirmed his continuing and concrete interest in the Institute. From Marseilles on 5 March he
suggested the following guidelines to Fr Rua: ‘When there is a need to send Sisters to a new
house, they should not all be taken from the Mother house, but as we do for Salesians in Turin, find
someone in already opened houses who is capable, and replace her with a new one, and send her
to run the new house.’156
It was a time of change for the Institute, which rapidly came to a point where the Mother house
needed to transfer. Don Bosco played a part in this. In the first half of May 1877, he wrote to Fr
Bodrati who was from Mornese: ‘A house has been bought in Nizza Monferrato where the house at
Mornese will transfer to, to its great advantage, I hope.’157 His involvement was especially intense
as he tackled the considerable sum needed to purchase, then restructure the ‘old convent and
Church of Our Lady’ ‘reduced to being an awful wine warehouse’ which had to be restored.158
147 A E. Jackson, 13 September 1877, E III 213. He gave the news in letters of 30 September, E III 220 and
223, to the Vicar Apostolic in Uruguay, Bishop Vera, and to E. Fynn.
148 Partenza dei missionari salesiani e delle Suore di Maria Ausiliatrice per l’America, BS 1 (1877), no. 4,
December, pp. 1–3.
149 E III 258.
150 Cf. Chap.28, § 5.
151 Cf. Chap.25, § 2
152 Letter of January 1877, E III 138.
153 Letter of January 1877, E III 142.
154 Letter of January 1877, E III 146.
155 E III 149.
156 To Fr M. Rua, 5 March 1877, E III 154.
157 E III 173.
158 To Mrs F. Pastore from Valenza Po, 6 May 1877, E III 169.

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Three letters stand out from 1877, to Canon Edwardo Martini at Alassio, who had already been a
generous benefactor of the college in his town and whom Don Bosco sought to involve in this
‘great enterprise’. Between convent and church the cost of purchase was around 180,000 lire
[567,907 euro]. The Canon indicated he was prepared to make available some bonds he
possessed.159 Since the building and church had been a former Capuchin monastery expropriated
in 1855, he asked the Holy See for authorisation to purchase them.160 He informed Countess
Gabriella Corsi of the purchase so she could mobilise charity from her family and other residents at
Nizza. ‘Now we have to find the money. Tell me who I can write to; meanwhile stir up the piety of
the clergy and faithful in Nizza. It is to their glory that a terribly profaned building may be returned
to worship.’161 In March 1878, he also sent out a lengthy circular written in Rome and printed at
Valdocco.162 It took more than a year for the building and church to be made usable.
In 1878, the oratory and workshop in Chieri were in the home straight. ‘Go ahead with matters
in Chieri’ was his encouragement from Rome towards 20 March.163 On 19 May, he informed the
Archbishop of Turin that he had prepared ‘a building and chapel dedicated to St Teresa at the
former Bertinetti house’ in Chieri and asked him to allow ‘the Sisters of Mary Help of Christians’ to
‘go and live there to look after the girls as was granted the Sisters already running a school next to
the church in Valdocco.’ He asked him to delegate someone to bless the chapel.164 The Archbishop
issued the decree on 19 June. The Sisters took up residence in Chieri on 22 June, 1878.
Things moved rapidly in August for transferring the General Hose from Mornese to Nizza
Monferrato. On the 23rd Don Bosco wrote to Count Cesare Balbo, son–in–law of Countess
Gabriella Corsi, impatient to see the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians at Nizza Monferrato:
‘We are unable as yet to fix the date for the opening of the House at Nizza, since work on the
Sisters’ dwelling and a place for the chaplain or rather Director, is still going on. However,
arrangements for the girls’ school are already complete and you will have them soon.’165 Count and
Countess Corsi were the greatest supporters and benefactors of the work, further supported by
Count Cesare Balbo.
On 16 September, the first group of Sisters was in place with their superior, Sister Petronilla
Mazzarello and the Economer General, Sister Ferrettino, and another five Sisters. They were
followed over the ensuing days by the gradual arrival from Mornese of Sisters and girls. 166 Mother
Mazzarello arrived there on 4 February, 1879 and welcomed with a brief academy by Sisters and
girls.167
Don Bosco disseminated the Prospectus for the boarding school at Nizza, after it moved in
summer.168 It was taken from the one at Mornese and adapted by Fr Bonetti and was accompanied
159 Letters in May 1877, E III 171–172, 174–175. He also told the Canon about the church ‘reduced to being
a horrible wine warehouse” (E III 171).
160 Cf. Petition to Pius IX on 25 August 1877, E III 210–211, and letters to Mrs Lansetti on 25 August and 8
September, E III 211, 212. The documents on the Pratiche per ottenere dalle Autorità Ecclesiastiche
facoltà di acquistar il sopradetto Convento e Santuario are found in the first pages of the book Notizie
storiche sul Convento e sul Santuario di Santa Maria delle Grazie presso Nizza Monferrato.
Nell’occasione faustissima che il Santuario veniva riaperto al divin culto ed il convento tramutato in casa
di educazione pel Sac. Francesco Arrigotti. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1878, pp. 3–8, OE XXX 407–412.
161 Letter to Countess G. Corsi, 26 September 1877, E III 219.
162 E III 306–307.
163 To Fr M. Rua, E III 324.
164 E III 343.
165 Letter of 23 August 1878, E III 381.
166 A letter from the Superior to Fr Cagliero on 30 September is a significant document on the setup of the
girls school: cf. P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 257–259.
167 Cf. P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 281–283.
168 Cf. Already quoted letter to Count C. Balbo of 23 August 1878, E III 381.

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by a brief circular specifying the purpose of the Institute in the usual terms: ‘Raising Christian girls
in religion and morality.’169 The Bollettino Salesiano was also involved. In September it gave ample
coverage to the Institute under the protection of Our Lady of Graces in Nizza Monferrato, and St
Teresa in Chieri.170 On request on 28 September, sent to the school inspector at Acqui, the
Provincial School Council at Alessandria granted the Nulla Osta for the opening of the girls’
elementary school established in the boarding house, ‘under the express condition’ that the
teachers there would be ‘Roncallo Elisa and Daghero Rosa, and that the management be
entrusted to the first named.’171 On 22 October, Don Bosco was able to tell his ‘good and dearest
Mamma,’ Countess Gabriella Corsi, that the Church of Our Lady of Graces would be blessed on
Sunday 27 October. He added: ‘I was told that the Count [Cesare Balbo] has set up a committee to
organise a collection to help with our expenses. I thank him for my part. He is a true Salesian
Cooperator.’172 The General House and the girls’ school belonging to the Daughters of Mary Help
of Christians were starting out on a long, eventful and fruitful history.173
Fr Bonetti, editor of the Bollettino Salesiano, treated readers to A hope not disappointed: the St
Teresa’s Oratory at Chieri.174 He was chaplain there. The work was about to face some serious
issues in January 1879.175 The following edition had a prominent article–cum–news item on the
departure of another ten Daughters of Mary Help of Christians for South America.176
Don Bosco’s activity on behalf of the Sisters continued in the years that followed, up until his
death.177
8. Trigger for renewed effort towards institutional maturity
Two important event in 1877–78 created new opportunities for the Institute to consolidate its
Salesian religious identity and develop its own spiritual and active vigour. The two events were the
Salesian General Chapter in September–October 1877 and the first assembly of the Sisters’
Superiors and Superior Council in August 1878.
The former officially confirmed and sharpened the awareness by Salesians of the novelty of the
women’s Congregation which had a founder in common with their own Society as well as a
common purpose, approach and spirit. As a consequence, they were committed to establishing
correct and fruitful relationships between the two. However, this was a perspective that emerged
during the Chapter. The printed booklet outlining topics the Chapter members would take into
consideration made no reference to the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. They did not even
appear among the eight topics Don Bosco added in a manuscript of his own. Instead the topic
came up halfway through the Chapter at the plenary assembly on the afternoon of 13 September.
169 Cf. Letter and prospectus in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 245–249. the
prospectus was printed in modified form the following year: Programma. Istituto femminile sotto la
protezione della Madonna delle Grazie in Nizza Monferrato. Turin, Tipografia Salesiana 1879, in P.
CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 289–292.
170 BS 2 (1878) no. 9, September, pp. 11–13.
171 The two documents are found in P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 253 e 267–268.
172 E III 397. The church was blessed by Fr Cagliero, and the schola cantorum from the Valdocco Oratory
was there.
173 On the boarding section and school see the excellent monograph by P. CAVIGLIÀ, Educazione e cultura
per lTo Frna. La Scuola “Nostra Signora delle Grazie” di Nizza Monferrato dalle origini alla riforma
Gentile (1878–1923). Rome, LAS 1990, 410 p.
174 BS 3 (1879) no. 1, January, pp. 8–9.
175 Cf. Chap.28, § 5.
176 Le dieci vergini prudenti ossia la seconda schiera di Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice partite per l’America: BS
3 (1879) n. 2, February, pp. 5–7.
177 Cf. Chap.29, § 3 and 4.

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At the end of a protracted discussion on the need for and ways of preserving the memory of the
Salesian Society through chronicles in individual houses, with a view to a general chronicle, the
assembly then went on, without any particular connection ‘to establishing a commission’ according
to the minutes ‘which would deal with the Sisters [the term used was actually Monache, or ‘nuns’]
in relation to our colleges.’ Members of considerable stature were immediately appointed: Fr
Cagliero as president and Fr Cerruti as supervisor, along with Fr Lemoyne and Joseph Ronchail.
Topics to be studied and referred to were also indicated: ‘Rules for the Sisters’ house to be
established, preachers, confessors, times for confessing. Visits from outsiders, and also
ourselves.’ It was clearly an improvised canvas.178
But Don Bosco was thinking, on the day of discussion in the meeting hall, of offering a much
broader perspective within which to examine the documents presented for discussion and decision
at the general afternoon session on 22 September. Also present on this occasion was Fr James
Costamagna, the Rector at Mornese, who along with Fr Bonetti had not turned up at almost all the
other sessions. It seemed that the assembly had to confine itself to examining the articles of the
proposed set of Regulations. What they did immediately begin dealing with was the ‘direct
communications’ of the Sisters with Salesians, both in the case where they had a work next to the
Salesians’ work, and where ‘so many good Sisters – these were Don Bosco’s words – were ‘taking
care of the laundry and kitchens in our houses.’ But having said this, the founder began a
discussion that showed how elevated and vast he felt the Institute’s mission was. He said: ‘Once
upon a time it was thought the sal terrae was exclusively for priests; but now every effort was being
made to alienate them from teaching. Even for girls, efforts were being made to appoint teachers
who preserved little of religious principle. Therefore we need to find a way for our Daughters of
Mary help of Christians to be assisted in looking after the education of girls, especially poor girls
from the various towns, doing for them what the Salesians are doing for boys. Thus, they too can
be, and can dispense, the salt of the earth. They can especially do good in hospitals and by setting
up schools. Now they are beginning to associate with us in the missions as well. The good they
can do is immense.’179
It was within this framework of the identity of objectives and the intensity of collaboration that he
located the precautions to be taken in relationships, ‘so that’ as he explained, ‘greater good can be
achieved, so there will be no risk to one another, and so the eyes of evil–doers are not given cause
for calumny.180 This registered the tone for the detailed discussion that followed on norms which
needed to be drawn up.181
Reduced to eleven articles, the document On the Sisters concluded the Deliberations of the
General Chapter of the Pious Salesian Society held at Lanzo Torinese in September 1877 and
published in 1878 with a presentation signed by Don Bosco on 1 November. But the eleventh and
final article was no simple norm. It was much more. It was truly legal intervention from the highest
legislative body of the Salesian Society in dealing with its parallel female Institute. It ran thus: ‘The
Chapter approves their particular Rule [the Constitutions] already in print and approved by the
diocesan bishop of the Mother House at Mornese, and by other bishops.’182 Clearly, Don Bosco
intended by this act that the Institute not only have the recognition of a handful of members in
central government but that it be officially recognised by the whole Congregation: a Family that
accepted the other Family and placed it side by side with equal dignity of religious life and apostolic
activity.
178 G. BARBERIS, Verbali II 184.
179 Nineteenth session, 22 September, G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 3–4.
180 G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 2–4.
181 G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 4–10.
182 Turin, Tip. e Libr. Salesiana 1878, pp. 94–95, OE XXXIX 470–471.

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A sign of the maturity reached by the Institute was the important event of August 1878: the first
special gathering since its foundation, of leaders of houses and superiors on the Council. It had
particular relevance for the internal life of the young Congregation. Analogous to the ‘Conference of
Salesian Rectors’ it assumed functions to some degree close to those of a General Chapter. The
meeting took place with a retreat from 13–20 August, 1878. Fr Cagliero presided at the sessions,
suggesting topics to discuss, ruling on discussions and taking part in formulating deliberations.183 It
is difficult to establish whether or not Don Bosco, who was at Mornese from the 16th, exercised
any direct influence. When he advised Fr Lemoyne of his arrival on the 16th (Lemoyne had been
Spiritual director of the house for a year), he indicated something quite different. ‘We will have time
to chat at our leisure and count up all the money that you, the Sisters and others, can put towards
the order of the day.’184
183 Cf. Cronistoria II 335–337; P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., pp. 238–244.
184 Cf. letter to Fr G. B. Lemoyne, 6 August, E III 373, and Count C. Balbo of 23 August, E III 381; P.
CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., p. 237.

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Chapter 21
OPEN TO THE WORLD (1875–77)
1874
1876
1877
10 and 26 October: Monsignor Espinosa and Fr Ceccarelli reply to
Commendatore Gazzolo concerning the Salesians in Argentina;
28 and 29 January: Rectors and the Oratory told about the ‘missionary’
project in the Americas;
9–21 November: arrival of Salesians in Nice and the opening of the St Pierre
hospice;
11 November: farewell ceremony for departing missionaries led by Fr
Cagliero;
14 and 21 December: Arrival of Salesians in Buenos aires and San Nicolás
de los Aroyos.
9 February: Arrival of Salesians and Daughters of Mary help of Christians at
Vallecrosia;
14 April: Don Bosco’s speech at Arcadia;
7 November: Farewell to Salesians leaving for Argentina with Fr Bodrato, and
to Uruguay with Fr Lasagna.
August: Fr Cagliero returns to Turin.
1875 marked the beginning of the expansion of Don Bosco’s work beyond the borders of Italy into
Europe, and Latin America. It was no surprise for anyone who had been able to intuit his
temperament and faith. This new leap forward went with his character, apostolic impatience and
restlessness, which did not permit him to pause at goals already achieved. He was also
responding to more or less explicit concerns: the institution, the Congregation, could run the risk of
self–satisfaction and fossilisation if it did not reach out to new objectives, as was the case –
following his spiritual doctrine – for every journey of moral and spiritual perfection, if it stops and is
satisfied with goals achieved: non progredi regredi est. Nor should we exclude the desire he had to
free himself of the many local legal restrictions hedging him in at both the civil and canonical levels:
study qualifications, school inspections, paralysing regulations in civil terms; strict rulings on
ordinations, excessive institutionalisation of religious formation, imposition of inflexible steps, and
obligations in cultural formation, rigid steps for profession of vows, being barred from access to
‘privileges’ in ecclesiastical terms. Already from childhood he was inclined to avoid restrictions,
suffocating spaces, through his dreams, especially the dream (more daydream than night?) of
vocation to the priesthood.
In the late afternoon of 20 may, with his trustworthy Fr Barberis, Don Bosco indulged in
significant reflection prompted by a globe of the world which Barberis, a geography teacher, had
placed on a table in the library. Speaking of missions and missionaries, the discussion turned to
Asia: ‘It has a population of about eight hundred million,’ Don Bosco observed ‘and yet very few

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are Catholic. China alone, the Chinese empire, has around five hundred million souls and India
almost two hundred million. Oh! How many souls, and how many missionaries would be needed.
‘We already think we are something here in Europe. Well, the Chinese empire alone has one
and a half times the population of the whole of Europe. We are already used to speaking about
Piedmont, going back over and studying its history, and observing its progress and backward
steps, yet is not Piedmont but a mere drop in the middle of a lake? And then there is the atom
which is our Oratory here in Valdocco!’ He continued, laughing: ‘Well, there’s so much to be done,
and from this tiny corner we can think of sending people there, etc.’1
In this context, over 1874–75, the notion of the Salesian Cooperators was maturing at the same
time he was thinking of expanding into France and South America. The move into nearby France
was something he personally saw to and followed up, the works in France becoming an object of
his special concern and a frequent goal of his visits, while the works in South America he could
only guide, sustain and animate from a distance.
1. The special Turin–Nice axis (1874–77)
The opening of the first Salesian work in France in 1875, at Nice, which belonged to the Kingdom
of Piedmont–Sardinia until 1860, was accompanied by much caution. It should not make us think
of a return of Italian nationalists to the country handed over to France as part of political bartering
agreed upon at Plombières in 1858 by Napoleon III and Camillo Cavour, and legitimised by both
parties.2 In 1870–71, coinciding with the end of the Empire and the advent of the Third Republic,
there was still a consistent movement which had gained new vigour and which was against the
annexation and in favour of a return to Italy, though this had never been encouraged by the Italian
Government. But by the end of 1871 this movement could be considered over.3 Don Bosco and the
Salesians came to Nice without any of this in mind; it was well over by 1875.
Poor and abandoned youth, though, do not admit of nationalistic divides, and the new arrivals
intended to dedicate themselves exclusively to them, requested to do so by people who loved their
city and those of its children who were most at risk. They were sure of the support of the
authorities, civil and political as well as religious.
It was the first time Don Bosco had crossed into France, destination Nice, capital of the Alpes
Maritimes Départemént. Real need and charity were not unknown to this city. With more than
50,000 inhabitants, it displayed wealth but also signs of poverty: such as in all the Côte d’Azur,
focus of much international tourism in the first half of the century, where there were many large
groups of wealthy people coming from northern France, Russia, Germany, England. They gave
considerable financial contribution to local charitable and philanthropic activities. The surrounding
hinterland, mountainous and devoid of economic resources, brought poverty and misery and
strong urban migration as people sought better fortune. They added to local need and widespread
begging, encouraged by the munificence of well–off winter guests. Churches, especially Catholics,
organised charitable initiatives. The clergy were enterprising, led by their bishops. Piedmontese
Giovanni Pietro Sola (1791–1881), Bishop of Nice from 1857–77, was called ‘the father of the
poor’. Lay Catholic activity also flourished, especially through the St Vincent de Paul Conferences
and religious communities dedicated to assisting the needy and the sick: the Daughters of Charity,
1 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 1, p. 21.
2 Cf. Chap. 1, § 7.
3 Cf. E. COSTA BONA, Echi italiani sulle elezioni a Nizza (1870–1871), in “Rassegna Storica del
Risorgimento” 78 (1991) 161–174.

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the Little Sisters of the Poor, the Hospitallers of St John of God. Also active in social work were
Protestant groups, the Jewish community and the generous Russian Orthodox colony.4
The detailed chronology contained in the Epistolario (collection of letters) enables one to look at
the early beginnings of Salesian work and the years that followed. Particularly helpful is a letter
sent to Salesian aspirant Fr Luigi Guanella, with a precise indication: ‘Nice, 12 December, 1874: …
Your place is ready. You can come when you wish … P.S. Thursday [17 December] I will be [but in
fact he was not] in Turin.’5 Don Bosco also wrote to Fr Rua: ‘I am in Nice where I will leave on
Saturday for Ventimiglia, Pigna [in the Bordighera hinterland], then Alassio. On Tuesday I will be in
S. Pierdarena and Thursday in Turin, si dominus dederit … I am leaving Nice right now.’6 He wrote
to Fr Rua again from Alassio on the 15th: ‘I am leaving for Albenga and will continue the journey,
but I do not know if I will be in Turin on Thursday. I probably cannot be there until Saturday at
midday. Matters are multiplying all the time. Pray and get the others to pray. Address everything to
S. Pierdarena.’7
He returned to the Oratory on Saturday the 19th. Just prior to Christmas, he wrote two different
letters to Baron Aimé Héraud and his wife, thanking them for their very courteous hospitality in Nice
for himself and his companion, Fr Giuseppe Ronchail, and stating that he wanted to enrol the
Baron ‘among the list of our outstanding benefactors.’ He also told him he had received ‘a letter
from Michel, the lawyer, who could not return for now.’8
Don Bosco’s work in Nice did not come from nothing. From May 1874 until October 1875, a St
Vincent de Paul confrere had been running a centre for catechetics and a night school in a former
stable of a property situated on the Place de la Croix de Marbre. He did this while his health
permitted. Meanwhile, after being in contact with some Religious Congregations, the bishop and
members of the St Vincent de Paul turned to Don Bosco, whose work they knew of, given the
connections between Nice and Turin through Conferences in Nice, Liguria and Piedmont, as well
as through people close to Don Bosco such as Count Cays and Baron Feliciano Ricci des Ferres
and members of Conferences in Nice. Among the latter were Baron Héraud and lawyer Michel,
vicepresident of the Nice Conferences and president of the Patronage for apprentices.9
The meeting in Nice in December 1874 brought rapid results. Don Bosco felt that the former
stable was inadequate, so Vincent de Paul members rented the Avigdor spinning mill situated at
no. 21 Rue Victor, and set it up. The ground floor was set aside for the community life of residents
and Salesians, and the basement for establishing shoemaking and carpentry workshops.
Once again, the Epistolario provides precise indications of movement back and forth between
Liguria and Nice, close to the opening of the work in November 1875. Time was short for working
out what to do, coming to agreement and realising plans. When questioned by lawyer Ernst Michel,
the chief negotiator in dealings with Nice, a few days before the farewell to Salesians heading off to
Argentina, Don Bosco replied by indicating the date of arrival and asking how many Salesians
4 Cf. O. VERNIER, D’espoir et d’espérance. L’assistance privée dans les Alpes Maritimes au XIXe siècle
(1814–1914). Bienfaisance et entraide sociale. Nice, Éditions Serre 1993, 542 pp.
5 Em IV 362.
6 Letter of 12 December 1874, Em IV 363.
7 Em IV 364.
8 Letter of 23 December 1874, Em IV 369–370.
9 For precedents, the beginnings and development of Salesian work in Nice F. DESRAMAUT’s work is
fundemental: Don–Bosco à Nice. La vie d’une école professionnelle catholique entre 1875 et 1919.
Paris, Apostolat des Éditions 1980; for relations between the St Vincent de Paul Conferences and
charitable initatives in Nice, with particular reference to Salesian work, cf. [E. MICHEL], Noces d’or de la
Société de St–Vincent–de–Paul à Nice, 1844–1894. Nice, 1894, 98 pp.; [L. CARTIER], Historique du
Patronage St–Pierre à Nice, in “Bulletin Salésien” 33 (1901) no. 1, January, pp. 15–22, dedicated to the
Année jubilaire de l’oeuvre de Don Bosco en France.

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should come with him, what they might need to bring, and what acceptance there would be if he
wanted to bring with him a certain number of French–speaking boys who wanted to return to Nice.
The date of arrival indicated was 20 November, and that day would mark the beginning of the
work.10 Prior to that, however, it was necessary to advise an ‘Excellency’, probably a civic one,
explaining the project and asking for his kind acceptance.11 On 15 November, Don Bosco asked Fr
Rua from Sampierdarena, where he had accompanied the Salesians who had left Genoa on the
14th for Argentina: ‘It would be good if you could write to Perret, a cleric at Lanzo, and tell him to
pack up and come with me to Nice where we are awaited on the 20th. Everything is ready. He can
go directly to Alassio where I can meet him.12 Perret was still a novice. From Varazze on the 18th,
Don Bosco informed Fr Rua of the final two steps: ‘For your information, tomorrow, the 19th, I am
going to Albenga; I will spend the night at Alassio. On the following morning, the 20th, I will leave
for Nice where you can address mail for the next 6 days. The day after, or rather the 26th, I will go
to Ventimiglia. From the 27th to the 30th again in Alassio, then to S. Pier d’Arena or wherever I tell
you.’13 From Varazze, on the 18th, he wrote to Count Eugenio De Maistre about the departure of
the missionaries and said: ‘I am now heading for the Riviera to Nice with three of our priests to
open a house in that city.’14 He wrote once more to Fr Rua from Alassio: ‘God willing, I will write to
you from Nice, where I am leaving for today at 9 a.m. with Perret, Cappellano and Ronchail.’15 One
priest, Fr Enrico Guelfi, had preceded them there ten days earlier. Don Bosco then immediately
added cleric Evasio Rabagliati for music and singing. One 24 November, after first saying ‘things
have begun here and we can give a hand to the work,’ he gave instructions to Fr Rua that the
twenty–year–old cleric, as well as bringing ‘some music and his strictly personal gear’ would
accompany four of the eight boys from Algiers to Nice who had been sent to the Oratory by the
Archbishop of Algiers, Archbishop Lavigerie, but instead he arrived with all eight! It would have
been better for him to be in Nice for Sunday the 28th ‘because that day,’ he explained ‘there will be
Mass at the Patronage de St. Pierre, Rue Victor 21.’ ‘Much kindness and joy for us and the new
hospice which has all the essentials of the one in Turin.’16 He informed Fr Cagliero on 4 December:
‘On the 2nd of this month [more precisely, the 20th of the previous month] the Patronage was
opened in Nice with a hospice for poor boys. The Rector is Fr Ronchail, Perret as teacher,
Rabagliati pianist, Cappellano cook.’17 Don Bosco also had a letter of recommendation, sent to the
Rector in Latin, to present to the diocesan bishop. He stated in it that Ronchail was a priest ‘with
good moral qualities approved by many bishops for preaching the Word of God and duly hearing
confessions of both sexes as well as having formal registration as a teacher of classics and
teachnical subjects, and French.’18
The Semaine de Nice, Revue catholique on 27 November, announced the presence in the city
in the early days of that week of ‘abbé’ Bosco from Turin, the apostle of abandoned youth, a man
of God, humble and admired for his works.’ It then gave some information on those who had
encouraged him to come there: ‘It is thanks to the initiative and requests of the Bishop of Nice and
a few respectable individuals, that it was possible to attract the concern of Don Bosco’s great soul
10 Letter of 6 November, Em IV 544–545.
11 Signed and undated letter in which Don Bosco mentions the presence in the Oratory of Algerian
youngsters and some from Nice. It would be convenient to transfer them to a hospice better suited to
their particular circumstances: Em IV 541–543.
12 To Fr M. Rua, 15 November 1875, Em IV 554.
13 Em IV 562.
14 Em IV 560–561.
15 Em IV 564.
16 To Fr M. Rua, 24 November 1875, Em IV 565–566; another letter a few days later, Em IV 567–568
17 Em IV 574. He repeated this to him in a postscript to a letter on 12 February 1876: “The house in Nizza
has started off very well. Fr Ronchail Rector, Rabagliati pianist, Per[r]et teacher, Chapellano cook, Guelfi
Enrico the regular guard” (E III 18).
18 Certification [“Your ‘dimissorial’ to be presented to the Bishop of Nice”] 10 December 1875, Em IV 380.

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to our city, where the number of lost, abandoned boys wandering the streets is on the increase.’
Finally, it announced the opening of the Patronage de St.–Pierre on Sunday the 28th with Mass
celebrated by the bishop at 8.30 a.m.
L’Unità Cattolica in Turin reported on the opening of the Patronage in Nice. It referred to the fact
that ‘eight young men from Algiers who were already gathered there were present in their Arab
clothing’ and reported on the Pope’s words during the audience granted the Salesian missionaries
when he learned from them of the imminent opening of the work in Nice: ‘May God bless it and
may it be the tiny mustard seed that becomes a huge tree so that many doves can take shelter
beneath its branches. May the sparrow–hawk stay far from them.’19
2. A constant presence for the mother house in France
Don Bosco did not entrust the work to his men without being present to them in person or through
correspondence. Four days after his return to Turin he began a letter to the Rector, Fr Ronchail,
with these words: ‘The newspapers have made much of of our house in Nice, and we must take
the greatest care to see that everything goes well.’ He included reminders, prayers, greetings for
various important individuals: Prince Sanguwski and his mother the Princess, lawyer Michel, Baron
Héraud, the Count and Countess de la Ferté. He provided rules for looking after money: ‘Do not
keep money with you that you do not strictly need; if you have more than this, send it to the Oratory
addressed to Fr Rua. That can be used for any trips that have to be made.’ But he reassured him:
‘Should you have some unexpected need and you cannot provide otherwise, ask immediately and
we will try to provide you with something. Always make a note of the name and address of people
who give alms, thank them and keep in touch with them, especially if they are ill. I believe Bishop
Sola will have seen the Genoa Cittadino; if not, it is good that I know and I will send him the
numbers that speak about him. Go and visit him sometimes. Please give out the enclosed notes
with a greeting to all, especially to Cappellano.’20
Resident students in the first school year were no more than a dozen, while the number
attending the oratory is uncertain. Two weeks after the work began, the Superior sent special
instructions to the Rector of the house in response to concrete situations. They can be found in an
undated handwritten note. Some of the reminders concerned the internal regime: ‘Work out which
boys show signs of a Salesian vocation; see to familiar, cordial relationships ‘with the clerics, the
confreres.’ Pay attention to frequent use of the sacraments and preaching to the boys, inviting
clergy from outside. Make absolutely sure you do not get involved in the controversy surrounding
the local Marian Shrine at Laghetto.’21
The most serious issue to resolve seemed to be almost immediately the location and
inadequacy of the premises at the Patronage, which really had no future. Don Bosco and his men
quickly sought another solution. Called to Nice to help with a sermon de charité run by Bishop
Gaspard Mermillod on 24 February 1876, he quickly agreed on the purchase of Villa Gauthier,
Place d’Armes, for 90,000 francs [295,429 euro] which in real terms was 100,000 francs [329,255
euro] taking additional costs into account. ‘Our contract has now been concluded at f. 90,000’ he
told Baron Aimé Héraud.22 His appeal to his faithful administrator, Fr Rua, was ‘We have made the
contract. 100,000 all up. But it is a beautiful building. Get the money ready.’23
19 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 284, Sun. 5 December 1875, p. 2035.
20 Letter of 10 December 1875, Em IV 579.
21 To Fr G. Ronchail, letter halfway through December 1875, Em IV 581.
22 Letter of 1 March 1876, E III 21
23 Letter of 2 March 1876, E III 21. Lack of money led him to press Fr Rua to recover the money spent in
the earlier stages of construction of the Church of S. Secondo (cf. Chap 18, § 2.2): “When in Turin, we
will speak about the Church of S. Secondo”.

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Three months later he got back to the Rector once more, suggesting some ingenious solutions:
pass on news of indulgences to ‘collectors and benefactors,’ raise a loan through a mortgage, ‘a
building or some other property,’ ask lawyer Michel, Prince Sanguwski, the City Council, the City
Prefect to intervene. At the same time he guaranteed sure help from Turin.24 He was very soon
able to describe the steps to take for a solution, following a meeting with Bishop Sola in Piedmont.
He wrote to Fr Ronchail from Alassio while visiting the houses in Liguria: ‘Other than what Fr Rua
will have written to you from Turin, you can regard the following as a basic set of activities: 1. Make
a preliminary agreement for purchase of the Gaut[h]ier house, setting a month for paying the entire
sum from the date of your agreement. A mortgage allowance. 2. Over this time I will see to making
the thirty thousand francs [98,476 euro] or even more if needed available to you. On this basis
bring together lawyer Michel and Baron Héraud , or better, ask them to meet with you, and tell
them that since a common agreement is involved we need to bring the ‘dance’ to an end at the
cost of some sweat and tears and maybe more. This is what God wants and that is enough. I have
spoken at length with Bishop Sola and he is very keen on it. He told me that once he is back home,
maybe today or tomorrow, he will dedicate himself totis viribus to Gautier [=Gauthier] house. He
wants to contribute an amount and hopes something will also come form others, and he invited me
to let you, the Baron and lawyer Michel know about these matters. Note well that we had some
certain debt recovery items on which I was making calculations. They are sure enough, but time is
a problem. Nevertheless, I have already provided otherwise and we will honour the time frame I am
indicating. Thank our two champions as mentioned in a special way and I will prepare a certificate
that I am sure they will like. I will send it to them as soon as someone here goes there in person. It
is also good to note that before paying, free up any mortgage or claim weighing on our premises.
Take very good care of your health.’25
Fr Ronchail had 10,000 lire [32,825 euro] available for the preliminary contract. Fr Rua was
invited to send him 20,000 from Turin.26 The purchase was completed on 9 August. The building,
three storeys including the ground floor, was ready for the new school year. A tailor’s workshop
was added to the two previous ones. The number of residents immediately increased to 45.
The official opening of the new premises took place solemnly on 12 March, 1877. We will refer
to it ahead since it was in the booklet for the opening that Don Bosco’s address was published. It
was an archetype of his sermons de charité with the pages on the Preventive System in the
Education of Youth as an appendix. Present were the bishop, civil authorities, a crowd of principal
benefactors, while boys resident there put on a musical academy.27 The Patronage St.–Pierre in
Nice became the mother house and prototype for Salesian works in France.
Among events in the months that followed, one episode is worth noting as evidence of Don
Bosco’s desire to keep his work apart from political interference, also in France. Some rooms in the
Patronage, as can be seen from early drafts of manuscripts of Don Bosco’s address at the
opening, were reserved for the Catholic Workers Group promoted by certain members of the
aristocracy and the Legitimist [in favour of the monarchy] middle class. They began meeting there
on 19 March.28 The situation created problems which Fr Ronchail outlined to Don Bosco by letter
on 22 March, ten days after the opening celebrations: ‘The Catholic Group affair has given rise to
rumours in the city and stirred up a range of opinions in our regard. The clergy in general and
some of the Canons do not view this too favourably, and are saying that D. Bosco’s priests are with
the Chambord party and want to interfere in politics. I thought it best for those who spoke to me
24 Letter of 5 June 1876, E III 66–67
25 Letter of 5 June 1876, E III 66–67
26 Letter to M. Rua at end of July, E III 76–77 and again from Sampierdarena, 27 July 1876, E III 80–81.
27 Cf. the first edition in Italian and French, of the opening of the Inaugurazione del Patronato di S.Pietro in
Nizza a Mare..., 68 p., OE XXVIII 380–446.
28 Cf. Chap. 2, § 9.

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about it to let it be seen that we have nothing to do with this and that it is only a temporary measure
if they are using our place. What also created a bad impression was seeing the letter of invitation
include names such as Gignoux, Bétheune, Michaud, La Ferté, Michel, because all these
gentlemen did not approve of the Canons in the Laghetto affair.’29
Don Bosco must have let the Group know of the incompatibility of the two works, and they must
have taken it well enough, since a few months later they moved to Villa Pauliani.30 The reference to
the Group in the draft manuscript and which was in the printed booklet for the opening of the
Patronage did not appear in the text of Don Bosco’s address.31 Nevertheless, despite the facile
accusation of collusion with French Legitimists, In July 1883 Don Bosco did visit Count de
Chambord, who was hoping for a miraculous remission of an incurable disease.32
3. A personal and institutional plan for missionary involvement
Don Bosco received frequent requests in the 1870s to send Salesians to areas then considered to
be ‘missions’: Mangalore in India, Hong Kong, Australia, China, Africa and in particular Cairo, the
United States. We have already indicated two of the more detailed proposals relating to the months
leading up to the approval of the Salesian Constitutions: Hong Kong, and Savannah in the U.S.33
Apart from the scarcity of personnel, what made him hesitant was the difficulty created by countries
outside the major flow of Italian migration, with language and culture so notably different from the
neo–Latin roots of his potential missionaries.
But before being ‘called’ to Latin America, Don Bosco had nurtured an initiative of his own to
make his religious Society ‘missionary’ and in countries of a very different language and culture. It
was during the months he was in Rome for the approval of the Constitutions that he drew up a
broad outline of his plan, with the serious intention of quickly giving it substance. He had agreed on
it with a long–time friend who already in 1867 had wanted to contribute an offering to the building
of the Church of Mary Help of Christians.34 he was Irishman Mons. Tobias Kirby (1803–95), fully at
home in the Romen world and the Curia, both as Rector – already the Vice Rector for some years
– of the Irish College, and as confidant ad omnia of the episcopate in his country, either working at
home or in countries under the jurisdiction of Propaganda Fide: Australia and the U.S. especially.
At the centre of any number of reports, personal and in writing, he was elevated to the episcopal
dignity in 1881 and assigned titular Sees, first of Lete and then the See of Ephesus, an
archiepiscopal See, in 1885. Fr Berto makes a number of mentions of his and Don Bosco’s
presence at the Irish College in his 1874 Brevi appunti (Brief notes). It was an opportunity for
cordial encounters with students and important clerics, among them cardinal, bishops and
‘monsignori’ of the Romen Curia, as well as any Irish bishops passing through.35
It is natural that in a climate so imbued with sensitivity for the missions, and complete mutual
trust between the Rector and Don Bosco from Turin, that the idea of a mission project should arise,
with the latter playing the active role. To make it happen, he focused on the collaboration of two
29 Cf. letter of Fr G. Ronchail in ASC B 312.
30 Cf. Notice historique des Conférences et des Oeuvres de Saint–Vincent–de–Paul à Nice depuis la
fondation en 1844 à 1883 année des noces d’or de la Société, Nice, Imprimerie–Librairie du Patronage
de Saint–Pierre 1883, p. 57.
31 Cf. GIOVANNI (S.) BOSCO, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù. Introduction and critical
texts, ed. by P. Braido, RSS 4 (1985) 179, 222, 236.
32 Cf. Chap. 31, § 2.
33 Cf. 19, § 7.
34 Cf. letter of 9 June 1867 “A Monsig. Reverend.ma [sic] Monsig. Kitby, Rett. del Seminario Irlandese di
Rome Cameriere Segreto di S. S. Pio IX Rome” mons. Tobias Kirby, Em II 388.
35 Cf. G. BERTO, Brevi appunti…, pp. 41, 43–44, 60, 79 (17 March, Feast of St Patrick), 81 (Feast of St
Joseph, with a special homily from Don Bosco).

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young priests formed at the College: Reverends Liston and Hallinan. Don Bosco was in touch with
them on his visit to the College on 22 February. The first–named had only been ordained a priest a
few months earlier, while the other was still a deacon, though close to priestly ordination. As Bishop
of Limerick he would welcome the Salesians into his diocese in 1919.
The beginnings were promising, helped by the very cordial relationships between the authors of
the project. At the beginning of Mat 1874, towards the end of a brief letter of thanks to the Rector of
the College for To Fration of 100 lire [ca. 300 euro] Don Bosco wrote: ‘Tell Liston and Hallinan that
their rooms are ready. I have check them myself.’36 It was certainly a visit that had been agreed on
so that those who would have carried out the project in its initial stages in the field would have a
precise idea of the status of Don Bosco’s work in Turin. Confirmation of the visit would certainly
have followed. On 5 June, Don Bosco signed a letter of recommendation in Latin, for the Irish
bishops, on behalf of Fr Denis Hallinan. It is an interesting letter despite it being just a handwritten
item. It stated that the Salesian Society, in agreement with Pius IX and wanting to devote itself to
proclaiming the Catholic Faith ‘ad exteras gentes’, had made a choice for countries where the
English language was predominant. Therefore it would be desirable to have workers for the gospel
who had English as their mother tongue. With this in mind he was turning to Fr Denis Hallinan for
help, so that on his return to Ireland he could seek out teenage boys outstanding for their moral
and intellectual qualities and send them to Turin, so long as he was of the view that they were
called to the clerical state and displayed ‘some inward leanings towards the foreign missions or at
least to professing vows in the Salesian Congregation.’37 The document highlighted the elements
of the future destination of young aspirants, which aroused considerable perplexity in the two
young collaborators, already quite concerned about the treatment they would find in Turin with
regard to food, clothing and lodgings. Valdocco’s poverty would certainly have bothered them from
the moment they first saw it.
From the essential and detailed correspondence with Don Bosco over the months that followed,
the two trusted Irishmen and Mons. Kirby would have become clearer about the terms of the
original plan, and the difficulties in carrying it through.38 However, by October Don Bosco was
convinced the difficulties had been settled. He wrote about them to his trustworthy correspondent,
Mons. Kirby. Basically there were two difficulties. The request was that the young candidates –
some twenty of them had already been identified – could be taken in at the more comfortable
college at Valsalice, and that when they had completed their studies, they would be completely free
to go to ‘missions of their own choosing’ without any ties to the Salesian Congregation. His reply to
the first request was clear: ‘There is absolutely no value in seating young men at tables for
aristocrats if they are destined for the missions where life is one of continual self–denial.’ He said
he would be prepared to sit them ‘at my table.’ One can imagine it, but this would be the head table
for the boys at the Oratory. As for the vocational request, the counter–proposal was more delicately
put but firm: ‘I have replied that I intend these new pupils to become members of the Salesian
Congregation, and that in due course they would go to missions where English is the dominant
language, but in the place where we can foresee that they would give greater glory to God.’39
Unfortunately, Don Bosco did not follow the established practice at the Oratory and other colleges
in stating what he felt was the right principle in this case. None of his students, even if initially
inclined to the clerical state or to be Salesians, was obliged or urged to embrace this at the
conclusion of his studies. The choice of secular or clerical, diocesan or religious life was an
36 To Mons. T. Kirby, 2 May 1874, Em IV 284.
37 Cf. Em IV 294–295.
38 We find traces of such correspondence between Don Bosco and the two eager young Irish priests in a
letter he wrote to his trusty secretary, Fr Berto, from Lanzo halfway through September: “When you
come, bring me the letters of [=for Fr Liston and of [for] Fr Aliman [sic] that are on my desk. In fact copy
or have these two letters copied and send them quickly so we can gain a little time” (Em IV 320).
39 To Mons. T. Kirby, 3 October 1874, Em IV 329–330.

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absolutely free one, as also demonstrated by the increasingly crowded gatherings of past pupil
priests, laity, religious. It was also an ongoing, unarguable axiom in the Salesian Congregation that
only those who made an explicit request were sent to the missions. However, he ended his letter
by expressing trust in the goodness of the ultimate purpose for prevailing over any difficulties. ‘This
undertaking,’ he said ‘conceived with you in the Irish Seminary in Rome, will undoubtedly have
initial problems, but it will certainly be of great value to the Missions where there is a real and
fearful lack of priests.’40
For his part, after repeated requests by the two Irish priests, Don Bosco believed he had again
resolved the problem by relenting on the question of arrangements for the young aspirants and
expressing his readiness to discuss the controversial points, or rather ‘understandings’ (or
agreements) which his Irish correspondents believed he had ‘altered’. The young candidates would
be hosted at Valsalice and, as for the rest, he feared he had not been understood correctly due to
the language difficulty. He concluded with genuinely theological words of hope: ‘Since this is a new
undertaking,’ he repeated, convinced of its validity ‘we will need to face up to many difficulties, but
if it is God’s work it will go ahead for his greater glory.’41
In the next two letters, Don Bosco reconfirmed his efforts to satisfy the requests, but refused to
make this an ‘absolute obligation.’ At any rate, he ‘wanted them to at least leave the choice of
mission’ to him. Finally, he stated his readiness to accept an alternative: to accept ‘boys of another
condition’ meaning poor boys.42 He repeated this in his final letter on the matter. The fact that the
ship had been wrecked even before it was launched, he assured Mons. Kirby who blamed himself,
was not the fault of his generous friend, nor his own, rather was it what God wanted, respecting
human free will as always. It would have been better had they sent him poor boys – there were
many of them in Ireland even then. Their needs would have been fewer and the solution simpler.
He concluded: ‘If it is God’s work it will come right next time. Any time you find some poor boys
who want to be part of our way of life, I will be ready to accept them.’43
But would this have been a convincing and lasting solution? There was too much disparity of
sentiments, mentality, culture, habits, expectations. Neither Valdocco nor Valsalice nor any other
Italian Salesian house would have been able to respond to these. It was one thing for them to do
their formation in Italy, but in Rome in their own house, at a national ecclesiastical college; it was
yet another to spend years outside their own natural surroundings, uprooted and inevitably
misunderstood, starting with basic needs like food and lodging.44
Parallel to this more ambitious project, however, a more limited ‘Irish’ project had more success
and was perhaps more in line with what Don Bosco wanted. Elements for reconstructing this are
few but significant. It is not improbable that the Irish bishop he met at Mons. Kirby’s College for
lunch on 1 February 1874, was Matthew Quinn (1820–85), a former student of the College and of
the Urbanianum. From 1846–52 he was Vicar General of the Diocese of Hyderabad in India, and
from 1865 Bishop of the new Bathurst Diocese in Australia, a suffragan of the Sydney Archdiocese.
On that occasion, or following it, but certainly there was a personal encounter, the bishop and Don
Bosco had reached a precise agreement. The missionary bishop, who was leaving for Dublin,
recalled its essential terms in a letter to Don Bosco on 24 September 1874, replying to one from
Don Bosco on the 21st. It reflected the broader agreement with Liston and Hallinan but in minor
ways. The bishop would cover just the expenses of the journey to Turin for boys he would send
40 Ibid., 330.
41 To Mons. T. Kirby, 24 October 1874, Em IV 340.
42 To Mons. T. Kirby, 24 October 1874, Em IV 343.
43 To Mons. T. Kirby, 11 December 1874, Em IV 361.
44 Cf. W. J. DICKSON, The dynamics of growth. The foundation and development of the Salesians in
England, Rome, LAS 1991, pp. 37–41.

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from Ireland. A first batch of five would come, and when they had finished their studies they would
be destined for the ‘missions’ in Australia, whether they remained as diocesan priests or wanted to
join the Salesian Congregation. In a p.s. he said he had been in contact with Liston.45 So, Don
Bosco was committed to sending his future Irish Salesians one day to a mission to be established,
in agreement with the bishop, in Bathurst Diocese, Australia. He had not reached an agreement of
this kind with Liston and Hallinan. He had intended that the students they recruited would become
‘members of the Salesian Congregation’ who would go ‘when ready, to missions where English
was the dominant language, but in a place that would be for the greater glory of God.’46
But in writing to Kirby, Bishop Quinn saw that the more ambitious project discussed with Liston
would inevitably fail. ‘Poor Don Bosco’ he noted ‘is not in a situation to guarantee continuity to the
planned institution. More than that, he was demanding of the Irish students that they promise to
become members of his Congregation, and this they were not prepared to do.’47
However, not even the negotiations with Bishop Quinn were able to result in a precise
agreement. In an evening conversation on 6 December 1875 with various Salesians at the Oratory,
Don Bosco confided that the mission in Australia was, for the time being, a long–term project along
with Africa, California, Hon Kong and India. He said he had discussed the Australian project with
Bishop Quinn, arriving at the following conclusions: ‘We are not adverse to going, but: 1. For now
we do not yet have sufficient men to embark on such a venture; 2. If we go, we will be seen there
as a Congregation and will be our own people, subject only to the Holy See, and perhaps … 3. We
cannot afford huge expenditure and will need aid.’ But the chronicler drew the impression that Don
Bosco was sympathetic to this new undertaking and wanted two or three years to prepare it, given
the difficulties it presented: English as the language, a preponderance of Protestants, the nature of
the aborigines, the climate.48
4. The mission urge finds realisation among emigrants and native peoples (1874–76)
Perhaps it was because of the difficulties encountered in managing the failed ‘Irish’ project that
Don Bosco responded with particular haste to requests from Argentina. Called to extend the
activity of his Religious Society to more familiar shores, he personally assumed responsibility and
efforts towards this promising transatlantic initiative: the choice, acceptance, preparation,
organisation of the first expedition and others immediately following it, as well as establishing the
mission, finding personnel and resources combined with the ongoing search for essential financial
means. What was driving him still was his innate, inspired instinct for arousing the resolute desire
in others for evangelising conquest, spreading out from the civilised world to indigenous peoples,
and vice versa. There was always this unsatisfied tension towards unlimited expansion. It was the
same passion which had urged him towards his first work among young people in the 18540s in
Turin through the oratory conceived of and experienced as activity especially for the benefit of
those who, for various reasons, were outside any religious institution. It was typical missionary
activity.
4.1 Don Bosco active behind the scenes
Don Bosco placed men of great worth and trustworthiness at the head of those who would offer
themselves in due course for this demanding undertaking. Fr cagliero (who then became bishop
and cardinal), the humble but tenacious worker, Fr Francis Bodrato, the energetic and indefatigable
45 Cf. letter of 24 September 1874, in MB X 1270.
46 To Mons. T. Kirby, 3 October 1871, Em IV 330.
47 Letter quoted by W. J. DICKSON, The dynamics of growth…, p. 41.
48 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3, pp. 36–38.

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Fr Joseph Fagnano, who then became Prefect Apostolic of Southern Patagonia and Tierra del
Fuego, and the creative and enterprising Fr Louis Lasagna (who died as a forty–five–year–old
bishop in a railway accident in 1895), the lively Fr James Costamagna (who then became Vicar
Apostolic and Bishop in Ecuador), the reflective and hard–working Fr Joseph Vespignani, a great
personality in the Salesian Latin American world and within the general administration of the
Salesian Society. Despite the many limitations due to the scarcity of men and means, Don Bosco
initially gave and continued to give the necessary support for everything and anyone. Nor did he
fail to offer real direction and spiritual accompaniment especially to the men mainly responsible for
the work: provincials, rectors, but also individual Salesians and communities.
And finally, it was up to him to do the great work of keeping the missionary quality of the
common task alive among his Salesians and before Church and civil authorities on both sides of
the Atlantic. He also saw to providing legal foundation for the work with the erection, in August
1883, of the Apostolic Vicariate of North and Central Patagonia and the Apostolic Prefecture of
Southern Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego.49
The great adventure had its official beginning at the Oratory on the evening of 22 December
1874, when Don Bosco read out to members of the Superior Chapter three letters that had arrived
from Argentina with concrete proposals for two foundations. One, at the request of Archbishop
Federico Aneiros via his secretary, Mariano Antony Espinosa, was in Buenos Aires, to look after
the Mater Misericordia Church. The other was to manage a college at San Nicoás de los Arroyos
some 300 kilometres inland from the capital. This had been warmly supported by the parish priest,
Fr Pietro Ceccarelli, and a founding Commission led by the generous octogenarian José Francisco
Benítez. Don Bosco replied in the affirmative, with the understanding that he would take up the
matter formally as soon as he could.50
The first steps relating to Buenos Aires were assisted by Commendatore Giovanni Battista
Gazzolo, the Argentine Republic’s Consul in Savona. He sent two letters, one on 30 August to
Archbishop Aneiros, the other on 10 September to his closest collaborator, Mons. Espinosa. The
latter replied on 10 October, asking him to be in contact with the Confraternity of the Mater
Misericordia.51
At the same time, another applicant was added, Fr Pietro Ceccarelli, who stated that he had
admired the truly outstanding zeal of the excellent, indeed, incomparable Fr J. Bpatist Bosco in
Rome in 1867, 1868 or 1869.52 His letters on 26 October, 11 November, 2 December 1874 from
San Nicolás de los Arroyos. Showed real enthusiasm for the Salesians.53 He attached three official
documents to the 2 December letter: a report on the establishment and organisation of the
Commission, the deed of erection of the college building, and a description of it.54 They came with
an official request to Don Bosco to accept the running of the college. Fr Ceccarelli as parish priest
was making himself and what he had available for the Salesians, while José Francisco Benítez
asked for five Salesians and assured him of concrete support: ‘We will make five tickets for travel
available for Your Reverence, valid for the port at Buenos Aires, and also a money order for travel
expenses. The Commission took it upon itself to provide the necessary furniture and fix an income
49 Cf. Chap. 30, § 4.1.
50 On these matters, cf. R. ENTRAIGAS, Los salesianos en la Argentina, Vol. I Años 1874 y 1875. Buenos
Aires, ed. Plus Ultra 1969.
51 Letter in MB X 1294.
52 It is to be noted that Don Bosco’s name is simply Giovanni (John).
53 Cf. letter of 11 November 1874, in MB X 1296; The text of the letters to Comm. G. B. Gazzolo are found
in MB X 1296–1299.
54 The texts in MB X 1373–1376.

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of 800 francs [2,380 euro] for two years, establishing a farm with flocks of sheep as an income
basis.55
En route between Alassio and Sampierdarena, Don Bosco received all the documentation from
Gazzolo. On 22 December 1874, after letting the Superior Chapter know about the contents, he
replied to Mons. Espinosa, Fr Ceccarelli and the foundation Commission for San Nicolás college,
and Benítez, offering more than they were asking for. Some replies were still through
Commendatore Gazzolo. ‘Here are two letters,’ he wrote on the same date ‘one for Buenos
Hayres, the other for S. Nicolás. I am putting everything in your hands. Do what you believe you
should in the Lord. I will be most grateful.’56
He dealt with the two different proposals together in the letter to Mons. Espinosa: ‘1. I will send
some priests to Buenos Aires to set up a central hospice there. It would help to have a church for
the sacred celebrations, especially for teaching catechism to the most abandoned children in the
city.’ Either the ‘Church of Mater Misericordia’ or another building would do which is ‘suitable in
some way for collecting and dealing with poor children.’ ‘2. I will soon send the number of priests,
clerics and laymen to S. Nicolás that will be needed for religious service, singing, also teaching
where there is the need. 3. The Salesians could be sent elsewhere from these two locations as the
Ordinary feels best.’ Finally, he specified that the Congregation was definitively approved by the
Holy See and ‘although its primary purpose was to look after poor youth, just the same, it extends
to every branch of the sacred ministry.’57 There was no reference to migrants or missions.
When writing to the parish priest of San Nicolás, who was originally from Modena, Don Bosco
also understood the proposal made in a broad sense: ‘You are offering your house, parish and
support to those spiritual sons of mine … Our only wish is to work in the sacred ministry especially
for poor and abandoned youth. Catechism, classes, preaching, playgrounds for recreation,
hospices, colleges make up our main harvest … I will place myself in your hands and send the
number of priests, clerics, laymen, musicians, tradesmen at a time and in the quantity you tell me
will be necessary.’ He asked him, however, to remain with the men he sent until they were familiar
with the language and customs of the place. Indeed, he asked for even more direct involvement –
as an ‘extern’ Salesian or a professed one? – ‘Who knows, but with the Salesians following your
example and zeal, your advice, you might actually become their superior?’58
With the respectable gentlemen of the Commission he touched explicitly on the question of the
college, starting from a point in the draft agreement which he was particularly happy with: ‘The
college will be entrusted to the Salesian Congregation without any time limitation, reserving only its
patronage as the property of the people.’ ‘These are conditions I gladly accept,’ he said ‘and I will
begin preparing for next October the necessary personnel for material and spiritual direction,
teachers for teaching and to assist the pupils, for service in the church and college. I will also follow
the curriculum of a middle class college. But since the principal purpose of the Salesian
Congregation is the care of the poor and at–risk youngsters, thus I hope the Salesians will also be
free to run a night school for these, bring them together on Sundays and holy days in some area
for pleasant recreation, and meanwhile instruct them in religion. Indeed, I also hope they will find
support from the charity of the citizens of San Nicolás for gathering the poorest and abandoned in
some charitable hospice in order to teach them a trade, so they can eventually earn an honest
living.’59
55 Cf. text of the letters in MB X 1300–1302.
56 To Comm.. G. B. Gazzolo, 22 December 1874, Em IV 366.
57 Letter of 22 December 1874, Em IV 366–368.
58 Letter of 25 December 1874, Em IV 372–374
59 Letter of 25 December 1874, Em IV 374–375. On 2 February he wrote a personal letter to the more
generous member of the Commission, Mr José Francisco Benítez, with whom he remained in constant
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The works foreseen were similar to the ones operating in Europe. Very soon, however, the term
‘missions’ in its proper sense infiltrated the discussion. Reference to migrants di not. It was within
the perspective of the missions that Don Bosco presented the transatlantic enterprise during the St
Francis de Sales Conferences both in the private meeting on 28 January and at the solemn
assembly the following day in the presence of the entire Valdocco community.
4.2 The launch and feverish preparations
Don Bosco lost no time, and on 5 February, officially announced the historic enterprise in a circular
to all Salesian confreres, asking them to be available to personally commit themselves to it. It was
a prelude to the expansion into Patagonia. He spoke openly of the missions. ‘Among the many
proposals made for opening a mission in foreign lands,’ he told them ‘it seems preferable to accept
the one from the Argentine Republic. Other than the already civilised part, there is an endless
region inhabited by savages, amongst whom the zeal of the Salesians could be exercised with the
Lord’s grace. For now, we will start by opening a hospice in Buenos Aires, the capital of this vast
Republic, and a college with a public church in S. Nicolás de los Arroyos not far from the capital.
Now, while I go about preparing personnel to send on this first experiment, I would like the choice
to fall on members who go there not out of obedience, but by completely free choice.’ He
suggested the following procedures: Apply in writing; the Superior Chapter will ‘examine the health,
knowledge and physical and moral strength’ of the applicant; those chosen will be brought together
to ‘learn the language and customs of the people to whom they will bring the word of eternal life.’ In
general terms, departure was ‘fixed for next month, October.’60
It was the beginning of a more vigorous animation. The missions became the dominant theme
of his propaganda, beginning with homely discussion and private correspondence. On Wednesday
12 May 1875, after night prayers, as recorded by Fr Barberis in his Chronichetta, ‘D. Bosco spoke
of the Buenos Aires mission’ going back over the procedures involving Argentina and Turin and
recalling that Salesians in the houses had shown themselves ‘very ready to leave en masse if sent,
but they had not made special application.’ he then noted: ‘Over these days we have seen real
ferment among the Oratory boys. Some of them have wanted to go too, and immediately. Others
are making formal application to D. Bosco and, afraid they may not be sent, are turning to different
priests and Chapter members, asking them to propose and support their application.’
Fr Barberis also recorded Don Bosco’s words of mission animation with particular reference to
S. Nicolás de los Arroyos: ‘There will be something to do there for every kind of individual’:
preachers for public churches, teachers for school, ‘singers and players because people there love
music so much,’ shepherds for the sheep, people to look after the house. He noted especially that
‘tribes of savages’ were not far from the city, then guaranteeing those less inclined to martyrdom
that ‘they have a very nice nature and many already show good intentions of embracing
Christianity so long as there is someone to instruct them in it.’ He concluded: ‘So let’s take courage
and seek every way of preparing ourselves to go and do good in those lands.’61
Relations with South America did not happen with telegraphic speed. Letters had to follow the
rhythm of shipping departure schedules. In the very best of hypotheses, two months went by
between sending and receiving, and this was prolonged by the essential need for reflection and
decision at both ends.
So, it should not surprise us that some months later, Don Bosco was urged by ‘missionary’
fervour to ask Gazzolo, living in Savona, what stage matters were at with ‘our project’ overseas, as
circumstances note detailed: Em IV 406.
60 Letter of 5 February 1875, Em IV 408–409.
61 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 1, pp. 9–13.

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he called it, ‘and whether disturbances occurring in Buenos Aires in the transition from President
Sarmiento to President Avellaneda had created difficulties.62 ‘I cannot finalise the names of
Salesians destined to cross the Atlantic’ he told him in July, while again expressing a degree of
concern: ‘Your letter is very brief and to the point, but it does not say whether or not problems have
arisen, and the foundation Commission has not yet made an official reply.’
Nevertheless, expecting to soon be able to complete the list of those going, he could for now
communicate that Fr John Cagliero would be leading them, with five priests and three coadjutors
as teachers. Meanwhile he was also thinking of organising a Spanish course for them. He had a
dozen Spanish–Italian dictionaries in hand and was asking him to suggest a good grammar that
could be bought in Turin.63 Finally, on 26 July he was able to thank Gazzolo for the letters that he
had passed on from South America and gave him the text of the reply to the Commission at S.
Nicolás de los Arroyos. He gave him a provisional list of names of candidates for the mission –
there were nine on it, among whom Frs Bonetti and Antonio Riccardi – and told him he had given
out grammars for individual studies while waiting for a regular class together.64 The potential pupils,
however, were still busy in their respective houses and he was finding it difficult to get the course
up and running. At the end of August, Don Bosco anticipated it could be organised at Valsalice ‘for
the first fortnight in September.’65 More exactly, he wrote to Fr Rua from Mornese on 28 August:
‘Next week, those going to Argentina will come together at Valsalice. Forewarn Fr Dalmazzo. There
will be six or seven of them.’66
Following conclusive replies at the end of July, Don Bosco had more immediate and substantial
tasks to tackle, the principal one being the intensification of preparations so that departure of the
travellers could take place in the shortest time possible.
It was due to Fr Ceccarelli’s efforts that all the letters were sent, along with the documents with
which the Commission at S. Nicolás guaranteed precisely how the Salesians would be safely and
properly set up in the new college. For his part, Don Bosco confirmed that the Salesians would be
involved ‘ with their good will’ both in running the college and night classes. The five priests were
‘all approved teachers furnished with certificates.’ There would also be a music teacher and two
coadjutors, thus avoiding non–Salesian personnel, ‘so their activity could be even more secure.’.
He had appointed Fr Bonetti as Rector, though in fact he was replaced by Fr Fagnano. ‘Father
John Cagliero, Provincial or Vice Superior of the Congregation,’ he specified ‘would lead the
Salesian confreres and have full power to deal with and conclude any business that may occur with
civil or ecclesiastical authorities.’ The Salesians would be accompanied by Commendatore
Gazzolo, ‘someone we fully trust, experienced in sea voyages and with knowledge of the places
and many of the people among whom our men must establish their abode.’ ‘The travellers,
therefore, will be ten in number’ he summed up, including the ones going to Buenos Aires, and
would leave around midway through November.67
In a further letter to Gazzolo, he asked for detailed information on what they would need to
bring: furnishings for the church, and the house; books for liturgy and prayer, catechisms, school
books; he asked him about the Salesian dwelling, the state of the classrooms, piano, music books.
He also sent him the regulations for night classes at Varazze and Turin, and asked what role the
priests would have in parish ministry. He asked him for information on local daily prayer forms to
include them in the booklet of piety he was preparing. He concluded: ‘You need to be armed with
62 Cf. Letter of 10 April 1875, Em IV 449. “We await news from Buenos Aires”, he wrote to him on the 24th
of the same month, Em IV 456.
63 To Comm. G. B. Gazzolo, 11 July 1875, Em IV 479.
64 Cf. Em IV 488.
65 To Comm. G. B. Gazzolo, 26 August 1875, Em IV 511–512.
66 Em IV 513.
67 Letter of 28 July 1875, Em IV 490–492.

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patience at the moment so you can instruct and help me. I would like you to help us present well,
so nobody can say: What a mess! Since the honour of a fledgling Congregation is at stake, I intend
not to spare any personnel or expense that could contribute to the success of our enterprise.’68
On the last day of August, he wrote to Cardinal Franchi, the Prefect of the Congregation of
Propaganda Fide, informing him of the procedures now concluded with Argentina, but stressing in
particular the missionary side of opening a school at S. Nicolás. He prefaced it with the fact that it
was the first time the Salesian Congregation was opening ‘houses in the foreign missions’ and
asked him to grant ‘all the favours, spiritual graces and privileges the Holy See’ usually gives to
‘Religious’ going to ‘the Foreign Missions’, and begged the Cardinal to supply ‘some financial aid,
some books especially in Spanish, either for use in church or school; sacred vessels, vestments
and the like,’ as ‘your well–known charity’ sees fit.69
His intervention intensified as the departure date approached. On 29 October, the group of
missionaries, led by Fr Cagliero, went to Rome and was received on the 31st by Cardinal Antonelli,
and on 1 November by the Pope. They returned to Turin on 4 November and at Don Bosco’s
request were received by the Archbishop on the 8th.70
The Archbishop had only jut read Don Bosco’s dramatic letter of 28 October some days earlier.71
8 November was the date on the letter of public invitation to the evening function on the 11th in
which he said ‘our missionaries’ would make ‘their consecration to the august Queen of Heaven to
implore her patronage on their new mission.’72
L’Unità Cattolica, certainly at Don Bosco’s urging, strongly emphasised the notion of foreign
mission in the strict sense. If the headline on 30 October announcing the imminent departure
seemed reticent: Salesians of Don Bosco in the Argentine Republic, the contents were not: the
request had come from Argentina for ‘priest–teachers who could come to those areas to sow the
seeds of faith and civilisation.’ The first ‘eleven brave priests of Don Bosco’ would open a ‘Hospice
for education … in Buenos Ayres, capital of the State’ and would lay ‘the foundations for a college
in the missions at S. Nicolás de los Arroyos.’ ‘Little by little’ Don Bosco would be able ‘then to take
the road to nearby Patagonia, the land of Magellan, a part of the world so different from Europe
where, unfortunately, no glimmer of the gospel was yet able to penetrate, nor any notion of
commerce or other civilised element.’73
On 5 November, the same newspaper spoke of The Salesian missionaries of Don Bosco at an
audience with the Holy Father74 and the headline for the news item on the farewell ceremony was:
Departure of Salesian missionaries for the Argentine Republic,75 with space reserved for recording
names and official roles of the ten Salesian missionaries.76
68 Letter of 12 August 1875, Em IV 503–504.
69 Letter of 31 August 1875, Em IV 514–515.
70 Cf. letter to Fr. T. Chiuso on 7 November 1875, Em IV 545.
71 Cf. Chap. 20, § 4.
72 Em IV 546.
73 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 254, Saturday 30 October 1875, p. 1014.
74 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 258, Friday 5 November 1875, p. 1030. Publishing Don Bosco’s invitation for the
farewell ceremony on 11, in the “Cronaca italiana” it was entitled: Partenza dei missionari per Buenos
Ayres: “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 263, Thursday 11 November 1875, p. 1057.
75 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 266, Sunday 14 November 1875, p. 1062.
76 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 267, Tuesday 16 November 1875, Cronaca italiana, I missionari salesiani, p.
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5. The mission is assigned
At the departure celebration on 11 November, Don Bosco took as the theme for his farewell
address the words of the gospel: ‘Ite in munum universum, docete omnes gentes, praedicate
evangelium meum omni creaturae.’ He spoke of missionary evangelisation: ‘The Divine Saviour
gave a command by these words. Not advice but a command, to go to the missions to preach his
gospel.’ Further on he insisted: ‘in order to obey this precept, this Mission has been conceived. A
number of missions had been considered and suggested before this, in China, India, Australia or
America, but for various reasons, especially because ours is a fledgling Congregation and had
great need of members, they could not be supported. But this one has been, and both because it
presented special convenience and because our Congregation has already grown more and
become stronger, it has been able to make members available who are suitable for this purpose.’
still further on he said: ‘In this way we are beginning a great work, not that we have pretensions or
believe we can convert the whole world in a few days with this. No, but who knows – maybe this
departure and this little bit may be like a seed from which a large tree grows; who knows, but it
might be like a grain of millet or a mustard seed that spreads out little by little and is destined to do
extraordinary good? I hope this is so!’
it certainly was the beginning of a great missionary urge that he sought to arouse among his
listeners by offering mostly precise data on the worrying pastoral situation in Latin America among
the baptised and the ‘savages’. In fact, he added, ‘in the region surrounding the civilised part, there
are huge hordes of savages where neither the religion of Jesus Christ nor civilisation nor
commerce have as yet penetrated; where a European foot has not yet trodden, and these areas
are truly immense in extension. Their customs are not fierce; in various places, if they hear the
religion of Jesus Christ preached, they easily surrender to it, but just imagine if there is no one to
preach relating to them.’
He then went on to thank those who had made this undertaking possible, supporters and
benefactors. Finally, addressing the ones who were departing, he revealed an interesting detail on
the printed Ricordi (reminders/mementos) for them: ‘I have already said aloud to everyone in
particular what my heart inspired me to say, and which I believe to be of most use to them; I am
now leaving you all some general written reminders that can be my testament for those going to
these distant lands.’77
Don Bosco left for Sampierdarena with the group the same night. A brief letter, dated the 12th,
to Mr Benítez, thanked him for a cheque for 3,060 lire [10,628 euro] for travel expenses. He
recommended his Religious to him and heaped great praise on Commendatore Gazzolo in
particular for his extraordinary acts of kindness, amongst which offering himself as a Spanish
teacher for his priests.78 Before they embarked on Sunday the 14th, he gave Fr John Cagliero, the
leader of the expedition, a letter with twelve instructions on the best way to guide the group and
help it during the settling in period in South America. In fact, Fr Cagliero remained in Argentina until
July 1877. The instruction Don Bosco gave the leader of the expedition regarding two of the
departing members might seem strange today. These two did not have a passport, because they
had not complied with the demands of military service, so they were embarking at Marseilles. If
their clandestine border crossing was successful, Fr Cagliero was to send a telegram from the
French port in the following words: All arrived and in good health, otherwise he was to omit the
‘all’.79 Obviously it was morally permissible for Don Bosco to get around a law on conscription that
77 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3 bis, pp. 3–9. In the same booklet we find a lengthy description of the
farewell function (pp. 11–25); Cf. also Documenti XV 311–319.
78 Em IV 549.
79 To Fr G. Cagliero, from Sampierdarena, 13 November 1875, Em IV 550.

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he felt was unjust. Exemption for clerics had been suppressed, so it was ‘merely a penal law’80 and
did not bind in conscience.81 He also entrusted a letter of presentation of the ten Salesians, in
Latin, to Fr Cagliero for the Archbishop of Buenos Aires. It named each one and his role: five
priests, one cleric, four coadjutors.82
Don Bosco provided reassuring news on the travellers in two letters to Fr Rua from
Sampierdarena on 15 and 16 November: ‘Yesterday, I accompanied our Argentinians on board.
Food and berth all top class. They were all happy and left at 2 p.m. for Marseilles where they will
give us some more news.’83 ‘Good news from our missionaries.’ Fr Cagliero sent this dispatch from
Marseilles; ‘We are all here and all well, a very pleasant voyage.’ The ‘all here’ alluded to Gioia and
Allavena, who had gone to meet their confreres there. ‘Give the news to the other confreres. We
thank the Lord and continue to pray.’84 The move abroad by the two draft–dodgers, Giovanni (listed
as Pietro in the Society’s official listing) Allavena and Vincenzo Gioia, had succeeded happily, and
Italian law was unable to pursue them. One of them died in Argentina in 1877, the other in Chile in
1890.
Don Bosco wrote to Count Eugenio De Maistre from Varazze on the 18th about the departure of
the missionaries from Genoa, his going aboard, and his first chat with Fr Cagliero and the travellers
on board, and commented: ‘I have seen that our holy Religion when preached clearly and frankly is
respected and well received even by non–believers.’ Then he announced the opening of the work
at Nice in France and Vallecrosia in Liguria: ‘Now I am going on to the Riviera, to Nice with three of
our priests, to open a house in that city and another among the Protestants who are wrecking
things at Bordighera.’85 On his way back to Italy early in December from Varazze, he sent Fr
Eugenio Reffo at the Artigianelli College the text of Pius IX’s Brief of 17 November 1875, on his
missionaries and the Sons of Mary. Reffo was a correspondent for L’Unità Cattolica. He asked him
to publish it, adding: ‘I renew my thanks for the magnificent article on the farewell functions for the
Salesians. I have received letters from authoritative individuals from Rome, Florence, Venice and
many places praising it.’86
Two other letters on 18 and 28 November did not have the desired effect. One was a request,
the other sought clarification, and was more moderate in its expectations. They were addressed to
the President of the Council of Propagation of the Faith in Lyons, hoping to obtain some help for
the travel expenses of ‘missionaries who have left,’ another ‘eleven’ who would be leaving in
spring, and ‘thirty Salesian Sisters,’ ‘Daughters of Mary Help of Christians’ who would be doing the
same in 1876. The reply was that grants were made only for canonically–erected missions in non–
Catholic countries.87 It seems that not even hopes for two honours were heard – one ecclesiastical
and one civil – for Commendatore Gazzolo, who it seems was keen on recognition of the kind.88
80 On this topic, cf. G. PACE, Le leggi mere penali, in “Salesianum” 9 (1947) 297–317; 10 (1948) 29–42,
163–211, where furthermore, in changed times and in a democratic regime, they historical oscillations
and weakness of the theory are highlighted.
81 Cf. Chap. 18, § 4.
82 Letter of 15 November 1875, Em 552–553.
83 Letter of 15 November, Em IV 554.
84 Letter from Sampierdarena to Fr M. Rua, 16 November 1875, Em IV 555. Identical news on the
departure from Genoa and the arrival of “everyone” in Marseilles were given to Countess. C. Callori, from
Varazze on 17 November 1875, Em IV 559.
85 Em IV 560–561.
86 Letter from Varazze on 2 December 1875, Em IV 572–573. Dated 17 November 1875, the Brief was
published in Italian and Latin in “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 285, Tuesday 7 December 1875, p. 2038, under
the headline Pio Nono ed i missionari salesiani.
87 Cf. Em IV 562–564 and 569.
88 Letter of Don Bosco to Comm. G. B. Gazzolo, December 1875, Em IV 571–572.

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6. Reminders for the mission
Early in December, Don Bosco let Fr Cagliero know that the documents requested for the
Salesians who had left for Argentina had arrived from Rome on 29 November:89 a letter of
recommendation from Cardinal Antonelli to the Archbishop of Buenos Aires dated 1 November
1875; another from Cardinal Antonelli to Don Bosco dated 14 November, along with two decrees
from the Sacred Congregation of Propaganda Fide concerning the attribute ‘apostolic missionaries’
given to Fr Cagliero and companions, signed by Cardinal Franchi, and the faculties granted them.90
What he wrote to Fr Cagliero was important for the work of missionary animation: ‘When you or
others write, take care to note even the smallest details that refer to you; already everyone wants
to know any little news about you. All our houses are full; everyone wants to send greetings to the
missionaries, and indeed, they want to go there and see them. Enjoy the thought and in due
course we will send you results of the projects.’91
Of all the documents, the one closest to the missionaries’ hearts was certainly the little
collection of reminders given them at the time of their farewell. These were, if you like, a brief
summary of missionary spirituality and ministry.92 Intermingled with the predominant advice on
spiritual life were rules for prudent behaviour, exhortations to pastoral zeal, true realities like souls
to save and getting to heaven, glorifying God. Don Bosco considered these matters to be
fundamental and never ceased reminding his missionaries of them, both individually and
collectively. ‘Seek souls, not money or honours or dignity,’ was the first. This was followed by
typical features of bosconian Salesianity, especially safeguarding morality: ‘Charity and the
greatest courtesy with everyone,’ but avoid ‘conversation and familiarity’ with women and making
visits, ‘except for reasons of charity and necessity.’ He asked them not to accept ‘invitations to
dinner except for serious reasons,’ to avoid ‘idleness,’ ‘be modest with food, drink and rest’ (Ricordi
2,3,4–5). He recommended that special deference be shown in new countries to all kinds of
authority, civil and ecclesiastical, diocesan and religious (Ricordi 6,7,8,10). Among developing
peoples whose numbers had been swelled by immigration, poor people seeking work and dignified
sustenance, besieged by ‘savages’, a reminder of poverty and work was inevitable: take ‘special
care of the sick, children, the elderly and the poor.’ They were to look after their own health and be
known for being ‘poor in clothing, food, dwelling,’ since poverty was true wealth ‘before God’ and
man, able to win over hearts (Ricordi 5,11,12). Such behaviour, however, would be the case if the
evangeliser were nourished by the two primary sources: charity as love of God and neighbour, and
piety. This would also be fertile ground for promoting vocations to the Salesians and the Church,
made even more favourable by his usual typical concerns: love for chastity, and a horror of the
opposite vice, being careful to separate good boys from the unruly ones, recommending frequent
communion, practising ‘charity through signs of love and kindness’ (Ricordi 13,14,15,16,17,19).
Finally, ‘in difficulties and sufferings’ the missionary’s believing heart must look to heaven where ‘a
great reward’ has been prepared (Ricordi 20).
On 6 December 1875, following a 25 day absence of Don Bosco from Turin, Frs Chiala and
Lazzero noted in their Diario dell’Oratorio: ‘Don Bosco is back. In the evening after prayers, he
spoke to the students and trade boys together in the assembly hall about a journey to S. P. d’Arena
with the missionaries; of the departure and the mission that began on board.’93 He also went back
89 To Fr G. Cagliero, 4 December 1875, Em IV 574.
90 In MB XI 584–587.
91 To Fr Cagliero, 4 December 1875, Em IV 574.
92 Cf. A. MARTÍN, Orígen de las Misiones Salesianas. Guatemala, Instituto Teológico Salesiano 1978, pp.
167–195, Chap. VIII, Breves glosas a los recuerdos dados por don Bosco a la primera expedición
misionera; J. BORREGO, Recuerdos de San Juan Bosco a los primeros misioneros, RSS 3 (1984) 167–
208.
93 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento tra reale e ideale (1866–1889). Documenti e testimonianze.
Rome, LAS 1992, p. 40.

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over the various stages, adding news received from the travellers from Marseilles to Barcelona,
Gibraltar, as far as St Vincent Island at Cape Verde, and indicating stopovers yet to come.94
eighteen letters from the Salesian missionaries were published in 19 instalments by L’Unità
Cattolica between 20 January and 24 June 1876.95 Mixed with these were other headlines of
similar tenor: Salesian Mission in the Argentine Republic which began: ‘One of the main reasons
for the Salesian expedition to the Argentine Republic was to make a new attempt to evangelise the
Patagonians, who up till now have been resistant to every principle of civilisation and religion.’96
The Salesian missions in Patagonia ‘together with the Pampas, are in the northern part and extend
almost to the Equator. They are also inhabited by savages and the islands spread around there
form an extension almost equal in area to Europe.’ It was all rather an imaginary description –
which responded to Don Bosco’s encouragement – of the cultural and religious circumstances of
the ‘immense region’. ‘The number of Patagonians is unknown, but it seems to be much greater
than geographers have hitherto indicated for that area, since it is now calculated that it could be as
high as several million. They are entirely savage, without laws, government, houses.’97 In Don
Bosco’s imagination, tens of thousands became millions.
The idea of missio ad gentes returned once more in the farewell to those departing in November
1876 and 1877, when Don Bosco was still addressing them. He was replaced by others after that.
On 7 November 1876, recalling the ceremony the previous year, he went back to what those
departing had done: ‘They went to Rome first to receive the Holy Father’s blessing, where the
Vicar of Jesus Christ received them most cordially. They received the Mission from him, then
returning to Turin, they left on 11 November from here, at the feet of Mary Help of Christians.’ Their
successors were now only missing out on ‘going to Rome to receive a special blessing from the
Supreme Leader of the Church, the Vicar of O.L.J.C.’ He concluded with reference to the Ricordi
which they had already received and could easily have re–read.98
An explicit element of anti–protestant polemic came into the address, on ‘mission’ on 7
November 1877. ‘Let’s see,’ Don Bosco began asking ‘what the word “mission” means’ and who
could legitimately confer it. His resolute reply: ‘He who is among us in God’s name, the Supreme
Pontiff. It is from him that we must receive the ite. And now, before setting out for America, they go
to Rome, not just to receive a blessing, to see him, bring him their homage, but to receive the
mission from him as if it were from Jesus Christ himself: ite praedicate evangelium meum omni
creaturae. Who are Protestants sent by? … By the Queen of England … Who do Catholic
missionaries receive the mission from? From Jesus Christ, represented by his Vicar, the Supreme
Pontiff … One goes to win souls, the other to earn money.’99
7. Work under way in Latin America with Fr John Cagliero (1875–77)
Don Bosco quickly accepted the works that had been proposed. On the one hand, they were not
so distinct from the ones in place in Europe, even if they were soon presented as a bridgehead
from which to develop the completely new initiative of the mission among the so–called savages.
But he was unable to prepare precise concrete plans for this, neither for potential works among the
people, nor in terms of missionary activity. The main players in these early years of activity had to
94 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3 bis, pp. 26–36. He continued on the evening of 8 December with
information about the imminent foundation at Vallecrosia (Ibid., pp. 37–42).
95 The only non–“missionaria” news item regarded the opening of the Salesian college in S. Nicolás,
“L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 116, Wednesday 17 May 1876, p. 462.
96 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 182, Sunday 6 August 1876, p. 726.
97 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 195, Wednesday 23 August 1876, p. 778.
98 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 10, pp. 10, 13–25.
99 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 16, pp. 33–41.

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invest almost everything, and with scarce personnel and means. Very soon, problems arose due to
the inadequacy of some, the inability of others to adapt, and some who left. But since they had
been educated in the school of a courageous and far–seeing man, and were sustained by the
attraction he continued to exercise over them, their activity was marked by its fast rhythm. Thanks
to super–human, long–suffering effort, this soon led to unforeseen developments.
The beginnings of the mission were entrusted to the responsibility of Fr John Cagliero, a
members of the Superior Council and representative ad omnia of Don Bosco. In terms of trust, he
could see himself being on a par with Fr Michael Rua, Don Bosco’s closest collaborator, who had
been vicar in fact before he was so in law, and ultimately his successor. Fr Cagliero was
succeeded as Provincial by Fr Francis Bodrato (1877–80). Fr James Costamagna (1880–94) and,
for Uruguay and Brazil, Fr Louis Lasagna (1882–95).
Fr John Cagliero had entered the Oratory as a thirteen–year–old in November 1851, and was
forged as an aspirant to clerical and Salesian Religious life by Don Bosco, becoming the second
member of the Council assisting Don Bosco in governing the Salesian Society. Over the twenty
months of his first period in South America, he received any number of letters from his Superior,
who guided him and listened to him, kept him informed and was informed by him in a convergence
of responsibility and decision–making that was extraordinarily prolific.
This climate of regulated and free enterprise which went beyond what was foreseen in Turin,
and which Don Bosco was promptly open to, permitted special attention to be given in Buenos
Aires to the spiritual needs of Italian migrants. This was carried out in the church belonging to the
Mater Misericordia Confraternity, which the capable mission leader very soon gained full and
lasting use of. The pastoral care of a Catholic migrant community revealed itself to be the most
urgent mission of missio ad gentes.100 Fr Cagliero himself was partly involved, but along with the
boundless zeal of humble Giovanni Baccino (1843–77), who died from his untiring work on 14 June
1877. Baccino had not received any letter from Don Bosco, who nevertheless mentioned him on
several occasions in letters to Fr Cagliero. But his own letters to superiors and Salesian friends in
Italy and to Don Bosco himself, were overflowing with love for the Father who sustained and
supported him in his work. 8 out of 19 of these letters remain, addressed directly to his Superior far
away.101 His view of the religious and moral circumstances of the city was not optimistic, urging him
to even more intense apostolic effort. He asked for books, but above all ‘good, hard–working
priests,’ ‘because the harvest is great.’ ‘We need help, and soon,’ he begged ‘otherwise these
Argentines will kill us from overwork.’ ‘Send a good, strong Director.’ He asked him not to take Fr
Cagliero away: ‘Send other men for the Indios.’ If personnel were reinforced ‘we can challenge all
the devils in hell.’ ‘The church is packed’ he said; they were carrying out a truly ‘missionary’ activity.
‘I would like to see my dear Father D. Bosco once more’ was his last wish on 20 April 1877. He
died on 13 June.102
Don Bosco’s first letter to Fr Cagliero was in January 1876, written after he had received his first
one from America. It shows how much Don Bosco dreamed. Far from the new field of work, with
insufficient perception of the difficulties of the works that had just begun there. As we have already
seen, he promised to send ‘Thirty Daughters of Mary Help of Christians with a dozen Salesians’ in
October, and added, fantasising: ‘Given the serious lack of clergy in Brazil, would there not be a
chance to look at the possibility of a house in Rio Janeiro?’103 In the following letter he said he had
100 Cf. C. BRUNO, Los salesianos y las hijas de María Auxiliadora en la Argentina, Vol. I (1875–1894).
Buenos Aires, Instituto Salesiano de Arte Gráfica 1981, pp. 48–61.
101 Cf. J. BORREGO, Giovanni Battista Baccino. Estudio y edición de su Biografía y Epistolario. Rome, LAS
1977.
102 J. BORREGO, Giovanni Battista Baccino..., pp. 380, 388, 390, 393, 394, 402–405.
103 To Fr G. Cagliero, January 1876, E III 11.

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received another from Fr Cagliero and other Saelsians, among whom Fr Fagnano, director of the
college at S. Nicolás de los Arroyos. He touched on the problem of ‘Salesians and Sisters,
gardeners etc.’ whom he had to get ready. He was awaiting ‘positive indications’ from Fr Cagliero,
and suggested a good preacher for him in a certain Fr Sammory. He then expressed regret over a
letter Fr Tomatis had sent to Fr Francesia, the Rector at Varazze, sent from San Nicolás. He
explained that ‘in the letter he said how he was not so much in agreement with someone, and that
in a short while he would be returning to Europe.’ He gave Fr Cagliero the task of giving Tomatis a
good lesson on missionary mentality: ‘Tell him two things: 1. That a missionary must obey, suffer
for the glory of God and take the greatest care to observe the vows by which he is consecrated to
the Lord. 2. That when there is cause for discontent, he should tell his superior or write to me
immediately so he can have guidelines on how to act.’ He provided information and passed on
greetings from many acquaintances in Rome and Turin, asking for news about the ‘financial
status’. He asked him to pass on his requests to supporters and benefactors, the archbishop,
Mons. Espinosa. Fr Ceccarelli, ‘papa Benítez’ who was praised in Turin for his letter in perfect Latin
by the people who needed to understand it.104
Fr Tomatis had written his letter on 28 December, a week after arriving in the Argentine city, and
without naming him, was referring to Brother Molinari, the music teacher, who had fallen out with
the other six members of the community.105 Don Bosco wrote once more, two days later, to tell
Cagliero, the author of the Figlio dell’esule (The exile’s son), of his great emotion a day earlier,
‘yesterday’ at the theatre where Cagliero’s and his own play, Disputa tra un avvocato ed un
ministro protestante (Argument between a lawyer and a Protestant minister) were performed: ‘All
during the singing and performance itself, I could do nothing else but think of my dear Salesians in
America.’106 ‘Give me positive news of the material, moral and health status of our houses and
individuals’ he asked once more the following month from Varazze.107 ‘Greetings to all our dear
Salesians, and tell them all: Alter alterus onera portate et sic adimplebetis legem Christi’ he wrote
two weeks later.108
On 13 April, Don Bosco left the Oratory for Rome where he arrived on the 15th. Various
meetings awaited him in the Roman dicasteries [Vatican Departments], but especially his active
participation in a special academic event. In 1874, with a few other Salesians, he had accepted the
indication to be part of the Roman literary Academy, the Arcadia, where he assumed the name
Clistene Cassiopeo. Complying with this request could broaden the circle of friends of his youth
activities. They had also agreed to read one of his own compositions at the Academy, and on 12
April 1876, Good Friday, he was asked to give an address on the Passion of Jesus Christ at the
annual meeting of the Academy’s members. As his theme, Don Bosco chose Jesus’ seven last
words on the cross and, assisted by Fr Durando, prepared this carefully in an appropriate style.
The reading, rather lengthy and presumably all in a single session, aroused a variety of reactions
and evaluations. It certainly was not his usual field of expertise, but there is no doubt Don Bosco
did not overlook the hour and person he was speaking about: nothing charming, but ‘a real life
sharing in Jesus Christ crucified’ (or alternatively, ‘a clear description of the death of Jesus Christ
on the cross’) (Gal 3:1). There was a final, passionate exhortation to unconditional fidelity to the
Church and the Pope!109
104 To Fr G. Cagliero, 12 February 1876, E III 17–18.
105 Cf. D. TOMATIS, Epistolario (1874–1903), ed. J. Borrego. Rome, LAS 1994, p. 60. Fr Tomatis would then
be directly reprimanded by Don Bosco: Letter of 7 March 1876, E III 26–27.
106 To Fr G. Cagliero, 14 February 1876, E III 19.
107 To Fr G. Cagliero, 12 marzo 1876, E III 29.
108 To Fr G. Cagliero, 30 marzo 1876, E III 32.
109 Cf. MB XII 159–160, 170–173; 631–642 (text of the address).

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Meanwhile, and not so realistic for whoever was at work on alien shores, Don Bosco continued
to dream up ideas, though unable to visually calculate the lack of proportion between so much
work and the qualitative and quantitative possibilities for doing it all. As a prelude, on 16 April 1876,
he presented the Foreign Minister, Luigi Amedeo Melegari (1805–81), a moderate on the Left who
came to power on 25 March, with a plan for setting up an Italian colony on the coastal region of
Patagonia, between the 40th and 50th parallels, from the Río Negro to the Magellan Straits, where –
as he believed and said – ‘no one lives, there is no port, no government with any right.’ The colony
would bring together ‘the countless number of Italians eking out a struggling existence in the States
of Chile, the Argentine Republic, Uruguay and Paraguay etc.’ They could find ‘Italian language,
customs, government’ there.110 In two successive letters to the all–powerful Minister’s secretary,
Giacomo Malvano (1841–1922), a Mason but favourable to Don Bosco, and to the Minister himself,
he asked more practically for aid and support for the Salesians preparing to leave for South
America and for the Salesian work there. He specified that ‘more than being a national effort, this
work is aimed in a special way at the neediest class in society, children at risk who belong to Italian
families.’111 The political climate at the time and the role played by the two recipients meant him
receiving merely a courteous and elusive reply from Malvano.
The seventeen points in a letter on 27 April 1876 to Fr Cagliero from Rome, covered a wide
range of issues, but all concerning the work in Argentina and future missions, especially the
establishment of Vicariates or Prefectures, ecclesiastical circumscriptions in Patagonia. At a time
when there was not the least shadow of real mission. Don Bosco told him: ‘The Holy Father was
greatly consoled by our Argentine mission; with me and others he praised the spirit of Catholicism
always shown by the Salesians.’ ‘He has granted many privileges and spiritual favours’ to the
Salesians in America. He awarded Benítez with the title of Commendatore, and Fr Ceccarelli with
the title of Cameriere (in secret). He provided details on the celebration Frs Fagnano andTommatis
would need to prepare for the solemn bestowal of these honours. It seemed that the Pope also had
‘some plan’ in mind for the Archbishop of Buenos Aires – a cardinalate. Furthermore, the Pope had
suggested three Apostolic Vicariates for the Salesians, one in India, another in China and yet
another in Australia. Don Bosco said that he had accepted the one in India. He proposed involving
Fr Cagliero in this one, thus his need to return to Europe: to open a house in Rome then go to
India. He also asked him to inform him of personnel needed – Salesians and Sisters, promising to
send them soon. He suggested he talk to the Archbishop of Buenos Aires about the Holy Father’s
ideas of there being an opportunity for establishing the Salesians in Patagonia, the ‘basis always
being colleges and hospices ‘in the vicinity of the savage tribes.’ He asked for ‘information on the
financial status Towards the conclusion, he gave free reign to his fatherly instincts: ‘When you are
able to speak with individual Salesians, then, tell them how much I love them in J.C., and that I
pray for them every day. May they love each other, and may each do what he can to be a friend
and coram Domino lessen any reason to quarrel or give grief to others.’112
In May 1876 in Rome, Don Bosco presented the Prefect of Propaganda, Cardinal Franchi, with
Salesian plans for Patagonia, painted in gloomy tones: it was a region no longer crowded with
millions of natives; in fact, ‘whether because of the vastness of the area, the lack of inhabitants, or
the fierce and gigantic stature of the latter, or the harsh climate,’ ‘neither Christianity nor civilisation
had been able to penetrate until now, and no civil or ecclesiastical power had been able to extend
its influence or empire over the region.’ In recent times, he added, ‘a slight dawning of hope and
divine mercy’ had appeared thanks to foundations in the vicinity of cities and towns where people
had begun to establish relationships. The two works in Buenos Aires and San Nicolás were a first
nucleus of youth works reaching out ‘to the borders’, to be a bridge between the children educated
110 Letter of 16 April 1876, E III 43–44.
111 Letter of 12 August 1876, E III 84–86.
112 To Fr G. Cagliero, 27 April 1876, E III 51–53.

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there and their ‘families, and so, little by little, making inroads among the savage tribes.’ It was
already the beginning of ‘evangelisation among the savages.’ Therefore, he was asking for aid to
open further works, to prepare and send personnel, purchase many of the essential material
needs. Finally, he asked if an Apostolic Prefecture could be established ‘for the purpose of
exercising ecclesiastical authority over the Pampas and Patagonian inhabitants who for now’ he
said ‘do not belong to any diocesan Ordinary or any civilian government regime.’113 He did note that
the huge area south of the Argentine capital belonged to Archbishop Aneiros’ Archdiocese. He had
not allowed up till now, nor would he allow the existence of an Apostolic Vicariate in the future
which did not come under the jurisdiction of the Ordinary in Buenos Aires.
Once again, he told Fr Cagliero of Pius IX’s readiness ‘to try out something in Patagonia and the
Pampas’, and of his wish (it was mainly the writer’s wish!) that ‘a college or hospice’ be opened ‘as
soon as possible in Dolores,’ the location south of Buenos Aires that Don Bosco mistakenly
believed was close to the native tribes. He also spoke of the suggestions put to Propaganda, one
of them from Commendatore Gazzolo, that an Apostolic Prefecture be created. He spoke of
preparations for a second mission expedition and is wish that he return urgently to Turin. 114 One
month later, he announced that two certificates were coming for Benítez and Ceccarelli, and
encouraged him to be in touch with the Italian ambassador in Buenos Aires, Marquis Spinola, ‘a
good Christian and good Catholic,’ and again reminded him of the Pope’s wish for Salesians to be
involved with the people of the Pampas and Patagonia. Then, as a personal note, he said: ‘I
believe a house in Dolores would be most appropriate, another in Córdoba and also closer to the
savages.’ Then he told him audaciously: ‘Meanwhile, this week I am writing to the Bishop of
Concepción in Chile to see about some institutions over there. This is what the Lord wants from us
at the moment. Houses and colleges for the poor, shelters for savages or semi–savages if we can
have them. A great effort at nurturing vocations.’115 What personnel would achieve all this he did
not say.
Don Bosco was placing much hope in local vocations, so much so that he asked Pius IX for
authorisation, granted on 6 July, to open a novitiate house in South America.116 ‘Broad faculties
from Rome for opening a novitiate and studentate in America, anywhere, but de consensu Ordinarii
Diocesani as you will see from the attached decree’ he told Fr Cagliero.117 Meanwhile, he continued
to insist on the idea of extending works in various directions, and was thinking of other continents:
‘Don’t lose sight of Dolores’ he insisted, as if Fr Cagliero had an army of Salesians at his disposal,
‘and I believe it is in the interests of the Government that we open a house there, modelled on the
one in Turin or S. Pier d’Arena; take this up with the archbishop of dear Mons. Ceccarelli.’ Then,
ever the dreamer, he continued: ‘You are a musician, I am a poet by profession; so let us act in
such a way that matters concerning India and Australia do not disturb matters in Argentina. Remain
there until everything is set up, and following your alta saviezza (great wisdom), decide when you
can return to Valdocco without causing problems … Do what you can to find poor boys, but by
preference, if possible, ones that come from the savages. Should it ever be possible, send some to
Valdocco and I will gladly take them in.’118
Meanwhile, plans were being extended as far as Pacific shores. In a letter to the Bishop of
Concepción in Chile, Don Bosco described the presence of the Salesians in South America, mixing
reality and imagination, then his approach to evangelisation: ‘Montevideo, Buenos Aires, San
Nicolás de los Arroyos, Dolores already have Salesian hospices. Evangelisation through hospices
113 Memorandum, 10 May 1876, E III 58–61.
114 Letter of 30 May 1876, E III 64–65.
115 Letter of 29 June 1876, E III 68–69.
116 E III 70–71.
117 Letter of 1 August, E III 81.
118 To Fr G. Cagliero, 13 July 1876, E III 72–73.

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for abandoned youth seems to be a secure and very useful approach which, if it pleases you, I
would like to try to extend to lands to the west of Patagonia.’ He then asked, should this plan be
‘appropriate and worthy of consideration’ if the Chilean Government would be in favour and
supportive, and what language was spoken in the Republic.119
In a letter to Fr Cagliero, he returned to the topics discussed earlier, and was quite directive in
view of starting up in Uruguay: ‘If matters are concluded for Villa Colón, as Rector there I will send
Fr Daghero or Fr Tamietti, or Fr Lasagna or Fr Belmonte … They are all very ready.’120 Fr Lasagna
was the one chosen.121 Meanwhile, he reminded Fr Cagliero once more: ‘’In general, always
remember that God wants us to go to people in the Pampas and Patagonia, to the poor and
abandoned children there. I have not yet had a reply from the archbishop [for a foundation at
Dolores]; Cardinal Franchi is anxiously awaiting it, but he is comfortable with it.’ He then entrusted
Fr Cagliero with more jobs: ‘My dear Fr Cagliero, there is so much to do! Others will write to you
about other matters. Give my kindest regards to Fr Baccino and tell him I am very happy with him,
and for him to keep going … I am of the opinion that at least one of them at S. Nicolás who knows
Spanish well could move to Montevideo for the planned future college.’
He floated another idea: ‘If you are ever able to send a dozen or so [boys] from the Pampas or
Patagonia or the like to Europe, please do.’122 A month later he wrote: ‘Just now I have received
your letter from S. Nicolás. I will set things moving. But wouldn’t Fr Daghero be better than Fr
Tamietti? By 15 September, I hope to be able to list personnel for Villa Colón.’123 ‘By 1 October you
will know who and of what quality. We will have to wait until April for the Sisters.’124 The Archbishop
indicated he was available for a work at Carmen de Patagónes,125 and Don Bosco was in touch
with Fr Cagliero on 13 August, adding effusively and with pleasure: ‘Around two hundred are
asking to go to Patagonia. All of political and religious Italy are talking about our Patagonian
project. God wants it and wants to help us do our part.’126 Imagination gone wild!
Don Bosco sent Cardinal Franchi a lengthy note on Patagonia which he had asked for. Fr
Barberis put it together, sending Don Bosco an outline and indicating sources to draw from.127 Don
Bosco used the opportunity to ask for help for the second expedition, money and items for worship,
‘especially for the houses the missionaries are about to open on the border with Patagonia’ and to
let him know that ‘vocations in S. Nicolás and Buenos Aires have already begun to show among
the natives. I hope that in a few years from now, expeditions will be rare or no longer needed.’128
He persisted with the illusion that Argentina would be like Italy for vocations.
The discussion on missions continued to expand: ‘There is great excitement about going to the
missions: lawyers, notaries, parish priests, teachers are asking to become Salesians ad hoc. Do
everything you can to have experienced students or adults among the savages. If some want to do
their studies or learn a trade in Europe, send them. Write to me about the visit you will make with
the Archbishop to Carmen or Patagónes; tell him the Holy Father wants new experiments for the
119 Letter of 29 July 1876, E III 79–80.
120 Letter of 1 August 1876, E III 81.
121 In an earlier letter he had appointed Fr Bodrato as “Capitano Salesiano” (Salesian captain) of the
second expedition (Letter of 30 May 1876, E III 65): split between Argentina and Uruguay, they would
have had two different leaders.
122 To Fr G. Cagliero, 1 August 1876, E III 81–82.
123 To Fr G. Cagliero, 1 September 1876, E III 93.
124 To Fr G. Cagliero, 12 September 1876, E III 95.
125 Cf. Letter of Archbishop F. Aneiros to Don Bosco on 1 July 1876, MB XII 667–668.
126 E III 87.
127 To Fr G. Barberis, 14 May 1876, E III 61–62; Cf. J. BORREGO (Ed.), La Patagonia e le terre australi del
continente americano pel sac. Giovanni Bosco, RSS 7 (1988) 255–442.
128 To Card. A. Franchi, 23 August 1876, E III 88–89.

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savages and applauds our efforts to open houses of education on their borders, and doing
everything we can to have an indigenous clergy.’129
In the following months he wrote: ‘The missionaries are studying Spanish. A few have made
good progress; others secundum quid, but after a short time studying over there, I believe they will
be able to go into the classroom’ as teachers. ‘I do not have time to write to the others. Let them all
know the news, tell them I love them in J.C., and pray a lot for them. But tell them to remain as
solid as pillars and to be holy like our Patron etc.’130
8. Activity in South America expands
Don Bosco’s letter of 31 October 1876 was important for consensus on two new works in Buenos
Aires and for further plans in 1877. It was written while awaiting news about Archbishop Aneiros’
pastoral visit to Carmen de Patagónes, a visit that never took place: ‘You will already have
received my agreement for the Bocca del diavolo [he meant Boca parish or ‘Devil’s mouth’] and S.
Carlo parishes.’ ‘In 1877 you will need to be able to make a trip to Europe and then another to
Ceilan [Ceylon] in India to open another very important Mission,’ ‘so long as our beginnings in
Buenos Aires are steady and in order.’ ‘It is essential to have a site or part of a building for a
novitiate. If needed, I have a novice master ready.’131
The second expedition of Salesians to Latin America contributed much to intensifying the
missionary motives, even though there were as yet no true and proper mission centres. We can
discover plentiful news of the preparations from letters to Fr Cagliero. He insisted especially on
asking for and getting others to ask for free travel vouchers, or for someone to finance them.132 He
announced this in a circular on 15 August, which provided information on work thus far
accomplished and the ‘charitable individuals’ whom he had asked for assistance.133 The expedition
had twenty three members led by Fr Francis Bodrato for those going to Argentina, Fr Louis
Lasagna for those sent to open the new work at Villa Colón near Montevideo in Uruguay. On 4
November, he sent out the invitation to the farewell ceremony.134
The Diario dell’Oratorio (Oratory Diary) kept by Frs Chiala and Lazzero had entries on 14 and
15 November summing up what had taken place: ‘14. D. Bosco accompanied the missionaries on
board the steamship Savoie and had déjeuné with them; he was very warmly received by the
ship’s Captain, and in fact gave D. Bosco his portrait as a gift, showing how fortunate he felt having
his missionary sons with him as far as Buenos Aires. He recalled that the year before was one of
the best voyages. A salesman for Protestant bibles who began an argument with D. Bosco on
board was soon thrown off at the Captain’s stern command. 15. The caravan of missionaries
bound for Montevideo left from S. Pier d’Arena. They arrived in Bordeaux. They thought they were
leaving at 20.11 on the steamship Orenoch, but this departed at 18.00, and they did not arrive in
time. They had to remain there until 2.12.76. They stayed at the city’s main seminary.’135
In his November 14 letter, Don Bosco gave some directions to Fr Cagliero on distribution of
personnel led by Fr Bodrato, and recommended: ‘In assigning personnel to each house, see that
the members of that house are brought together and read the reminders from the year before with
129 From Lanzo to Fr G. Cagliero, 12 September 1876, E III 95.
130 From Vignale to Fr G. Cagliero, 13 October 1876, E III 103–104.
131 To Fr G. Cagliero, 31 October 1876, E III 107.
132 Cf. Letter to Fr G. Cagliero, 30 May, 29 June, 13 July, 1 and 13 August, 1 September, 13 October, E III
65, 68–69, 72–73, 81–82, 87, 92–93, 103–104; To Comm. G. Malvano, 12 October 1876, E III 101–102,
etc.
133 E III 89–91.
134 E III 108.
135 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 49.

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some words from yourself.’ ‘Among things to keep in mind are a house or site for a novitiate and
studentate. Do whatever you can to have some natives educated in the sense of a clerical
vocation. If you need a good novice master, I will send you one.’ He also asked for some
interesting information on Fr Ceccarelli: ‘Who knows but he might know some English.’ The reason
for wondering this had been revealed a few lines earlier: ‘I have definitely accepted the Vicariate in
India and we will go there in 1878. The Holy Father told me to begin arranging for someone he
could choose as bishop for the new Mission.’136
Hardly two days had gone by when he sent another letter. Given that Commendatore Gazzolo –
whom he described as ajassin [a Piedmontese term meaning a corn on the foot] – had been with
the Salesians bound for Uruguay as far as Bordeaux, he once again took up the strictly missionary
theme: ‘The Holy Father is pining for the Pampas and Patagonia, and is ready to help us including
with material means if we need them. For the rest, we will be in touch. Son mes ciouc [I feel half
drunk], but that doesn’t matter. God will help us, and everything will proceed in such a way that the
profane will say it smacks of magic, and we will say it is miraculous.’137
The following day, he sent the Apostolic Delegate in Uruguay, Mons. Giacinto Vera, who later
became Bishop of Montevideo, a letter of presentation of the group of Salesians who had gone ‘to
begin the Collegio Pio founded by his charity and zeal.’ He manifested his intention of ‘opening a
house for young artisans as well, and as part of the expedition for this purpose, there are also
some trade teachers who can lend their efforts; but Fr Cagliero will see to the possibilities for
this.’138
On 22 November, he turned to the Secretary of Propaganda Fide whom the Prefect of the
Congregation had indicated as the point of reference for attending to matters regarding the
‘Salesian missionaries in America,’ for asking that faculties granted the Salesians in Argentina be
extended to those who had left for Uruguay and, in general, ‘to all Salesians who had left for the
foreign missions.’ He also asked for furniture and worship items for the five churches attached to
Salesian works in Latin America, including the one in Montevideo.139 Further on, he wrote to Fr
Cagliero about vocations flowing into the Congregation to cover the gaps left by those who had
gone to South America, once again mentioning India, and speaking of negotiations for
Commendatore Gazzolo to buy land adjacent to the Mater Misericordia church, the ‘Italian church’.
But Don Bosco was rather disappointed in Gazzolo: ‘I can tell you that Commendatore
Gazzolo’s star is on the wane. It used be very bright.’140 There was no lack of reasons for this. The
above–mentioned land negotiations failed, due to the able speculator’s excessive demands. We
know this from interesting passages in letters Don Bosco wrote to Cagliero from Turin: ‘I have not
yet been able to speak with Consul Gazzolo about his land,’ he wrote on 31 December. ‘I hope he
wants to sell as soon as possible. I will send a reply 15 January next.’141 ‘I have not yet been able
to finalise the cost of the site’ he said on 14 January 1877. ‘I hope it can be done at the beginning
of February.’ ‘The Consul seems well disposed but he is Genoese and takes a long time over
business matters.’142 Around mid–February he said disappointingly: ‘After a week of calculations
and talk, Commendatore Gazzolo has lowered his demands to f. 60,000 for his seven hundred
metres of land … it is our understanding that he will limit himself to this price as a favour.’ ‘When I
told him of your price of f. 18,000 he was surprised, saying: “This is barely the price I paid when I
136 To Fr G. Cagliero, da Sampierdarena 14 November 1876, E III 111–113.
137 To Fr G. Cagliero, da Sampierdarena, 16 November 1876, E III 113–114.
138 Letter of 17 November 1876, E III 114–115.
139 Letter of 22 November 1876, E III 118–119.
140 To Fr G. Cagliero, 30 November 1876, E III 121–122.
141 To Fr G. Cagliero, 31 December 1876, E III 129.
142 To Fr G. Cagliero, 14 January 1877, E III 141. as for the “countries bordering on the savages” and what
follows, see what is said about the Expedición al Desierto, Cf. Chap. 2, § 8.

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bought it.” As you can see, he paid 19,000, and as a favour to us he is now giving it to us for
60,000 [the difference of 56,791 and 189,302 euro respectively!] Ah! Rogno! Rogno! [What a
bother this is].’143
While awaiting Fr Cagliero’s return, letters were rare, but Don Bosco’s active and keen
presence was constant, with Cagliero and others. On 1 January 1877, he had asked Fr Rua to
bring the tutor at Pamparato house a translation in Spanish of the Giovane Provveduto (The
Companion of Youth) adapted for use in Latin America, for a final check before printing it.144 A few
days later, he offered a more concrete projection of his thoughts and plans for Brazil. He said he
was happy that the recipient of one of his letters, Mr Andrea Boassi, was ‘in friendly contact with D.
Pedro and his wife, the Empress of Brazil,’ adding: ‘If it is convenient, suggest we have one of our
houses in that vast empire. I believe many poor children will become good citizens. Otherwise they
will end up in prison. But be prudent in everything.’145
Laden with future potential was one plan in particular which Don Bosco presented Fr Cagliero
with on the 14th. There was no lack of imagination in what he presented on the basis of two
suggestions from the Pope (or which he put to the Pope and were accepted?): ‘An Apostolic
Vicariate in Patagonia, e.g. at Carmen or S. Cruz, or Puntarenas or even better, just one Vicariate
covering all three?’ He could begin ‘with a house of education and seminary in Carmen, also
known as Patagónes, and Concepción.’ Finance would be provided by Propaganda, the Work of
the Propagation of the Faith, the Pope, the Salesian Society. He continued: ‘And personnel? It all
has to be flour from our own sack; and among other things, my thoughts are to invite Mons.
Ceccarelli to head up this enterprise, so speak with him directly. It is true that he should be
consecrated bishop, but he could keep the parish. Get one or two Salesians to take his place in S.
Nicolás. And for Fr Cagliero, quid? To India. For the beginning of 1878 we are going to take on the
Apostlic Vicariate of Mangalore in India with about three thousand souls. So Cardinal Franchi tells
me. Fr Cagliero Vicar Apostolic, Fr Bologna his Vicar General etc. etc. Between the individuals
already there and others we are preparing, there will be [sufficient] personnel. Six Salesians can
easily be prepared for Patagonia, ten priests and ten catechists for India. God will do the rest!’ He
left Fr Cagliero and his helpers to ‘weave the cloth.’
Don Bosco returned to the topic of Patagonia in the postscript, telling him that Archbishop
Cesare Roncetti (1834–81), appointed on 18 July 1876 as Apostolic Nuncio in Brazil and Apostolic
Delegate for Argentina, Uruguay, Paraguay, Chile (1876–79), would be passing through Buenos
Aires, where he would ‘also negotiate with the Archbishop on the possibility of going to the Pampas
and Patagonia.’ He noted: ‘He is kind to us and I have sown the seed, which is why he was chosen
for this mission … On his return, he will be made Cardinal, something he is unaware of, and when
you see him you can let him know.’146 This prediction was destined to fail. Roncetti completed his
diplomatic career at the Nunciature in Bavaria (1879–81).
Don Bosco dedicated a small poem on the back of his letter on 22 January 1877 to Fr Bologna,
‘Vicar General in pectore’:
Il Ceilan è preparato
Mangalor ansiosa attended Ognun prega e il braccio tende;
Vieni presto ai lidi tuoi.
Porta teco lunga schiera
143 To Fr G. Cagliero, 13 February 1877, E III 149–150.
144 E III 133.
145 E III 136; Cf. Chap. 8, § 8.
146 To Fr G. Cagliero, 14 January 1877, E III 140–141.

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Dei seguaci del Saverio.
Anche a voi l’istesso imperio
Dio pietoso destinò.147
[A recast rather than a literal translation in English might be along the following lines:
Ceylon is set and ready Mangalore
In prayer with arms outstretched:
Come quickly, come, and reach the shore;
bring multitudes unending
Of those who come as Xavier came To share, as God has willed,
An empire great that bears His name –
His Kingdom now fulfilled].
In a following letter, Don Bosco thanked Fr Cagliero for a substantial cheque he had sent from
Fr Fagnano, the Rector at S. Nicolás, and recommended careful administration of the ‘charity of
well–off faithful’ in Montevideo. He then proposed the problem of Patagonia once more, asking him
to be in touch with the Archbishop of Buenos Aires to inform him that ‘the Holy Father wants to do
something for Patagonia’; ‘The Cardinal Prefect of Propaganda Fide’ he said ‘will write to him
perhaps with the same courier about the convenience of establishing an Apostolic Prefecture at
Carmen.’ ‘The Holy Father is especially moved by news received from countries bordering on the
savages, like the Argentine Republic, Chile etc., intent more on fighting and destroying the
savages than on converting them!
He then turned his gaze in several directions with projects that were certainly disproportionate
to available forces and tasks already undertaken, but not his imagination as believer and ‘creator’:
‘If they make a formal request for missionaries in Brazil or Paraguay, you may accept on these two
conditions: 1. Help with the many costs we have already contracted and have to manage on a daily
basis. 2. For 1878.’ As if that were not enough: ‘The Holy Father is suggesting an Apostolic
Vicariate in India, and another in Australia. For now, I have accepted an expedition to Ceylon in
1878.’ He reminded him in the postscript: ‘It would be good for you to send me names of
Cooperators.’148
He also dealt with issues internal to the communities over there: ‘Also prepare for the
ordinatioans of clerics Allavena and Rizzo: in time, you will have the dimissorials and faculties you
want. But remember, you have the faculty to issue dimissorials. If you can, send a report on the
state of the Congregation in South America, and I will have it brought to the Holy Father for his
episcopal jubilee, which has all of Europe and America excited. It will be possible for you to take
part in the General Chapter, which should commence at the beginning of next September. It should
deal with and resolve some very important matters; so look, observe and tell me si fieri potest.’149
However, Fr Cagliero had warned him: ‘With regard to Patagonia, there is no need to go at the
speed of electricity.’ Both he and Fr Fagnano were critical of the undue publicity and its
147 E III 147.
148 To Fr G. Cagliero, 13 February 1877, E III 149–150.
149 To Fr G. Cagliero, 31 marzo 1877, E III 162.

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importunate nature in Italy, both in spoken word and in writing regarding what the Salesians were
achieving in Argentina.150 Hearing that the Argentine Government had asked the Salesians for a
parish priest, teacher and two lay teachers for Carhué, on of the centres set up towards the
Cordigliera near the natives, Don Bosco reacted with moderate encouragement: ‘What you write
about Patagonia is in accordance with my wishes: approach it a little at a time and thanks to
opening houses in cities and towns closer to the savages, the Lord will do the rest.’ As for
observations on the indiscreet publicity in Europe, he replied: ‘I know too much is said about us,
but what can we do? I have always removed things that seemed to redound to our glory and
modified what referred to others. However, if you can send me a report on the South American
missionaries, send it to me and I will put things right.’ And then: ‘You will receive the dimissorials
and, if needs be, you or Fr Bodrato can issue them. I have begun procedures for travel on French
ships. The President for the Society of Maritime Transport, Mr Bergasse from Marseilles, has
promised us considerable reductions. Perhpas the Government in Paris will give us some
completely free berths. Once these arrangements are complete, I will quickly let you know.’ Finally,
he offered a surprising item of counter–information: ‘In view of the number of houses we are
opening and arranging personnel for, on your return, the Ceilan, Mangalore, Australia etc. projects
are suspended. But I am not losing sight of a dozen good sheep to send to Doilores if you tell me
they are needed.’151
Two letters then followed, one to Fr Francis Bodrato in charge of Argentina and soon to be
Provincial of all the American works, the other to the venerable Benítez at San Nicolás de los
Arroyos. ‘You tell me you have so much to do’ he wrote to Fr Bodrato who, more than Cagliero, felt
the dramatic inadequacy of personnel available, and not just in quantity. ‘I know I would like to be
able to help you. Perhaps it could console you to know that we are snowed under with so many
things here that we don’t know where to start or finish any more. For a number of months, now, I
have sat at my desk from 2 in the afternoon, only to get up from it at 8.30 to go to supper. Just the
same, he reminded him that ‘health is essential’ and invited him to do only what was possible.
Support was not lacking: ‘You will have help with the workers we will send from here and those you
have there.’152 He replied to Benítez, who was a fine Latin scholar, in Latin, naturally thanking him
and at the same time asking for help, always stressing the si poteris. ‘Vivite et vale, anima electa,
amice fidelis, Deus te sospitem diutissime servet in annos plurimos.’153
Finally, a last letter arrived for Fr Cagliero about returning to Europe. First of all, he told him of
trips within Italy with the Archbishop of Buenos Aires, Archbishop Aneiros, and following that, to
Rome, then staying in Turin from 26–30 June, the festivities at Valdocco, then indicating departure
from Italy on 14 July.154 He continued to speak of Salesian America: ‘Just between us. I wrote
telling you to go to S. Cruz. This is only my idea but if, pensatis pensandis, it seems better to put
this off till later, fiat sicut melius in Domino placuerit. We have the personnel; since the school year
is coming to an end, and if nothing blocks the way, the departure can be delayed as usual until 14
November next. If necessary we can anticipate the departure and we can adjust somehow. Read
the letter to Marquis Spinola, then put it in an envelope and bring it … What I am writing to you, I
am also writing to Fr Bodrato and the others. For the Archbishop’s departure, we will prepare
letters and other items. Bishop Lacerda from Rio Janeiro will pass through here next week, and will
not leave without at least having five Salesians with him.’155
150 Cf. A. DA SILVA FERREIRA, Patagonia: I – Realtà e mito nell’azione missionaria salesiana. Il vicariato
apostolico della Patagonia Settentrionale, RSS 14 (1995) 17 e n. 24.
151 To Fr G. Cagliero, 12 May 1877, E III 170–171.
152 To Fr F. Bodrato, May 1877, E III 172–173.
153 Letter of 14 May 1877, E III 174.
154 Cf. Chap. 25, § 1.
155 Letter to Fr G. Cagliero, 30 June 1877, E III 194–195. He also informed Fr Lasagna of Aneiros’ visit,
letter of 16 July 1877, E III 199.

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Preparations for Archbishop Aneiros’ visit are worthy of note. Don Bosco had his most
trustworthy men help organise it – Fr Francesia’s inspiration,156 Fr Rua’s organising talent,157
faithful assistance from his secretary, Fr Berto to prepare a special gift for the Argentines: ‘A box or
two of bottles for the Archbishop of Buenos Aires: Bordeaux, Malaga, Barbera, Grignolino,
Nebbiolo, Moscata di Strevi; 15–20 bottles in all. In order to make the origins of the wine even
better, we can give it a rather ancient date, thanks to a vineyard. Get this box ready and it will be
sent to Genoa at my indication.’158
Ten days later, he also wrote to Fr Lasagna in Uruguay. He gave him some rules for governing:
‘Prayer, steadfastness, courage, advice. However, do not forget the story of Fr Ubique and the
magic box … see everything with your own eyes, go to each place, speak with all who depend on
you. This is the key for everything to go well. It was what ‘Don Dappertutto’ [Fr Everywhere] did
when he opened the magic box and found written: ‘The owner’s eye makes the horse grow fat.’159
There was no stopping his future planning. While, in Buenos Aires, they were working within the
limits of the impossible due to a chronic lack of men, and not only in terms of quantity, here was
Don Bosco heading off in all directions over the vast areas of Latin America, north, south, north–
east: a reckless and courageous conqueror. He was backed by the tireless, mature Fr Bodrato and
the young, imaginative, far–seeing Fr Lasagna.
156 Letter to the Rector at Varazze, 13 June 1877, E III 186.
157 Letter of 20 and 24 June 1877, E III 192–193; Cf. letter of 7 July, E III 196.
158 Letter from Alassio, 7 July 1877, E III 196.
159 Letter of 16 July 1877, E III 199.

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Chapter 22
A Catholic solidarity project in the mission to young
people (1873–77)
1854
Introduction to a Piano di regolamento per l’Oratorio (Draft Regulations for
the Oratory).
1872/74 Associati alla Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales (Salesian ‘Associates’).
1874 Unione Cristiana (Christian Union).
1876
Cooperatori ossia un modo pratico per giovare al buon costume e alla civile società.
(Cooperators, or a practical way of helping good behaviour and civil society);
9 May: Pius IX grants many indulgences to the Unio seu Sodalitas Cooperatorum
Salesianorum. (Salesian Cooperators Union or Sodality).
1877
Final text of the Cooperati Salesiani con il Regolamento dei Cooperatori Salesiani
(Salesian Cooperators and their Regulations):
August/September: 1st issue of the Bibliofilo Cattolico (Catholic Book lover) or
Bollettino Salesiano mensuale (Monthly Salesian Bulletin).
1878 January: definitive title: Bollettino Salesiano.
1879
January: first of Don Bosco’s annual open letters to Salesian Cooperators in the
Bollettino.
Along with the missionary initiative, another kind of extension of his work among youth was
maturing. He wanted a potentially unlimited army of men and women to be part of this work in
organised form. They needed a generous faith for evangelising and civilising without the need to
profess religious vows or choose common life. They needed to be men and women of good will,
convinced of their decisive effect on the personal and social destiny of the young, on their cultural,
professional, moral and religious development. It was not a complete novelty, since as a priest for
young people, Don Bosco had never lacked the cooperation of clergy and laity. What was new was
the proposal to enable their activity through the opportunity to belong to an Association or Union,
properly structured within the Church allowing them to be in some way ‘aggregated’ to the fully
approved Salesian Society.
The idea in its final shape, established in documentation in 1876–76, following the initial efforts
in 1873–75 with variations in 1876, represented the full maturing of intuitions and concepts
emerging from various forms of spontaneous or deliberate cooperation going back to the early
oratory experiences in the 1840s and 1850s. These were distant ideals or real roots of an initiative
which gave its adherents a precise institutional configuration: ‘Salesian’ (legally) ‘almost a third
order’ (spiritually) ‘workers’, even though in 1876 Don Bosco presented the Union as a quasi–
homogeneous development of an aggregation of collaborators which was already formally
established early in the 1840s.1 This was the Storia dei Cooperati Salesiani (History of the Salesian
1 Cf. P. BRAIDO, L’idea della Società Salesiana nel “Cenno istorico”..., RSS 6 (1987) 254–258.

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Cooperators) he offered a summary of in the September issue of the Bollettino Salesiano. He put
together, almost synchronously, very many different kinds of helpers starting from 1841.2 His
Salesian Cooperators’ came from the very same mental framework that led him to locate the
origins of the Oratory and the Salesian Society back in 1841.
1. Projects which were glimpsed or just broadly drafted
In his 1854 Introduction to the Piano di regolamento per l’Oratorio maschile di S.Francesco di
Sales (Draft regulations for the boys’ Oratory of St Francis de Sales) Don Bosco expressed the
hope that the regulations would ‘serve as a norm for administering this part of the sacred ministry
and as a guide for the good number of clergy and laity who dedicate their efforts to it with
charitable concern.’3 In fact, he loved to recall the considerable number of lay and clerical helpers
there had been.4 The gradual expansion of collaboration, first of clerics for the pastoral care of
young oratory boys, then lay men for Sunday and night classes, catechism and assistance, and
women for mending garments of boys at the hospice, and of so many others offering financial
support, was something Don Bosco recalled at the first Cooperators’ Assembly in Turin on the
afternoon of May 16, 1878.5 It was an ideal mobilisation of pastors of souls, parish priests in the
cities and towns, teachers, fathers of families, everyone who had at heart the religious betterment
of the people Don Bosco had tried to bring about through the Amico della gioventù (The friend of
youth).6 Very similar was the small army of correspondents and propagandists he had organised
and encouraged to spread the Letture Cattoliche (Catholic Readings),7 and membership of the
Society for disseminating good books, planned in 1859 and 1866 with identical aims to those then
proposed for the Cooperators.8 Then there were temporary groups such as members of lottery
commissions and promoters. We should not exclude the idea that Don Bosco had nurtured the
idea of a congregation or association of some kind, with different levels of membership, of regular
workers for the work of the oratories, including hostels for workers.9 The boys he had captivated in
a special way between 1849–57 and who took the soutane at some point, could probably have
been seen as a platform for this.10
In the 1860s when the congregation or association was by then thought of as a Religious
Society, a distinction was enforced between internal members, or religious true and proper, and
other members. In reality, at the time of the first request for approval of the Society in 1864, the text
of the Constitutions had a final section on Extern members. It comprised four articles: 1. Any
individual living in the world, in his own home, within his own family, can belong to our Society. 2.
He takes no vow but will endeavour to put into practice that part of the Rule compatible with his
age and circumstances.’ And in a draft written between 1862 and 1864 Don Bosco added: ‘Such as
teaching or promoting catechism class for poor children, making the effort to spread good books,
helping organise triduums, novenas, retreats and other similar works of charity aimed especially at
the spiritual good of youth or ordinary people.’ 3. To participate in the spiritual goods of the Society
one needs to at least make a promise to the Rector to use his energies and means in a way he
2 Cf. BS 3 (1877) no. 6, September, pp. 1–2.
3 [G. BOSCO], Introduzione al Piano di Regolamento per l’Oratorio maschile di S. Francesco di Sales in
Torino nella regione Valdocco, in Don Bosco nella Chiesa, pp. 36–37.
4 Cf. Chap. 7, § 1.
5 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 13, pp. 48–52.
6 È parte del Programma messo a capo del 1° numero, del 21 October 1848; cf. circolare di January 1849,
Em I 83.
7 Cf. Chap. 8, § 7.
8 Cf. circular of 6 March 1860, Em I 397; MB VI 487–489; cf. Chap. 9, § 6.
9 Cf. Chap. 6, § 5.2.
10 Cf. Chap. 11, § 6.

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judges to be for the greater glory of God. 4. Such a promise, however, does not oblige under pain
of sin, not even venial sin.’
In the second draft of the text, Don Bosco added a fifth article: ‘Every member of the Society
who leaves it for some reasonable motive is considered to be an extern member and can still
participate in the spiritual goods of the Society, so long as he practices that part of the regulations
prescribed for extern members.’11 The Congregation of Bishops and Regulars adopted the
observations of Fr Savini, the Consultor, including the comment referring to the last item: ‘There is
no approval of external individuals enrolling in the Pious Institute by affiliation.’12 In his counter–
observations, Don Bosco asked this section to be approved at least as an appendix since, he
noted, ‘almost all Congregations and Religious Orders have tertiaries, and we call people friends
and benefactors when they aspire to a holier life particularly by promoting the good of the Society
and seek to observe the religious constitutions in the world as far as possible.’13 In fact, the section
with the first four articles did become part of the printed Latin text in 1867 as an appendix. In 1869,
when the King’s Procurator in Turin, Lorenza Eula, demanded the royal exequatur for civil
recognition of the decree of approval of the Salesian Society on 1 March (and this was neither
useful nor desired), Don Bosco replied that the Society was made up of ‘individuals who preserve
their civil rights.’ Furthermore, ‘its members can live at home and work from there, if they wish, to
take poor youngsters off the streets and piazzas in order to guide them in good behaviour and set
them on the path to some skill or trade.’14 Further on, although the Consultor, Fr Bianchi, confirmed
the earlier negative response,15 Don Bosco kept the text in the January 1874 edition.16 Faced with
insurmountable barriers he removed it from the last printed edition in March 1874 before it was
approved.
This was the most evident prehistory or proto–history of what would become the Association or
Union of Salesian Cooperators as it would be when formally established. As we have seen, only
two ‘extern members’ as such are known of: Fr Ciattino, parish priest of Maretto in the province
and diocese of Asti, and Fr Domenico Pestarino from Mornese, though the date this latter became
a Salesian Religious is imprecise.17
There was, instead, a huge band of people working beside Don Bosco. Known and unknown,
remembered or otherwise, without them his activity, based entirely on charity, would have
remained a castle of good intentions, a soul without a body, and we are not only talking of financial
support but of involving mind, heart and action. Hence we find expressed, to varying degrees, the
various dimensions of collaboration which Don Bosco would see fully embodied in the
Cooperator.18 A year earlier, on 30 July 1875, Pius IX granted specific indulgences to the
Cooperators, giving the Superior General of the Salesian Society the faculty pro–tempore ‘of
communicating the indulgences and graces granted the Society to outstanding benefactors of the
11 Cost. SDB (Motto), p. 210.
12 Cost. SDB (Motto), p. 231.
13 Cost. SDB (Motto), pp. 233–234.
14 Letter of 10 June 1869, Em III 96.
15 Cf. Cost. SDB (Motto), p. 242.
16 Regulae Societatis S. Fancisci Salesii. Romae, Typis S. C. Propagandae Fide 1874, p. 40, OE XXV 292.
17 Cf. Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Anno 1875. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di s. Franc. di Sales 1875, pp. 31–
36; Brevi biografie dei confratelli salesiani chiamati da Dio alla vita eterna. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana
1876, pp. 17–22. “Having heard D. Bosco, he wanted to meet him; with this in mind he came to Turin in
1862. He was so enamoured by the spirit of the Salesian Congregation that he immediately wanted to
give his name to it, beginning to practise its rules. Gradually he dedicated himself entirely to this
Congregation and was one of its exemplary confreres. The Superior, to whom he gave unconditional
obedience, in view of the great good he was doing in the world, wanted him to continue to live in his
hometown” (p. 20).
18 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica I..., pp. 217–218.

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Society, no differently than if they were Tertiaries.’19 It was a prelude to indulgences granted on 9
May 1870 to the Association or Union of Salesian Collaborators and the ‘qualification as tertiaries
often given them.’ This description was then illustrated in the Bollettino Salesiano almost as a
comment on Leo XIII’s Encyclical Auspicato concessum on 17 September 1882 on the Franciscan
Third Order.20
2. Towards a quasi Third Order
On 19 February 1876, Fr Barberis noted that Don Bosco had told him about a project he had had
in mind for years: ‘Now these schools are pretty much organised, I am working on another also
very important idea: a Salesian association. I have been thinking about it for some time; it is quite
difficult to set up things like this. I have been working at it for some years. Now that the work of
Mary Help of Christians seems to be established I will work on this one and it will be made public
before the end of the year. It will take two years to consolidate it. I have already worked on another
project that I will bring to maturity over these two years and, when the Salesian Association is
consolidated I will make that public.’
The Chronicler noted: ‘He has already spoken of this Salesian Association on other occasions,
especially last year, but it seems that in speaking to me about it now he has given it a slightly
different title that is not ‘association’ but I can’t remember what he called it.’ ‘The other project,’ Don
Bosco went on ‘would be to set up what I would almost call a Third Order for women, not
aggregated directly to our Order but associated with the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians.’ 21
The schools or classes he referred to as pretty much set up were the ones aimed at adult
vocations. This was the work of Mary Help of Christians. They were also known as ‘focus’ schools
because they followed a more focused and rapid curriculum. Their students were also called ‘Sons
of Mary’.
The early notion of Cooperators was entrusted to five pages of an exercise book and a separate
sheet which, given content and references, can be dated to around 1873. The material was entitled
Associati alla Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales (Associates of the Congregation of St
Francis de Sales).22 The project drew its inspiration from the figures of the ‘faithful Christian in the
world’ desirous of ‘achieving perfection and ensuring his salvation’ and not prepared for various
reasons to distance himself from the world. ‘The pious association of St Francis de Sales ‘offered a
threefold opportunity: 1. ‘A means of perfection’ 2. Participation ‘in the works of piety and religion’
of Salesian members. 3. The meritorious ‘union in doing good’. Don Bosco was enunciating ideas
that would remain a fundamental motive of inspiration for Christian and Salesian cooperation, one
that was familiar, besides, from the years of dissemination of the Letture Cattoliche. ‘It is a fact’ he
wrote ‘that only worldly men come together to spread bad press, sow evil ideas in the world,
associate in order to propagate erroneous instruction among immature youth, and they succeed
marvellously at it. And will Catholics remain inactive or apart in such a way that their works are
paralysed by bad people? Never. Let us all unite under the rules of the Salesian Congregation, let
us be of one heart and soul with external associates [members]. Let us to be true confreres. Let
the good of one be the good of all, and what is bad for one be kept away as bad for all. We will
19 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica I..., pp. 217–218.
20 Cf. I terziarii di S. Francesco d’Assisi e i Cooperatori salesiani, BS 6 (1882) no. 12, December, pp. 189–
192.
21 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 4, pp. 81–82.
22 The text was published by A. Amadei in the MB X 1310–1314 and republished with indication of variants
by Francis Desramaut, spanning documents concerning the Cooperators written by Don Bosco
between1873 and 1876, in F. DESRAMAUT and M. MIDALI (eds), Il cooperatore nella società
contemporanea. Friburg (Switzerland) 26–29 August 1974, “Colloqui salesiani”, 6. Leumann–Turin, Elle
Di Ci 1975, pp. 355–359; mss of a number of redactions, ASC A 220.

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certainly obtain this grand purpose thanks to association with the Congregation of St Francis de
Sales.’23 The entire section from ‘It is a fact … confreres’ was followed by an expression which
was crossed out but which would then be picked up as the key motivation for documents to follow:
‘Vis unita fortiori, funiculus triplex difficile rumpitur says the Lord, meaning that forces united are
stronger, and though one string on its own breaks easily, it will be difficult to break when many
pieces of string are entwined to make a rope.’
The activities proposed under the heading Purpose of the Association were similar to the ones
listed in the first chapter of the Salesian Constitutions: (1. To benefit oneself by practising charity
on behalf of one’s neighbour, especially poor and abandoned children … 2. To bring poor children
together, instructing them at home, advising them of risks, taking them to where they can be
instructed in the Faith … Whoever cannot do these things himself can do then through others, such
as by inviting or advising a companion, relative, friend or acquaintance to do what he or she can.
Or one could equally make up by praying for those who are working or by providing material
support where there is need.’ 3. To be concerned with ‘assisting poor boys especially ones who
show‘ they have a clerical vocation. 4. To take ‘great care in preventing any conversation, every
word contrary to the Roman Pontiff or his supreme authority.’ 5. The Salesians [sic] will make every
effort to prevent distribution of bad books and spread good books, news sheets, printed papers of
any kind.’24 Similarly, the life of piety and religious practice laid down in the lengthy section under
Rules for Salesian associates was not so different from those prescribed for Salesian religious.25
Not so relevant was a simple handwritten draft of Don Bosco’s the Union of St Francis de Sales
written either just before or after the Christian Union. Its aim was ‘to bring some boys or clerical
individuals together to be involved in those things which for the greater glory of God and the benefit
of souls. The means will be zeal for the glory of God, and active charity.’ ‘No branch of knowledge
will be neglected.’ As for members, the statement was laconic: ‘Every faithful Christian can be a
member of the Union so long as he or she is determined to be involved in the purpose and means
mentioned above.’26
This project, less capable of assimilating the religious tone of the preceding one, was a
forerunner to documents following where the evident active and functional character of cooperation
presumed acceptance of the core principle: vis unita fortion …. This was immediately made clear in
the first printed set of regulations for the Christian Union in 1874, which was the result of a more
focused and structured reformulation of the content of the Associati alla Congregazione di S.
Francesco di Sales.27 It began by stating ‘Vis unita fortior, God says.’28 The second heading, with
the more precise ‘Associazione salesiana’ replaced the more generic heading. The definition,
though not quite exact in historical terms, expressed ideas that were well rooted in Don Bosco and
would remain so steadfastly into the future. The Association it said ‘Could be called a kind of Third
Order with ancient roots with this one difference, that in the traditional ones Christian perfection
was proposed through the exercise of piety, but here it is the active life which is the principal aim,
especially when it is on behalf of youth at risk.’29 The purposes were identical to those described in
the Associati … but reduced from five to three, more focused and enriched; ‘The first duty of an
associate is charity to youth at risk, bringing them together, instructing them in the Faith, advising
them of risks or taking them to where they can be instructed.’ ‘It is also a task of the Association to
23 F. DESRAMAUT and M. MIDALI (eds), Il cooperatore nella società contemporanea..., p. 355.
24 F. DESRAMAUT and M. MIDALI (eds), Il cooperatore nella società contemporanea..., pp. 356–357.
25 F. DESRAMAUT and M. MIDALI (eds), Il cooperatore nella società contemporanea..., pp. 357–359.
26 Cf. original handwritten ms. Of Don Bosco, ASC A 2300401; MB X 1309.
27 Cf. Unione cristiana. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di s. Franc. di Sales 1874, 8 p., OE XXV 403–410.
28 Unione cristiana..., p. 1, OE XXV 403. The expression is not found in the Bible; “funiculus triplex” is in
Qo. 4, 12.
29 Unione cristiana..., p. 2, OE XXV 404.

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promote novenas, triduums, retreats and catechism lessons especially in places that lack material
and moral means.’ Secondly, ‘each one will take special care of these youngsters whose behaviour
and attitude to study shows some indication they have been called.’ And finally, ’counteract
irreligious press with good press by working to disseminate good books, cards, news sheets,
printed material of any kind in places and among people where it seems prudent to offer them.’30
The Constitutions and government of the Christian Union was a more sensitive title than Rules for
Salesians associates in the Associati … document. The Rules for Salesian associates had many
prayer commitments, whereas the Christian Union was more interested in the organisational
aspect of the association. Acceptance conditions were also different. The ‘Rules’ said: ‘Anyone can
enrol in this Association so long as he or she is sixteen years old, of honourable conduct, a good
Catholic, obedient to the Church and the Roman Pontiff.’ The Unione Cristiana said: ‘Whoever has
turned sixteen can enrol in this Association so long as he or she conforms to the rules it
proposes.’31
The document entitled Associazione di opera buone (Association for good works) was
somewhat more systematic and led to the pretty much final 1876 version. It was almost a
‘Salesian’ summary, modelled on the Society Don Bosco founded but with earlier headings and
content. There were eight headings: 1. Christian union for doing good works. 2. Salesian
Congregation. 3. Salesian Association. 4. Ways of cooperating. 5. Constitutions and government of
the Association. 6. Particular obligations. 7. Benefits. 8. Religious practices.32 It expressed the
essential features of the Salesian Cooperator: 1) the explicit connection with the Christian vocation
as lived in an exemplary way by the early Church through a real union ‘in the spirit of prayer,
charity and zeal.’ 2) taking on tasks which substituted for and added to activity by the Salesians
and were capable of responding ‘at least minimally to need and daily requests made of them’ in
Italy, Europe, China, Australia, America ‘and notably in the Argentine Republic.’ It explained that
‘the poor Salesians cannot meet so many urgent needs and therefore while they do what they can
for their part, they turn to people who love our holy Catholic religion and the salvation of souls and
invite them, indeed beg them out of love for Our Lord Jesus Christ to give a hand and cooperate
with them in special works of charity which are the purposes of this Congregation.’ 3) the strong
connection with the Salesian Society ‘as a stable bond of union’ further guaranteed by the fact that
it had become a ‘pious Institute’ definitely approved by the Church.’33 4) the related ‘third order’
character of a predominantly active nature which differentiates it from the ancient Third Orders. It
was expressed through charity to one’s neighbours especially youth at risk, ‘the particular aim of
the Association.’34 5) the ‘different ways of cooperating’ substantially the same as those indicated in
the Christian Union: promoting novenas, triduums, catechism classes etc. taking special care of
youngsters inclined to clerical life, counteracting irreligious press with good press, ‘and finally’
summing up the predominantly youthful aim, ‘the harvest where every member is invited to
exercise his or her zeal: ….charity to youth at risk, bringing them together, instructing them in Faith,
involving them in sacred ceremonies, advising them of risks, taking them to where they can be
instructed in Religion.’ It suggested that ‘whoever cannot do these things himself can do them
through others, such as by encouraging a relative, a friend to do them. One can cooperate through
prayer or by providing material means where there is a need. The early faithful laid their goods at
30 Unione cristiana..., pp. 2–3, OE XXV 404–405; cf. Associati alla Congregazione..., in F. DESRAMAUT and
M. MIDALI (eds), Il cooperatore nella società contemporanea..., pp. 356–357.
31 Associati alla Congregazione..., in F. DESRAMAUT and M. MIDALI (eds), Il cooperatore nella società
contemporanea..., p. 356; Unione cristiana..., p. 3, OE XXV 405: duties of prayer are briefly listed under
the heading Pratiche religiose, pp. 6–7, OE XXV 408–409.
32 Cf. Associazione di opere buone. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di s. Franc. di Sales 1875, 14 p., OE XXV 481–
494.
33 Associazione di opere buone..., pp. 3–5, OE XXV 483–485.
34 Associazione di opere buone..., p. 6, OE XXV 486.

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the feet of the Apostles to be used for widows, orphans and other serious needs.’35 6) the
conditions for belonging were taken literally from the Christian Union modifying only the manner of
belonging. The Christian Union presented a Formula of acceptance in which the candidates
declared: ‘The undersigned has read the rules of the Salesian Association and willingly subscribes
to them, both for the good of his own soul and to associate with others in order to achieve the
spiritual and temporal benefits for his neighbour that are compatible with his circumstances.’ He
then signed this with name and surname.36 For the Association of good works the approach was
even simpler: ‘Each member will fill out the following form and will send it to the Superior after
signing it: I, the undersigned, living in ……Street, No …. Have read the rules of the Salesian
Association and with divine grace I hope to observe them faithfully for the benefit of my soul.’37 This
remained almost unaltered in the first edition in 1876 and was made more formal in the following
1876/77 editions by a ‘Declaration of acceptance among the Salesian Cooperators. The
undersigned states that on the ….day of…. 187… Mr ….was listed among the Salesian
Cooperators and as a consequence will in future enjoy all the favours, indulgences and spiritual
favours granted by the Supreme Pontiff to those who are part of this Association and observe its
rules.’38 In practice, nevertheless, Don Bosco was generous in fostering membership of the grand
family of Cooperators, even inviting French pilgrims passing through Turin to belong. They were
admirers and potential supporters.39
On the eve of the first General Chapter in September 1877, he added a new heading in his own
hand to the preparation booklet, thinking of a possible second edition (which did not eventuate) of
the Association of Mary and the Salesian Cooperators. It had a more flexible description of the
Cooperator than the one in the published regulations. ‘A very important Association for us’ he
wrote, is the work of the Salesian Cooperators, which is the soul [‘right arm’ 1878] of our
Congregation and is connected with our doing good in agreement with, and with the help of good
faithful living in the world.’ We have Salesian Religious and the FMA Institute, he explained, who
have ‘boys at risk’ and ‘poor and abandoned girls’ to work for. ‘Now we need to have friends,
benefactors, people in the world’ he went on ‘who fully practise the spirit of the Salesians and live
in the bosom of their own families, precisely as the Salesian Cooperators do. They are a help in
our need, our support in difficulties, our collaborators in what has to be done for the greater glory of
God and for which we lack the necessary relationships or do not have the personnel and material
means. These Cooperators should increase in number as much as possible.’40 The text was
shortened at the General Chapter, losing some of its spontaneity and flexibility.41
3. The process of canonical institution
Don Bosco spoke of the Salesian Association to Pius IX for the first time at the audience on 22
February 1875. At the Pope’s suggestion, he asked for letters of recommendation from various
bishops both for the Work of Mary Help of Christians and Salesian Associates, two projects
35 Associazione di opere buone..., pp. 7–8, OE XXV 487–488.
36 Unione cristiana..., p. 7, OE XXV 409.
37 Associazione di opere buone..., p. 14, OE XXV 494.
38 Cooperatori salesiani ossia un modo pratico per giovare al buon costume ed alla civile società. San Pier
d’Arena, tip. e libr. di S. Vincenzo de Paoli 1877, p. 39, OE XXVIII 377.
39 Cf. addresses to French pilgrims on 11 May 1880 and 15 December 1881: “Bulletin Salésien” 2 (1880)
no. 1, janvier, pp. 8–10 and BS 6 (1882) no. 1, January, pp. 17–20.
40 The text is added to pages 8 and 9 of the printed version with topics to be dealt with in the General
Chapter; it is beautifully copied on sheets by Fr Berto, Don Bosco ‘s secretary, and read. Reviewed and
corrected by him.
41 Cf. Deliberazioni del Capitolo generale della Pia Società Salesiana tenuto in Lanzo–Torinese nel
September 1877. Turin, tip. e libr. Salesiana 1878, pp. 91–93, OE XXIX 467–469, appendici, IV.
Associazioni varie – I Cooperatori Salesiani.

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‘different from one another.’ For both of them he asked Cardinal Berardi to ‘ask the Holy Father for
his blessing and the indulgences appropriate for each project so he could pass these on as
opportunity presented itself.’42
Once he had the recommendations of various bishops, on 4 March 1876 he turned directly to
the Pope: ‘Your Holiness,’ he reminded him in reference to the Salesian Cooperators ‘would you
deign to examine such a project, bless it and commend it?’ ‘Many bishops have been happy to
welcome it into their respective dioceses.’43 By opening the ‘treasury of holy indulgences,’ he
added ‘each one can be assured that the ‘Work of the Oratories has been blessed and
commended by Your Holiness.’44
The spiritual favours were granted in a Brief on 9 May 1876. The document was fundamental for
Don Bosco for its de facto recognition of the Association, even before its value in granting the
indulgences. At the first Cooperators Conference in Turin on 16 May 1878, he said openly: ‘Our
incomparable benefactor Pius IX died this year; Pius IX who approved the Cooperators Association
and enriched it with so many special indulgences; Pius IX who wanted to be the first to enrol
among the Salesian Cooperators.’45 In reality, the Pope had bestowed the indulgences because, as
the Brief put it ‘a Pious Sodality, as has been referred to, known as the Association or Union of
Salelsian Cooperators has been canonically erected.’ Pius IX granted two plenary indulgences
reserved to members current and future. In the second part of the Brief he added: ‘Wishing to
bestow a special sign of our benevolence on the aforementioned members, we grant them all the
indulgences, partial and plenary, that the Tertiaries of St Francis of Assisi can enjoy by Apostolic
concession.’ They could gain these on the feast of St Francis de Sales and in Salesian churches,
just as the Tertiaries could on the Feast of St Francis in Franciscan churches.46
Armed with Pius IX’s Brief, Don Bosco prepared a new edition of the earlier booklet, now
supplemented and modified. He sent Archbishop Gastaldi a printed copy on 12 July 1876,
informing him briefly of the initiative: ‘This morning we finished the printing and composition
[binding] of the booklet Salesian Cooperators.’ Don Bosco’s presentation To the Readers was
signed on that date, 12 July. ‘It is a kind of tertiary’ he clarified ‘by which the Holy Father grants
spiritual favours to our benefactors.’ He then made a ‘humble plea that you will also impart your
blessing as Archbishop of the main house’ and ‘if you are not unhappy to be so’ be listed ‘after the
Holy Father… in the list of these promoters.’ Then with dubious diplomatic detachment he added: ‘I
make these two suggestions out of duty and if you can agree I will accept them as two special
favours. But in any case, I ask you to accept this letter as a sign of my great esteem and profound
admiration for Your Grace.’47
His ecclesiastical superior’s reaction could not have been particularly benevolent given that he
was being asked to bless a fait accompli. The Archbishop was unhappy with two issues, according
to his secretary Fr Chuiso: that Don Bosco had published ‘the book Salesian Cooperators without
submitting it for ecclesiastical review, and that he had made public indulgences and a pious society
whose canonical institution had not come from the ecclesiastical authority in Turin.’48 Don Bosco
did not reply to the letter immediately. He was in Liguria from 20–29 July, but probably also did not
reply because he wanted to offer a plausible response. He was interested in Alassio in Albenga
diocese. There were good reasons for going there: the new, large building under construction
42 Letter of 18 April 1875, Em IV 452.
43 The reference is to the first edition in 1876 of the project Cooperatori salesiani ossia un modo pratico per
giovare al buon costume ed alla civile società. Turin, tip. salesiana 1876, 16 p., OE XXVIII 255–271.
44 E III 25–26.
45 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 13, p. 58.
46 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 7–9, OE XXVIII 345–347.
47 E III 71–72.
48 Letter of 16 July 1876, Documenti XVI 413–414.

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(1875–77), contact with generous Canon Edoardo Martini to look for personnel for the second
missionary expedition and (why not?) to think of a solution to the problem of publishing the booklet
on the Salesian Cooperators. The diocesan bishop, Pietro Anacleto Siboni, one of the names
which appeared on the list Don Bosco proposed to the Holy See in 1871,49 could and did in fact
give ecclesiastical approval for it to be published. His diocesan curia issued the Imprimatur on July
26.50
On his return to Turin on 1 August, Don Bosco replied to the 16 July letter through the
Archbishop’s secretary. It was a little bit brazen. ‘Having returned from my visit to our houses in
Liguria, I find your letter of 16 July last. Despite the delay, I now hasten to reply. The Salesian
Cooperators booklet was not published. The first copy was sent to Your Grace the Archbishop, a
copy not yet fully printed,’ he explained ‘so you could look at the 38 pages you found there. I
wanted to add the blessing of our Archbishop to them should he decide to give it.’ This truly would
have been an odd place to include it – between the text and the index for the blessing of the
Archbishop joining with Pius IX among the list of promoters of the Association. Then came the
frank statement: ‘The Cooperators work is general, not a diocesan one.’ He continued with a few
other considerations in the style already marked by the state of mutual relations between himself
and Gastaldi: he would have spoken with the Archbishop ‘had I not been forced to deal with you
through an intermediary, making it difficult for things to be understood in their true sense.’ ‘When I
was able to open my heart to Your Grace, I did not move a finger without your learned, prudent and
wise opinion. Regretfully, I had to cease that when I no longer had the freedom to speak or was no
longer believed.’51
Delays, however, did not slow him down in proposing the Association to the first great
benefactors, the Marquis and Marchioness Fassati: ‘I am sending you and the Marchioness your
membership of the Salesian Cooperators which we have spoken of many times. Thus you can
benefit from the many indulgences and spiritual favours granted, by the benevolent reigning Pontiff
Pius IX.’52 He sent copies of the recently printed Salesian Cooperator to Fr Cagliero and asked him
to bring a copy to the Archbishop of Buenos Aires whom he wanted to appear first, after the Holy
Father, and to give one to others already indicated. He also informed him that ‘all the indulgences
noted there can also be gained by the Salesians.’53 Later he sent him certificates and
recommended prudent promotion of the Association.54 Copies of the booklet which he sent to his
noble benefactors in Florence were accompanied by a letter from him. Writing to Countess
Girolama Uguccioni he said: ‘I am sending copies of Salesian Cooperators to distribute to Mrs
Gondi, Marchionesses Nerli, Digny and others who are fond of what we do. You will receive
certificates with the Letture Cattoliche and you just need to let me have the red form signed,’55
meaning the 1876 form we have spoken of. He replied to a young Salesian teaching at Trinità di
Mondovì, who wanted to become a Franciscan Tertiary to gain the indulgences, that ‘There is no
need to become a Franciscan Tertiary because all the indulgences of that Order have been
granted to the Salesian Cooperators to which you belong. Therefore read our little book, try to
49 Cf. F. MOTTO, L’azione mediatrice di don Bosco nella questione delle sedi vescovili vacanti..., in Don
Bosco nella Chiesa, pp. 312 and 314.
50 Cf. Cooperatori salesiani ossia un modo pratico per giovare al buon costume ed alla civile società.
Albenga, tip. vescovile di T. Craviotto 1876, 34 [6] p., OE XXVIII 255–271; a reprint followed with
publisher indicated as: S. Pier d’Arena – Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1876, 36 [4] p.
51 To Canon T. Chiuso, 1° August 1876, E III 83.
52 Letter of 16 July 1876, E III 73.
53 To Fr G. Cagliero, 1° August 1876, E III 81.
54 To Fr G. Cagliero, 14 November 1876, E III 112.
55 Letter of 2 December 1876, E III 122.

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increase the number [of them] and you will gain the merit.’56 Fr Rua at Valdocco was in charge of
sending certificates. He asked Fr Berto to do it, since he was directly in charge of them.57
Archbishop Gastaldi’s reaction to the publication of the 1877 edition of the booklet on
Cooperators was even harsher than before. Don Bosco had first sent him a copy of the papal Brief
from 9 May 1876 in Latin and Italian, along with the list of the many indulgences granted the
Cooperators understood in the broader sense, in 1876 but also in 1875, and earlier in1869 and
1870.58 Archbishop Gastaldi threatened to make public among the parish priests of the diocese
how he disagreed with the publication which was, according to him, illicit. In a letter which also
touched on other controversial matters we will return to later, Don Bosco begged him to act in a
way that would avoid pointless scandal harming everyone, and suggested both of them submit to
the mature and authoritative judgement of the Roman Congregations.59
On the other hand, on 12 December he was able to give good news to Canon Clemente Guiol,
parish priest of St Joseph’s Church in Marseilles: the missionaries passing through as his guests
‘had been so enthusiastic about his kindness. As one they had written: ‘the parish priest of St
Joseph’s is a true Salesian Cooperator. May God preserve him.’60 On 15 December 1877, the
Bishop of Genoa, Salvatore Magnasco, officially approved the Pious Association of Cooperators for
his Archdiocese ‘establishing its centre’ at the St Vincent’s hospice ‘erected at San Pier d’Arena,’
‘on condition, however, that it always remain under our Ordinary dependence.’61
4. The official and definitive form in 1876/77
The first text in 1876, with the additions and definitive shape it took later that year, which was then
finalised in the 1877 text, meant that the official name and the final form was now fixed: the
Association or Union of Salesian Cooperators. The frontispiece remained the same for all editions.
In the 1877 edition the ‘doctrinal’ text was preceded by the general title: Regulations of the
Salesian Cooperators. In all of them, compared with the text Association of good works, the
second and third headings were modified: The Salesian Congregation a bond of union, and,
Purpose of the Salesian Cooperator. It is necessary for Christians to unite in doing good. The
contents were, for the most part, identical to the earlier Association of good works but were more
direct and essential in the Salesian Cooperators version.
The 1877 text opened with the presentation ‘To the Reader’ signed and dated ‘Turin, 12 July
1876. Fr John Bosco.’ Don Bosco included parts of the petition sent to the Pope on 4 March 1876
to obtain indulgences. Addressing himself to the reader he correctly connected the now codified
structure of the Salesian Cooperators with the original experiences of collaboration in the 1840s.
But it was already something of a stretch to go all the way back to 1841. He was more correct in
attributing the request for ‘a set of regulations which would serve as a basis and bond for
preserving uniformity and the spirit of these popular institutions’ to ‘pious and zealous priests and
laity’ in the years that followed. These were most likely the years 1847–52, where there were
‘collaborators or cooperators’ dedicated to ‘the cause of young people at risk.’ The Regolamento
dell’ Oratorio di S. Francisco di Sales in Valdocco (Regulations of the Oratory of St Francis de
Sales in Valdocco) was a first response to this request as he said in the Introduction.62 We now
hope that such a wish will be satisfied by the current booklet.’ The conclusion was a compendium
56 To cleric L. Deppert, 28 May 1878, E III 177.
57 To Fr M. Rua, 6 July 1877, E III 195.
58 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, 36 [4] p., OE XXVIII 339–378.
59 To Arch. L. Gastaldi, 22 November 1877, E III 241.
60 E III 251.
61 Cf. text of the declaration in MB XIII 604.
62 Cf. Chap. 8, § 1 and 4; 10, § 2.

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of formulas already familiar to the early Don Bosco: The Lord God, rich in grace and blessings,
generously bestows his heavenly favours on all those who contribute to winning souls for Jesus the
Saviour, doing good for youth at risk, preparing good Christians for the Church and upright citizens
for civil society, and thus they can all one day be the fortunate inhabitants of Heaven.’63
The 1876/77 text was a schematic overview of the Cooperator proper to a set of regulations, but
the actual reality would be more complex: for example cooperation and activity involving non–
Salesian churches as well, and the emphasis in many contexts on financial aid. Nevertheless, it
was the basic reference for identifying the features of a characteristic figure of the religious and
social worker which deserves to be analysed more precisely. The headings of the definitive 1877
edition can be a guide.
The early headings strongly emphasise the dominant nature of the new Ecclesiastical
Association: a quasi Third Order of works. The headings that follow describe the organisational
and spiritual aspects. ‘It is necessary for Christians to unite in doing good,‘ for a double purpose:
‘To help one another in doing good and keeping evil at bay’ and ‘to foster the spirit of prayer,
charity by every means religion offers and thus to remove or at least mitigate the evils which
endanger the morals of growing youth in whose hand lies the future of civil authority.’64
The Salesian Congregation a bond of union. The Association ‘has as its primary aim, working
for the benefit of youth on whom the good or sad future of society is founded. We do not mean to
say that it is the only way of providing for such a need, since there are a thousand others we
strongly recommend be put into action. We propose but one of them, which is the work of the
Salesian Cooperators, that is, asking good Catholics who live in the world to come to the aid of the
members of the Congregation.’65
The purpose of the Salesian Cooperators. This is described in Salesian constitutional terms as
sanctification of self and the salvation of others: ‘Doing good to oneself thanks to the tenor of life
which is, as far as possible, similar to that of common life’ or proper to someone who enters ‘the
cloister,’ ‘continuing in the midst of their ordinary occupations, in the bosom of their families and
living as though they were in fact in the Congregation,’ as tertiaries who are different from the
‘ancient’ ones, and have ‘as their main aim the active life, practising charity to their neighbour and
especially youth at risk.’66
The way to cooperate. This is expressed through activities similar to those of the Salesian
Congregation with the addition of supporting it, including: 1. ‘Promoting novenas, triduums, retreats
and catechism lessons, especially in places, where material and moral means are lacking.’ 2.
Given ‘the lack of vocations to the clerical state’ if able, they are ‘to take special care of those boys
and also adults who have the necessary moral qualities and attitude to study, thus giving a sign
they are called; this is also the purpose of the Work of Mary Help of Christians. 3. ‘Counteracting
irreligious press with good press, thanks to spreading good books, cards, printed sheets of any
kind.’ 4. ‘Charity to youth at risk, bringing them together, instructing them in the Faith, bringing
them to sacred ceremonies, advising them of risks, taking them to where they can be instructed in
religion,’ ‘themselves’ or ‘by means of others.’ There was an important addition: ‘Everything
recommended for boys at risk is also proposed for girls who find themselves in similar situations.’
5.Two other dimensions were included within apostolic charity: ‘prayer’ (including, we believe, the
prayer of suffering) and providing ‘material means where there is need after the example of the
early faithful who laid their goods at the feet of the Apostles to be used for widows, orphans and
63 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, To the reader, pp. 3–4, OE XXVIII 341–342.
64 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 27–28, OE XXVIII 365–366.
65 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, p. 28, OE XXVIII 366.
66 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 29–30, OE XXVIII 367–368.

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other serious needs.’67 The figure of the Cooperator at this point resembled the benefactor,
including it as a dimension by no means secondary to the others. On more than one occasion Don
Bosco sent, or had others send the Cooperators certificate to particular benefactors with reference
to the ‘tertiary’ description.
Constitution and government of the Association. The structure harked back essentially to the
Association for good works. It was a structure given more care and attention in the two texts in
1876/77. For example, the Association is always ‘humbly recommended to the benevolence and
protection of the Supreme Pontiff, the bishops, parish priests, but dependence ‘in everything to do
with religion’68 was said to be ‘absolute’, i.e., no longer ‘absolute and unlimited.’ Particular
importance is given in the Association to information and communication between the Superior and
members. A ‘bulletin or printed news sheet, will be provided. The meeting of members ‘on the day
of St Francis de Sales and the Feast of Mary Help of Christians’ ‘should contribute to
communications, motivation and formation,’ encouraging one another in devotion to these
heavenly protectors, calling on their patronage so they may persevere in the works begun
according to the purpose of the Association.’69
Particular obligations. The evolution of the text is interesting with regard both to the integration
of pecuniary tasks with communal spiritual aspects and the clarification of the first of these. The
Christian Union limited itself to one article: ‘The members are not bound to any annual
subscription. They are only invited to make an offering to support works promoted by the
Association.’70 The Association for good works was more explicit and developed: ‘1. Every member
will do what he can to promote and support the Association’s works with his own means or through
donations collected from charitable individuals. 2. Each year the members will make a donation of
L.1 [around 3 euro] for works promoted and to be promoted by the Association. These donations
will be addressed to the Superior or Decurions, Prefects, Rectors who will see that they get to him.
3. A collection will be taken up regularly at Conferences, especially the one for St Frances de
Sales. Whoever cannot be at this conference can see that his donation comes to the superior in
some other ways.’71
Salesian Cooperators, in its first 1876 edition, broadened the horizon with an initial article which
spoke of fraternal communion among members of the Salesian Congregation and Cooperators.
Then it included in its entirety the first article of the Association for good works and proposed the
other two in modified form: ‘3. Cooperators have no financial obligations but will make a monthly or
annual donation which he charity of their hearts suggests. These donations will be addressed to
the Superior in support of works promoted by the Association. 4. There will be a regular collection
on the occasion of the Conferences on the Feast of Mary Help of Christians and St Francis de
sales. In places where members are not enough for a Decuria, and when someone cannot attend
the Conference, he will see that his donations arrives through the easiest and most secure way for
him.’72 Finally, the 1877 Salesian Cooperators, like the second 1876 edition, better reconciles the
two aspects, the spiritual and the financial, deriving from the first, which remained unaltered, the
send enriched under the banner of the believing fraternity.
‘So all members, just as they are all children of our Heavenly Father, all brothers in Jesus
Christ, will do what they can to promote and support the Association’s works with their own
material possessions or donations from charitable individuals.’ Then there are copies of articles 3
67 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 30–31, OE XXVIII 368–369.
68 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, p. 9, OE XXVIII 263; cf. Associazione di opere buone..., p. 8, OE XXV
488.
69 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, p. 33, OE XXVIII 371.
70 Unione cristiana..., p. 5, OE XXV 407.
71 Associazione di opere buone..., pp. 10–11, OE XXV 490–491.
72 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 11–12, OE XXVIII 265–266.

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and 4 of the earlier document, modified in the initial part: ‘at least two Conferences are held each
year, one on the feast of Mary Help of Christians, the other on St Francis de Sales Feast day. A
collection will be taken up at each Conference as in the earlier no. 3.’73
The Benefits –as previously, in the 1876 edition – consist of an abundant shower of indulgences
and special graces granted by the Pontiff and uninterrupted intense participation in the Salesians’
prayers as well as Masses and prayers offered daily in the Church of Mary Help of Christians in
Turin, suffrages for deceased Cooperators each year on the day following the feast of St Francis
de Sales, and prayers offered at time of illness and death.74
The Practice of piety were reduced to a few basics: yearly retreat, monthly exercise for a happy
death, frequenting the Sacraments of Confession and Communion, a daily Our Father and Hail
Mary to St Francis de Sales. But what Don Bosco asks for in article 1 is typical of his vital prayer
[‘actual’ meaning the ‘active’ prayer of St Catherine of Siena]:75 ‘No external work is prescribed for
Salesian Cooperators but so their life may be similar in some way to those living in a religious
community, it is recommended they be simple in dress, frugal at table, simple in home furnishing,
chaste in speech, exact in their duties of state, and that they see that people dependent on them
observe and keep Sundays holy.’76
Don Bosco reminded them of these things in conferences, discussions, letters, circulars, along
with insistent references to the strict requirement of almsgiving. Programmes or written regulations
of a rough and scarcely elaborated kind were a threadbare cloth in which it was impossible to
adequately incorporate lived experience prior to institutionalisation, and even more so the
particularly rich experience of word and deed over the previous decade. In fact, the formulas
describing the relationship between personal sanctification and active involvement in charity in its
varied forms were rather approximate. They do not even appear to have touched on the lay
character of the spirituality of the non–clerical Cooperators, and as for Cooperator bishops, priests,
religious, while they were there in fact and by right, there was total written silence concerning them.
The model of life offered was a Salesian one, the Salesian priest; there was no mention of the
coadjutor, the Salesian lay man who was a full–time Religious with his own special lay manner of
living his consecration and mission in common with the priest. But the legal and spiritual
personality of the coadjutor was, at the time, perhaps even less determined than that of the
Cooperator, encouraging confusion in identifying two realities and their respective denomination.
5. The Salesian Bulletin
The problem of communication underwent an interesting evolution in the title Constitutions and
government of the Association. The Christian Union stated: ‘At the end of each year the Superior
will communicate to members the works which seem most in need of being promoted in the
coming year and at the same time will offer news of those called to eternal life over the past year
and will recommend them to everyone’s prayers.’77 The Association for good works retained this
text but prefaced it with an additional duty: ‘Every month, members will be given information
through a bulletin or printed sheet on matters proposed or already completed.’78 The Salesian
Cooperators adopted the text of the Association for good works in all editions, though less rigidly:
73 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 33–34, OE XXVIII 371–372.
74 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 34–35, OE XXVIII 372–373; cf. Cooperatori salesiani..., 1876, pp. 12–
13, OE XXVIII 266–267.
75 Il dialogo della Provvidenza LVI.
76 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, pp. 35–36, OE XXVIII 373–374.
77 Unione cristiana..., pp. 4–5, OE XXV 406–407.
78 Associazione di opere buone..., p. 9, OE XXV 489.

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‘Every three months or even more often, through a bulletin or printed sheet …‘79 In fact it was
usually monthly.
By producing the Bollettino Salesiano (Salesian Bulletin), Don Bosco put in place a periodical
still around today in many editions.80 He spoke of it publicly for the first time in the general
Conference on 6 February 1877, within the context of the Conferences of St Francis de Sales. In
reference to the Salesian Cooperators he said: ‘With regard to this we have decided to print a
Bulletin that will be like a newspaper for the Congregation, because there are many things that
need to be communicated to the aforesaid Cooperators. It will be a periodical bulletin, a bond
between the Cooperators and the Salesian confreres.’81 After a few months he foresaw that it
would be issued in July, as we can deduce from a letter to Fr Rua: ‘I am sending you a thousand
things among which the letter to be included with the Salesian Bulletin that you should attend to
quoad fieri potest so it can be issued next month. Send me the prints [proofs].’82 Later, he delayed
it by a month: ‘Given the delay with the Bolletino, I believe it would be better to start in August, and
in this sense I am sending the month of August for indulgences [meaning the list of indulgences
that can be gained in August].’83 Halfway through July, he wrote to Fr Lasagna: ‘Get many Salesian
Cooperators and send me their names so I can send them the monthly Bulletin we are beginning to
publish.’84 He wrote a note to Fr Barberis, who was at Lanzo on holidays with the novices in July
and August. The note read: ‘We need to get busy with the future number of the Salesian Bulletin.
So prepare Fr Cagliero’s letter for me which we have spoken about.’85 Fr Barberis returned to Turin
and ‘stayed there some days’ so he could ‘speak at length with Don Bosco.’ He refers to this and
other days when he noted further on: ‘We spoke at length about the Bibliofilo Cattolico, how to
support it and how there was so much to do initially since there was no one in charge; it was in its
initial stages and it was good that D. Bosco himself gave the direction he wanted it to take. Just the
same it was essential to establish one. I hope [this is Don Bosco speaking] that we can soon have
Fr Bonetti at the Oratory and among other things can ask him to do this, regarding its
management. You need to keep thinking about letters from the missionaries etc. etc.’86
At the first General Chapter (1877) there was discussion of the Cooperators and the Bulletin,
dealing with the public identity of the Salesian at the same time. The Deliberations dedicated just
one article to the magazine. ‘The Salesian Bulletin is a bond of union between the Cooperators.
When a member becomes unworthy of becoming a Cooperator we cease to send him a Bulletin
without any other formalities.’87 But it came up again in the Chapter in various discussions during
the afternoon session on 7 September.88 To the objection to the cost of sending it out free, the
minutes record: ‘It is to be noted that up to now, costs have been covered more than adequately
because nearly everyone receiving it has asked how much association [subscription] costs, and
79 Cooperatori salesiani..., 1876, p. 10, OE XXVIII 264; Cooperatori salesiani..., 1877, p. 32, OE XXVIII
370.
80 There is no desirable history of the Bollettino Salesiano, only partial studies on particular content.
An article in the January 1976 issue of the magazine was dedicated to the celebration for the centenary
of its foundation: E. BIANCO, Il Bollettino Salesiano “incompiuta” di don Bosco (pp. 6–8), and the entire
September 1977 issue. There is the recent work by V. ORLANDO (ed), Il Bollettino Salesiano. Progetto di
rinnovamento e di rilancio. Rome, Editrice S.D.B. [extra–commerical edition] 1998, pp. 19–32.
81 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 11, pp. 38–39.
82 To Fr M. Rua, da Roma 16 June 1877, E III 187.
83 To Fr M. Rua, da Borgo S. Martino 6 July 1877, E III 195.
84 Letter to Fr L. Lasagna, 16 July 1877, E III 199.
85 Letter undated, E III 203.
86 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 12, pp. 28–29. In the August issue, two letters of Fr Cagliero were
published.
87 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale della Pia Società salesiana tenuto in Lanzo–Torinese nel September
1877, p. 92, OE XXIX 468.
88 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 48–55; cf. Chap. 26, § 1.2.

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since it is sent without a fixed price they make a donation greater than what we would have asked
for; others give nothing but then send alms on occasions, through the year, or help the Oratory in
some way.’89
In November, Fr Bonetti left the job of running the college at Borgo S. Martino and took on the
role at the Oratory of ‘Prefect of the clergy’ with the job of editing the Bulletin. We also know this
from a letter in which Don Bosco ruminates about partial publication in the magazine of the
pastoral letters of his bishop friend at Vigevano: ‘Fr Bonetti will make a study of them to reproduce
their essential bits in the Bibliofilo.90
In fact, for the first four months of its life, the magazine came out under the name Bibliofilo
Cattolico o Bollettino Salesiano mensuale (Catholic book lover or monthly Salesian Bulletin). The
Bibliofilo Cattolico was a simple list in small format printed by the Salesian Press and Bookshop. It
began in 1875 and ran to four issues. The first came out as ‘Year III. No. 5. August 1877.’ It was
twelve pages all up, and content mirrored the double heading with the following sections: To
Salesian Cooperators, About the Cooperators, Letters from Salesian Missionaries in South
America, Various Matters, First trials of some Cooperators, Special indulgences for August, the
College and boarding at Valsalice near Turin, Schedule. These were followed by concluding pages,
three filled with a catalogue of books, the first page all Small works by Fr John Bosco.91 There were
two instalments of the September issue. The first continued the series from the August as ‘Year III.
No. 6. September 1877’ with the following articles: History of the Salesian Cooperators, Brief
biography of missionary priest John Baptist Baccino by Fr J. Barberis, Graces obtained through the
intercession of Mary Help of Christians. They were followed by pages of advertisements for books,
preceded by indulgences Cooperators could gain in September. The second instalment opened the
new series of years and months noted as ‘Year I, No. 1., September 1877.’ As with the preceding
issue it gave the address as Via Cottolengo, No. 32, Turin. This instalment was of four pages only,
with just the first three articles from the August issue but only included the first of the three letters
from South America. The indulgences were still the ones shown in the August issue. From October,
the magazine continued the monthly series excepting August: 1, 2, 3, 4, from September to
December. Up until 1881 included, each issue’s pages were numbered in their own right. From
1882, the numbering was continuous from January to December. The number of pages for each
issue went from a minimum of 8 to a maximum of 20.92
The magazine’s function and stance were described in the editorial for the first issue. These
were in harmony with the nature and activity of the Cooperator. It ended with the implicit adoption
of a stance confirming Don Bosco’s prudent or wary approach to the political arena and also to the
militant Catholic movement in the second half of the 19th Century: ‘Since we stand outside politics,
we keep ourselves constantly at a distance from anything that could be dependent on someone in
constituted authority, civil, or ecclesiastical. Our stance will be unalterably as follows: leave us to
care for poor and abandoned youngsters and we will make every effort to do all the good we can
for them because by doing so we believe we can contribute to good behaviour and civilisation.’93
Further on, it also touched on the topic of the Cooperator as a ‘tertiary’, expressed through ‘works
of charity carried out on behalf of any class of individual under the banner of any need that
89 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 49–50.
90 To Bishop P. De Gaudenzi, 24 November 1877, E III 242. Fr Bonetti with Fr Cagliero, from 29 to 31
October, had already preached the triduum introducing the new school year to the boys at the Oratory: J.
M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 60.
91 The issue was printed by the “Tip. San Vincenzo de’ Paoli, Sampierdarena”, and would be until the
March edition 1886. Beginning with the April 1886 number, it was replaced by the “Tipografia Salesiana,
Turin”.
92 Editions continued to give some space at times to advertising new books published by the Salesian
Press, which for its part instead, used an occasional catalogue called Bibliografia salesiana.
93 “Bibliofilo Cattolico o Bollettino Salesiano mensuale”, A. III (1879) no. 5, August, pp. 1–2.

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presents itself,’ but especially ‘young people’ since, it specified, ‘the education of abandoned youth
in these times is a need that embraces all other needs.94
From January 1878, the title Bollettino Salesiano was used exclusively. One of the principal
means for animation and to provide cohesiveness beginning with January 1879, was the Letter
from Fr John Bosco to Salesian Cooperators at the beginning of each year. The letter informed
Cooperators of work carried out the previous year and other work planned for the coming year as
well as urgent needs and possibilities for helping with material aid. The magazine was the normal
way of advertising the lotteries with traditional pressure on Cooperators to buy and distribute
tickets, or promoter subscription to the Catholic Readings on the Biblioteca della gioventù italiana
(Library of Italian Youth). One of the aims of the Cooperators Union was to spread good press.95
Each booklet advertised the missions through direct and detailed information. It was the
privileged topic of the Bulletin, with uninterrupted insistence on the urgent need for financial aid as
well as furnishings religious items and the like. There was no lack of advice on being vigilant with
regard to Protestant proselytism, corruption of mores, irreligious and immoral press, all of which
were specifically harmful to young people.
This Salesian magazine was sent to all likely benefactors and potential Cooperators. It
suggested 3 lire [10 euro] as a likely annual amount to cover the cost of printing and mailing.
However, every now and then the magazine issued a notice saying this was not a subscription cost
and that no contribution was obligatory. It was simply a suggestion for whoever could and freely
wanted to.96
Don Bosco offered interesting details at the Third General Chapter in 1883 on the relationship of
identity and distinction between Cooperators, benefactors and the usual recipients of the
magazine: a rule to guide the pious Society of Salesian Cooperators. He prefaced it by saying:
‘One group are Salesian Cooperators who are our benefactors. Another group are subscribers to
the Bulletin as a magazine. The Bulletin is only a means of communicating our work and binding
good Christians together with one spirit and aim. It should not be thought of only as a magazine for
spreading the truth etc., etc., and news. Charitable people today almost do not know what to do
with their wealth for pious works, for political reasons. So the purpose of our Bulletin is to make our
work known so that, God willing, they can help Salesian works. Do not promote it as a magazine.
1. Promote the two Conferences where we take up a collection and they can spend alms. 2. Make
the purpose of the Cooperators known: to help with catechism lessons, foster good press, send
[youngsters] to good religious colleges. It does not matter to us whether or not we receive 10 lire
[30 euro] more or less, but acting for the greater glory of God is what matters. If those who govern
us do not get in our way, the Bulletin will become a power not in itself but for the people it will bring
together.97
For almost a century, the Salesian Bulletin seems to have remained faithful to the original
intentions, even though the link with the Cooperators underwent gradual change. An indication of
this is the change to the subtitle which occurred in the early 1900s. Until 1903 the ‘bulletin’ or news
sheet came out in the Italian edition simply as Bollettino Salesiano. From January 1904, the
obvious connection with the Cooperators was specified by calling it a Periodico [from 1915
‘mensile’ or monthly was added] della Pia Unione dei Cooperatiori Salesiani di Don Bosco (Monthly
Magazine of the Pious Union of Salesian Cooperators of Don Bosco). From 1923, the subtitle
94 “Bibliofilo Cattolico o Bollettino Salesiano mensuale”, A. I (1877) no. 2, October, pp. 1–2; cf. Chap. 2, § 3.
95 Cf. BS 3 (1879) no. 4, April, p. 13; no. 7, July, p. 1; 2 (1878) no. 12, December, pp. 4–5; 4 (1880) no. 1,
January, pp. 4–5.
96 Cf. e.g. l’Avviso ai Cooperatori, BS 3 (1879) no. 1, January, p. 9; La Direzione del Bollettino Salesiano ai
Cooperatori e Cooperatrici, BS 5 (1881) no. 1, January, pp. 6–7.
97 G. MARENCO, Verbali, pp. 16–17.

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became Monthly Magazine for the Cooperators of Don Bosco’s Works and Missions. From 1946 it
came out in two different editions, one on the 1st and the other on the 15th of each month, both
bearing the Subtitle Periodico quindicinale delle Opere e Missioni di S. Giovanni Bosco [Fortnightly
Magazine of St John Bosco’s Works and Missions]: the first issue added the words Edition for
Salesian Cooperators, while the other read for Very Reverend Diocesan Directors and Decurions.
From January 1957 to February 1972 the first issue for each month took on a new subtitle Organo
dei Coopatori Salesiani or Chief means of communicating for Salesian Cooperators, a subtitle that
became common to both monthly issues from January 1965 to April 1967 (the 15th of the month
issue from 15 May 1967 was subtitled Edition for Leaders and from June–July 1972 Edition for
leaders of the Cooperators. In the final 30 years of the 20th century, the specific link [to the Co–
operartors was ignored in a series of rapid changes: from 15 March 1972, the subtitle became:
Organo della Famiglia Salesiana, or Chief means of communication with the Salesian Family. And
from 1976, Rivista della Famiglia Salesiana or Salesian Family magazine. Soon after, there were
the following additions: founded by St John Bosco, which then became Magazine founded by Don
Bosco [then St John Bosco] subtitled Fortnightly [then, monthly] of information and religious
culture. Added, from 1982: published by the Salesian Congregation of St John Bosco.
6. The Salesian Cooperator in word and deed
From the wealth of material available, we know that the reality of the Cooperator was richer and
more concrete than what can be deduced from the simple Rule. Essential additions to the
Cooperator’s identity and the significance of his or her activity were provided by explicit or implicit
factors mentioned at Conferences or in talks Don Bosco gave, many of them in the final decade.
Cooperator benefactors were the privileged recipients, but also individuals involved in a whole
range of apostolic initiatives either on their own or as part of ever wider Church circles. Material
charity, alms, about which there was only minimal regulatory indication, became more extensive in
word and deed and his appeals to Cooperator benefactors became ever more insistent and
demanding.
At the first solemn conference held in Rome on 29 January 1878, Don Bosco dedicated most of
his address precisely to sketching a complete profile of the Salesian Cooperator. He did it not with
definitions or abstract descriptions but by recalling their history since 1841. Appearing in this was
the considerable crowd of clerics, ladies, gentlemen who had contributed to the work of the
oratories as helpers and promoters in a whole range of ways and means from teaching Catechism
to providing financial support.98 The address he gave at San Benigno Canavese on 4 June 1880
along the same lines could be regarded as typical. He said that the Cooperators ‘are like another
arm with their prayers, assistance as a group, financial aid, working with the Head and other
members [= arms and legs] of the Salesian Congregation.99
Don Bosco extended their room for action in a brief meeting to French pilgrims on their way to
Rome who made a stopover at Valdocco on 15 December 1881. They were interested in Salesian
works and wanted to bring similar initiatives into their areas on behalf of abandoned youth. ‘Well
then’ Don Bosco said in reference to this, ‘nothing is preventing you from being Salesian
Cooperators. You are already doing the work and only lack the title and formal association in order
98 Conferenza dei Cooperatori salesiani in Roma, 31.1.1878, handwritten manuscript of Don Bosco’s, ASC
A 2260201, ms. written by another [3 pp.]; more widespread text by secrteary Fr Gioachino Berto, ASC A
0250214 [8 p.] and a report by him on the conference, sent to Fr Rua, ASC A 0250213 [6 p.]; cf. Feste in
Roma di S. Francesco di Sales, “L’Unità Cattolica” no. 30, domenica 3 February 1878, p. 118; La festa
del Dottore S. Francesco di Sales e la prima Conferenza dei Cooperatori in Roma, BS 2 (1878) no. 3,
March, pp. 10–11: Don Bosco’s address appears there almost entirely devoid of the narrative section.
99 BS 4 (1880) no. 7, July, p. 12.

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to enjoy the indulgences and communion of good that is achieved.’ ‘All you need do is show your
desire for this; you then only need to provide your name and home address.’100 The extension of
typical tasks was repeated in Turin on the vigil of the external festivities for Mary Help of Christians
on 1 June 1885. Don Bosco (’His appearance was that of a man who was tired and his voice was
somewhat feeble’) began replying to the question ‘What does it mean to be a Salesian Cooperator:
‘Being a Salesian Cooperator means supporting, along with others, a work founded under the
auspices of St Francis de Sales, whose purpose is to help the Church in its most urgent needs; it
means promoting a work that has been very much recommended by the Holy Father because it
educates youth to virtue, leading them to Sanctuary; because it has as its chief purpose instructing
youth who are today the target of evil doers; because through its colleges, hospices, festive
oratories and in families in the world it promotes, I say, love for religion, good behaviour, prayer,
going to the sacraments, and so on.’ He then went on to speak of the main works currently in
place.101
The Association has a specific field of operation identical to that of the Salesians and Daughters
of Mary Help of Christians, including outside their institutions in every civil and ecclesial context
asked of it: sharing active charity on behalf of youth in society and in the Church. They were the
educators and collaborators of works who were members of Religious Institutes, Salesian
Cooperators, even when they were not directly helping the Salesians and the Sisters but applied
themselves to similar activities in the same spirit. The range of approaches he proposed very
realistically to Cooperators in Turin at a conference on 23 May 1879, for example, was huge:
‘Instilling love of virtue and horror for vice in the hearts of boys and girls in your families,
neighbours’ families and those of relatives, acquaintances and friends.’ It, ‘some immature young
girl runs the risk of not being upright and you take care to remove her from that and get her out of
the clutches of ravenous wolves in time;’ if ‘you know that families have boys and girls to be
educated or put to work, open your eyes wide and do something, suggest, advise, encourage them
to be placed in colleges or workshops where they are also skilfully taught the fear of God, and
where good mores are flourishing.’ ‘Let Catholic news sheets and books enter your homes,’ ‘see
that as many people as you can get a chance to read them.’ ‘When you come to know that a young
girl cannot be saved from ruin unless she is placed in some shelter make sure you do something
about it.’ And finally, ‘the ones I recommend most to you are good–natured youngsters who love
their practices of piety and show every hope of being called to the clerical state.’102
Other practical indications were given to the Cooperators in Turin at the conference on 31 May
1883, the evening of the day he returned from France after a lengthy stay in Paris: ‘Send the
children to catechism, help parish priests to instruct them and assist them in Church, or even teach
them yourselves at home.’ ‘Remove bad books from them if they have them and give them good
ones.’ ‘Remove them from bad companions or other dangerous bad habits.’ ‘Choose colleges,
institutes that do not neglect the soul. Do not ban Religion and its practices, colleges and institutes
that impart the wisdom of the holy fear of God along with other knowledge.’ ‘Take special care of
those boys, yours or of others,’ who show ‘an inclination to the religious or clerical state.’103
In order to fire up or strengthen and renew practical charity, spiritual uplifting and apostolic
effort were also looked to. The Salesian Bulletin was full of reminders of feasts to be celebrated
and conferences held on dates indicated in the Regulations: St Francis de Sales on 29 January
and Mary Help of Christians on 24 May. News of what had been done by various groups in many
different areas was provided in other months. Conferences on 29 January began with reading a
100 BS 6 (1882) no. 1, January, p. 19.
101 BS 9 (1885) no. 7, July, pp. 94–95.
102 BS 3 (1879) no. 6, June, p. 3. Similar was the address to Cooperators at Borgo S. Martino, 1 July 1880:
BS 4 (1880) no. 8, August, p. 9.
103 BS 7 (1883) no. 7, July, p. 104.

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passage from the life of a Saint, sometimes of Jane de Chantal if the conference was for female
Cooperators. They were often preceded by Mass with confession and communion, suggestions for
imitating the virtues of a Saint, a model of affective and effective love.104 A similar setup but of
increased intensity especially in Turin and the more significant Salesian works was provided for the
Feast of Mary Help of Christians. It was prepared for with sermonettes during May and the
Novena, with a reminder of classical means: increased devotion to Mary and Jesus in the
sacrament of the altar, saying of the rosary, approaching the Sacraments of Penance and
Eucharist. Celebrations of the vigil and the day, the procession and two different conferences not
far apart for the men and the women Cooperators were the culmination of festivities.105
7. Financial support and the strict requirement of almsgiving
A friend and Cooperator, State official Carlo Canton, whom the reader already knows of, summed
up the purpose of whoever joined ‘Salesian Cooperation’ in a brief sentence in a news item he sent
to the Apologista Cattolico from Monrega; ‘Coming to Don Bosco’s aid morally and materially in
the works he is undertaking.’106 Undoubtedly, in the historical reality, material cooperation was seen
to be much more evident than was laid down by the Regulations. Don Bosco openly matched the
terms Cooperator and benefactor in many ways. Cooperators, he said at Sampierdarena on 5 May
1880, while not able to live the life of the Salesians [Religious] ‘can nonetheless benefit from this
life through prayer and material aid.’107 When asking for a postal reduction for the Bulletin in areas
belonging to the Austro–Hungarian Empire, Don Bosco spoke of ‘a Pious Society called Salesian
Cooperators which … has as its purpose to aid the very many civil and religious works through
moral and financial means.’108
104 Cf. e.g., La Conferenza e la Festa di S. Francesco di Sales, BS 3 (1879) no. 3, March, pp. 9–10; Un
ricordo per la festa di S. Francesco, BS 4 (1880) no. 1, January, p. 5; La conferenza a Lucca, BS 4
(1880) no. 6, June, pp. 9–10; Prima conferenza dei cooperatori tenuta in Sampierdarena, BS 4 (1880)
no. 6, June, pp. 10–11; La festa di S. Francesco di Sales e la prescritta Conferenza, BS 5 (1881) no. 1,
January, pp. 4–5; Notizie e conferenze salesiane, BS 5 (1881) no. 7, July, p. 7; La conferenza e la festa
di S. Francesco di Sales, BS 6 (1882) no. 1, January, p. 7; Relazione sulla festa di San Francesco di
Sales e sulle Conferenze dei Cooperatori, BS 6 (1882) no. 3, March, pp. 41–42; La immagine di S.
Francesco di Sales, BS 6 (1882) no. 12, December, pp. 192–194; Relazione intorno la Festa di S.
Francesco e le Conferenze dei Cooperatori Salesiani, BS 7 (1883) no. 3, March, pp. 40–44; La festa e la
conferenza di S. Francesco di Sales, BS 8 (1884) no. 1, January, p. 5; La festa e la conferenza di S.
Francesco di Sales, BS 9 (1885) no. 1, January, p. 16.
105 Cf. e.g., Novena e solennità in onore di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice nella chiesa a Lei dedicata in Valdocco
Torino, BS 3 (1879) no. 5, May, pp. 1–3; Relazione della festa e novena di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice, BS 3
(1879) no. 6, June, pp. 1–5; Il mese mariano nella Chiesa di Maria Ausiliatrice in Torino, BS 4 (1880) no.
4, April, p. 8; Tre mezzi di preparazione alla festa di Maria Ausiliatrice, BS 4 (1880) no. 5, May, pp. 5–6;
In preparazione alla festa di Maria Ausiliatrice, BS 5 (1881) no. 5, May, pp. 3–4; La prossima novena e
festa di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice, BS 6 (1882) no. 5, May, pp. 77–80; Festa di Maria Ausiliatrice in Torino e
sue particolarità, BS 6 (1882) no. 6, June, pp. 93–96; La festa di Maria Ausiliatrice in Genova, ibid., pp.
96–97; Invito a ben celebrare la festa di Maria Ausiliatrice, BS 7 (1883) no. 5, May, p. 75; Aumento di
fede e di pietà cristiana per mezzo di Maria, BS 7 (1883) no. 7, July, pp. 101–110; Festa di Maria
Ausiliatrice in Genova e in S. Pier d’Arena, Ibid., pp. 110–111; In preparazione alla festa di Maria
Ausiliatrice, BS 8 (1884) no. 5, May, pp. 65–67; I figli insieme colla Madre ossia la festa di Maria
Ausiliatrice, BS 8 (1884) no. 6, June, pp. 82–83; Relazione sulla festa di Maria Ausiliatrice, BS 8 (1884)
no. 6, June, pp. 83–88.
106 La prima Conferenza dei Cooperatori e delle Cooperatrici Salesiane tenutasi in Torino, BS 2 (1878) no.
6, June, p. 7.
107 BS 4 (1880) no. 6, June, p. 11.
108 Letter of February 1883, E IV 213.

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Material support was, as he kept reminding them in the Bulletin, one of the ‘essential
requirements’ for being a Cooperator.109 Sometimes, Don Bosco spoke of it with a realism
bordering on the ironic or the humorous. He was pressed by very real needs of boys with a healthy
appetite and the legitimate insistence of the suppliers he owed money to. In a conference he gave
Cooperators at the oratory in Marseilles, after giving a rapid overview of Salesian works in France
he said: ‘Now we come to the real, practical issue of satisfying creditors who are not happy with
mere words,’ ‘we need to find the money to satisfy them.’ ‘Prayers are not enough; they go
together with works. And not just creditors; not even our boys are satisfied with prayers. They eat
bread, lots of it, and no matter what we do or say to get them out of this habit they don’t want to
know about it, not even for a day. It is not delicacies they want but enough bread and soup to fill
them up, that’s the food they want and which we must give them.’110 Don Bosco was not sparing in
quotations to touch Cooperators’ hearts and purses regarding the boys’ appetites. ‘Finally,’ he
confided to past pupils at Valdocco on 24 June 1883 ‘as you know I was in Paris and spoke in
various churches to plead the cause of our works and, let’s be frank, to receive money to provide
bread and soup for our boys who never lose their appetite.’111 ‘It is consoling’ he said in his address
to Cooperators at Marseilles on March 17, 1884 ‘to see the good results obtained at S. Leone; very
consoling, then, to observe how good the student’s behaviour is and how healthy they are. They all
have an excellent appetite and it is a pleasure to see them eat, though later we see the bills that
have to be paid to the baker.’112
Don Bosco thought of the Cooperators as his guarantee, even on a financial level. Perhaps, he
said and then resolved his doubt, someone might say ‘But with so many works to worry about D.
Bosco will end up bankrupt. No sir, we will not go bankrupt; we have not so far and we will not in
the future. Divine Providence has guaranteed it as also has the charity of our Cooperators.’ 113 On
the other hand, providing material charity was also an essential requisite for the Cooperator to be a
good Christian. It was a consequence of the precise notion Don Bosco had of the human condition
where it concerned possessions and use of material goods in a society made up of rich and poor in
God’s providential plan.114 There was a salvific mutual support between them both. Both were
bound to observe the commandment of love in the inequality of their condition: ‘God made the poor
person so he could earn heaven through resignation and patience; but he made the wealthy
person so he could be saved through charity and almsgiving.’115 Eugene Ceria notes in reference
especially to the many conferences in Italy and France: ‘No saint spent so much of his energy and
time persuading people in public and private that almsgiving is a duty, a serious duty, and not
almsgiving of measured amounts determined by selfishness, but as far as one’s means allowed.116
Don Bosco followed a doctrine whereby almsgiving was not only an act of charity and
generosity but a strict obligation of distributive justice with clear social impact. At a conference held
at Casale Monferrato on 17 November 1881, the discussion on almsgiving was presented in a very
severe way from the point of view of current moral theology.117 Don Bosco himself acknowledged
109 Cf. Un buon ufficio raccomandato ai Cooperatori e Cooperatrici, BS 2 (1878) no. 12, December, p. 8;
Requisiti necessarii per essere Cooperatore, BS 4 (1880) no. 1, January, p. 6.
110 Conf. 29 March 1883, BS 7 (1883) no. 5, May, p. 79.
111 BS 7 (1883) no. 8, August, p. 128.
112 MB XVII 52; “Dom Bosco parla simplement, citant St–Vincent de Paul”, “il a demandé qu’on l’aidât à
payer les notes qu’il a chez les boulangers et les maçons, puisque les enfants ne peuvent vivre sans
pain et sans abri” (“Bulletin salésien”, A. VI. N. 5, mai 1884, p. 44).
113 Conf. to Cooperators at Casale Monf., 21 November 1883, BS 7 (1883) no. 12, December, p. 202.
114 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco e l’utopia della società cristiana, pp. 10–11 (Un modello
vetusto di “società cristiana”).
115 Conf. at Genoa, 30 March 1882, BS 6 (1882) no. 4, April, p. 72.
116 MB XV 516.
117 BS 5 (1881) no. 12, December, pp. 5–7.

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that his position was strictly inspired in a conference he gave in Genoa on 30 March 1882. 118 He
proposed similarly serious reflection in the already mentioned conference to female cooperators in
Turin on 23 May 1879, even though they had been generous to the oratories for years. After
reminding them of various initiatives to help youngsters, and the costs these incurred, he
stigmatised ‘the blindness of many individuals today. They squander money on pleasure trips,
expensive furniture, carriages and horses, costly celebrations,’ and ‘we are dealing with giving
alms, making an offering to put up or improve God’s house, to build a shelter for the orphaned or
abandoned, to provide food and clothing for a poor boy, to give the Church another priest, ah! Then
hear the thousand excuses they have ready.’ ‘They are unable to support the most useful
institutions and works of religion and Society.’ But he did finish off with reassuring words; ‘I do not
intend to cause you scruples and teach you that you should not live according to your state and
your own circumstances; I only want to say and instil in you that you do not allow the great plague,
the great scourge of luxury, small or great to enter your hears and homes.’119
This was supported by the Bulletin. The editor, Fr Bonetti – who loved to expand somewhat –
intervened with two significant articles on ‘good use’ of the ‘power’ that is money. ‘it is clear’ he
wrote ‘that employing at least part of our temporal goods for the greater glory of God and the relief
of the poor, is not just advice but a precept, and that one’s eternal salvation depends on its
observance.’120 ’The general rule should be this: do for good what wicked people do for evil. Some
people spend endlessly to spread irreligious and immoral papers, books, and promote
associations, or schools without Jesus Christ, building brothels and theatres or setting up Masonic
Lodges. This is money that should have found generous response from good people to help
initiatives aimed at the victory of good.’121
8. The promised temporal and eternal reward
Don Bosco was able to be so austere because, in line with his spirituality of the Last Things, he
knew how to keep things wisely in proportion, or better, because he knew the immeasurable
distance between the temporal and the eternal. He was completely familiar with the gospel’s ‘What
does it profit a man to win the entire world if he loses or ruins himself?’ Eternal salvation was truly
the one thing necessary. He spoke of this at the end of the first conference to Cooperators in Turin
on 16 May 1878, believing his own gratitude was too little recompense for their good works. ‘I will
leave the Lord to thank you for it,’ he said. ’Yes, he often said that he considers done to himself
what we do for our neighbour. On the other hand it is certain that there is greater merit attached to
charity that is not just corporal but also has a spiritual purpose. I would like to say that not only
does it have greater merit but also divine merit. The Holy Father agrees in repeating the saying of
St Denis: “Divinorum divinissimum est cooperari Deo in salute animarum.” They explain this
passage with St Augustine who says that this divine work is an absolute pledge of one’s
predestination: animarum salvasti, animarm tuam praedestinati. Well then, by coming to the aid of
the great good indicated, you can be sure that you are saving your own souls.’122
However, in accordance with the mentality of his benefactor, he did not fail also to stress the
temporal goods that Providence generally bestows on someone who is generous to the poor and
weak, ones especially loved by God. This double motive was developed over many addresses
beginning with the typical sermon de charité he gave in Nice on 12 March 1877. It can be
considered as the model for similar addresses he gave in the years to follow. Among other things
118 Cf. Chap. 30, § 3.
119 BS 2 (1879) no. 6, June, p. 4.
120 Una grande potenza e l’obbligo di bene impiegarla, BS 4 (1880) no. 2, February, pp. 2–3.
121 Regola pel buon impiego del danaro, BS 4 (1880) no. 4, April, pp. 7–8.
122 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 13, p. 60.

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Don Bosco reviewed, checked and corrected the written text on a number of occasions. The third
part of the address – after the two points on the History and Purpose of this Institute – was
dedicated to Reward as a reminder above all of what God will say at the end of their lives on earth
to all who have done something for him in the person of the poor: ‘Come O blessed of my
Heavenly Father.’ But he hastened to add: ‘But God the Father of kindness, knowing that our spirit
is willing and our flesh so weak, wants our charity to reap a hundredfold even in this life.’ He listed
a number of expressions of this.123 The reward was reserved for whoever gave abundantly to the
world of the poor while looking after his earthly interests. Punishment, instead, would inexorably
descend upon those who were inordinately attached to their wealth and ignored the poor, closing
themselves within their gilded castles. In the previously cited address in Genoa he said: ‘It is
necessary for them to hear the terrible words of Jesus Christ: and the rich man died and was
buried in hell: mortuus est dives, et sepultus est in inferno. Instead I am reminding you of the
beautiful promises God makes to the one who is charitable, makes good use of his possessions,
promotes and supports works of charity. Give and it will be given unto you says the Lord. Date et
dabitur vobis. And what will he give you? A hundredfold in this world and eternal life in the next:
Centuplum accipietis et vitam aeternam possidebitis.’124
On a number of occasions he also warned that punishment would be anticipated in time. In
decades and places where he felt the social climate was more troubled he did not fail to suggest to
people of wealth that a violent future possibly lay ahead as a salutary encouragement to charitable
foresight. He told his listeners he could see that young people who were poor and abandoned, if
not helped in time were destined to be aggressive delinquents, and this could place the safety of
their possessions and the lives of the ungenerous wealthy people at risk. These were the potential
‘purse snatchers’,125 or young people ‘close to being nuisances to citizens and causing trouble for
public authorities,’126 or again ‘boys who are lost, without education and religion, most of whom will
become the scourge of society, and perhaps not a few, will end up cursing their Creator in
prison.’127 He dared present some of the most dire and fearful predictions at Lucca in 1882,
Guillotière in Lyons in 1883 and Barcelona in 1886.128
9. A community united by active faith, gratitude and friendship
Don Bosco certainly did not think that Community and communion could be created only by rules
and speeches. The prescribed meetings were certainly a means of bringing the Cooperators
Association together, but Salesian fraternity was created above all by personal relationships of
attention, gratitude, faith sharing, prayers and works. In a postscript to a letter on 4 December
1875 to Fr Cagliero in Argentina he wrote: ‘It is understood that every time I write I always include
special greetings for Dr [Fr] Ceccarelli, Benítez, Espinosa etc. etc.’129The reminder was especially
heartfelt in the case of the elderly Mr Benítez, a wonderful Christian and generous supporter of
pious works. ‘Tell Mr Benítez,’ he wrote to his Vicar in America ‘that I thank him for the kindness he
shows us. I would like so much to see him and if I never have this pleasure on earth, from now I
am selling up the appropriate appointment in Heaven. Amen.’130
123 Cf. G. BOSCO, Inaugurazione del Patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare..., pp. 36–41, OE XXVIII 414–
419.
124 Conference to Cooperators at Genoa, 30 March 1882, BS 6 (1882) no. 4, April, p. 72.
125 To Dr. E. Carranza, Buenos Aires, 30 September 1877, E III 221.
126 Circ. to inhabitants at Nizza Monf., March 1878, E III 333.
127 Ai Cooperatori, BS 4 (1880) no. 1, January, p. 3.
128 Cf. Chap. 30, § 3 and Chap. 33, § 5.
129 Em IV 574.
130 To Fr G. Cagliero, January 1876, E III 11.

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He was giving more and more room to a true spirituality for the well–to–do and wealthy in the
light of social charity, especially in the field of education. He wrote of it with particular intensity to
the most active Cooperators in America. He wanted Urguayan Mrs Jackson to personally
understand the social spread of charity she had carried out through her translation work and by
printing some of his publications, and by making it possible for the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians to be established in Uruguay: ‘The souls these books will win over to the Lord’ he
assured her, ‘will serve to increase the dowry of good works and the crown of glory that the angels
have already prepared for you in heaven.’ ‘Founding an educational Institute in a country means
doing a significant act of charity for all classes of citizens living there now and all who will live there
after us.’131 He presented an identical idea a few days later to confreres at San Vincenzo in Buenos
Aires: ‘Experience has convinced us that this is the only way to sustain civil society: by taking care
of poor children.’ ‘Those who perhaps go and populate the prisons and would forever be the
scourge of civil society become good Christians, upright citizens the glory of the place they live in,
an honour to the family they belong to, earning their bread honestly by sweat and work.’132 His
letter to members of the Confraternity of the Misericordia (Our Lady of Mercy ) was a hymn to
charity which was heartfelt, clear, overflowing with affection and united Cooperator benefactors
with the Salesians. Salesians who had embarked for Buenos Aires and left everything had found in
them ‘friends, generous Christians who made them welcome with exemplary kindness, offered
them lodging, a church and bread; they offered them the possibility of commencing their sacred
ministry.’ He asked on behalf of those arriving in the third expedition: ‘Continue to show them the
same charity and kindness. Put up with their faults, give them good advice, and think of the
assistance and bread you give them as something you are giving the humble writer whom you call
“father” and to whom you sign yourselves with the sweet name of “children”. I want these words of
affection, esteem, gratitude and thanks that I have given you to also be passed on to your friends
and all who are doing good for the Salesians in whatever way.’133 Later, in a letter to Fr
Costamagna, he asked him to give them his fond greetings, a request for prayers, ‘an appointment
for paradise’ and ‘woe to the one who is not there!’134
In the 1880s, burdened with new tasks, first of which was building the Sacred Heart Church in
Rome, in his family–style letters he turned above all to the Cooperators in Europe to ennoble
charity. He was more regular in writing to the most generous families in those final years: the
Quisard family in Lyons (22 letters) Mademoiselle Claire Louvet from Aire (58 letters) the Colle
husband and wife team from Toulon (76 letters). Colle, a lawyer, was made a Roman Count by Leo
XIII in 1882, in recognition of his exceptional charity which would be in the millions of euro by
today’s standards. Don Bosco was not only the promoter of charity whom they acknowledged but
also their spiritual director guiding them on a path to happy and active Christianity. An example of
the intensity of his words to Louvet: ‘I will have the consolation of saying Mass exclusively for you;
for you, your health, your holiness, your perseverance on the road to paradise, and all this to give
you at least some recompense for the charity you do and the help you give our works.’ 135 There
were other similar comments before and after this one: ‘Your good work,’ ‘your generous offering,’
‘your charitable offerings,’ ‘your charity,’ ‘a providential mother for us and our works,’ ‘charity
personified.’136
131 To E. Jackson, 13 September 1877, E III 213.
132 Letter to Dr E. Carranza, 30 September 1877, E III 221.
133 Letter of 30 September 1877, E III 224–225.
134 Letter of 12 August 1878, E III 378.
135 Letter of 7 October 1885, E IV 469. On correspondence with Clara Louvet, cf. J. ITZAINA, “Charitable
Medemoiselle”. Don Bosco fifty–eight letters to Clara Louvet, in “Journal of Salesian Studies”, 1 (1990)
no. 1, pp. 35–46.
136 Cf. Letter to C. Louvet del 9 August and 21 December 1883; 26 January, 18 August, 4 October, 6 and 20
November, 20 December 1884; 21 February, 7 and 15 October 1885; August, 16 November, 9 and 26

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Then there was his relationship of complete trust with Count Fleury, Louis Antoine Colle (1822–
88), who was decorated with the medal of St Gregory the Great and who called himself
‘Commandeur’ because he was fully available to be ‘commanded by Don Bosco,’ awaiting orders
from his ‘boss’, Don Bosco. He was quasi–administrator, delegate of Don Bosco’s multinational
charity business. At a certain point Don Bosco said: ‘But why can’t we find similar benefactors in
Italy? … The reason is clear. There is only one Count Colle in France and Italy and we thank the
good God a thousand times over that Count and Countess Colle are alive to help us, support us,
and sustain us in our difficulties. May God preserve you both in good health for a long time and
grant you the grace to spend many happy years in recompense for your charity on earth and,
finally, in the next life for true reward, the great reward of Paradise where I fully trust we can find
ourselves with Jesus, Mary, and our dear Louis, to converse eternally with God.’137
He remained close to his Cooperators as he did with the Salesians, also during the years
approaching the end of his earthly journey. He promised prayers for and presented other needs to
Count Eugenio De Maistre who had brought him a sum of 6,000 lire [21,746 euro] on behalf of his
elderly aunt: ’All our missionaries, all our two hundred and fifty thousand orphans will pray that God
will recompense you all greatly here on earth and in eternity. On this occasion I must carry out a
duty of mine which is to thank you for the charity you do for the whole Salesian Congregation and
their pupils in many situations At this moment we feel the greatness of your favours for the straits
we are in and for the multitude of orphans incessantly asking for salvation on all sides. God bless
you Count Eugenio, and may the Virgin protect you and all your family, guide them, all constantly
on the path of virtue all the way to Paradise, along with you and this poor writer.’138
He replied to one woman who was asking prayers for various sick individuals: ‘We will pray and
get others to pray’ adding: ‘I recommend you note that God often said “Give and it will be given to
you” and faith without works is dead.’139) ‘The Lord assures us of a hundredfold also in this life,’ he
reminded someone who had donated 500 lire [1,846 euro], and to another who had thrown ‘a little
water on arid land’140 by donating 600 lire [2,215 euro]. In January 1885 there was a circular to
Cooperators in Paris inviting them to support the Patronage Saint–Pierre opened in France’s
Capital. He ended with his habitual line: ‘I assure you that I will pray every day and will get our
boys to pray at the altar of Mary Help of Christians so she will gather you and your families under
her mantle; that she will protect and bless you in body and soul in this life and finally that she will
obtain from her Divine Son Jesus the grace that you receive the reward of your charity in
heaven.’141 More personalised was the letter to Cooperators at San Nicolás de los Arroyos, close to
the Salesians in the city. ‘I know you help them’ he told them ‘and the little they have already done
is due to your charity. Continue your work.’142
His crusade of charity would only come to an end with the end of his own life.143
December 1886; 3 May, 12 June, 4 July 1887: E IV 457, 459, 461, 463, 464, 465, 466, 468, 469, 470,
471, 474, 475, 477, 478.
137 Letter of 29 December 1884, E IV 510–511.
138 Letter of 6 March 1887, E IV 372–373.
139 Letter of 6 March 1887, E IV 372–373.
140 To Fr T. De Agostini, 13 August 1884, E IV 286–287.
141 Circ. 29 January 1885, E IV 310–311.
142 Letter of 25 July 1886, E IV 357–358; cf. Also circular translated into several languages and
disseminated throughout Europe, drawn up on the basis of his outline and reviewed by him, 15 October
1886, E IV 360–363.
143 Cf. Chap. 34, § 5.

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Chapter 23
A builder of live, vital youth communities (1870–77)
1870
1875
1876
1877
Past pupils at Valdocco gain visibility as a group.
29 January: Fr Luigi Guanella enters the Oratory.
10 February: opening of classes at Villecrosia;
6 August: meeting politicians from the Left at Lanzo;
Autumn: commences management of elementary classes at Ariccia and lower
secondary classes at Albano;
10/19 November: classes begin at Trinità di Mondovì.
Autumn: double commitment at Magliano Sabina.
The spread of youth works, founding a female Religious Institute, legal consolidation of the male
branch, geographical extension of the works, establishment of the Work of Mary Help of Christians
for vocations to the clerical state, the practical and spiritual organisation of the Cooperators, and
inter–diocesan disputes – none of these distracted Don Bosco from the first and principal aim of
the mission: the human and Christian education of young people and the spiritual formation of
those dedicated to them, bound by special consecration to God.
The events and chronologies offer us a man ‘completely consecrated’ as the preventive system
required, both to young people and those who form them, in response to his original passion as a
priest for the young and his consequent concern as founder to achieve the same aim: salvation,
sanctification. The two chapters to follow are dedicated to these and cover the salient moments of
Don Bosco’s activity over the three years from 1875–77.
1. The spread of works in 1876
1876 marked the establishment of new works, all in Italy. The first opened on 10 February and still
continues today, in Vallecrosia near Bordighera on the extreme western edge of the Ligurian
riviera. Others were added in late autumn but were of limited duration: very brief at Ariccia, Albano
and Trinità di Mondovì; longer at Magliano Sabina.
Reasons for the requests were not all equal, and motives for accepting them were profoundly
different: tactical in some cases, substantial in others. Don Bosco was personally involved in them
all, but with clear predilection for Vallecrosia, which brought him back to the popular and anti–
protestant involvement of the first two decades of his priestly activity.
1.1 In defence of the Catholic faith: Vallecrosia

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In his letter to Fr Rua in November 1875, telling him he had to go to Nice, Don Bosco informed
him that he would be stopping at Ventimiglia on his return.1 He was even more explicit in a letter
the same day from Nice to his friend Count Eugenio De Maistre: as well as Nice he would be
opening another work ‘among the Protestants who are causing a mess in Bordighera.’2He wrote
again to Fr Rua from Nice: ‘The day after tomorrow I will go to Ventimiglia and will see what can be
done for Bordighera.’3At Ventimiglia he met the Bishop, Lorenzo Giovanni Biale (1785–1877), who
was concerned about Protestant proselytism, the Waldensians and Evangelicals who were
particularly active in the Vallecrosia plains, a coastal strip about 4 kilometres long between
Bordighera and Ventimiglia [Nice was an error], the former Vallecrosia alta (Upper). Already in the
early 1870s the bishop had expressed his concerns to Pius IX about the way Protestants lured
youth to their schools. The Pope sent a letter deploring the situation and encouraging him, offering
to motivate others to help support the bishop’s plan to counter their schools with schools of his
own.’4
In 1875 Bishop Biale used Fr Cerruti’s mediation to get through to Don Bosco. Writing to the
Rector at Alassio on 23 February 1875, he said: ‘It is certain that a city will soon arise on the plains
between Ventimiglia and Bordighera. This can easily be argued from the fabulous prices people
are paying for land, the luxurious dwellings and other more modest ones suddenly springing up,
the Hôtels already filled with upper class people from England, France and Germany holidaying in
this delightful spot.’ He also told him he had bought land there to build a church and school to
counter ones built by the Protestants very close by.5
It was an attractive invitation for Don Bosco. It meant continuing elsewhere the battle begun in
Turin with the St Aloysius oratory and by his writings. It would need to develop in Vallecrosia in the
area of popular education for boys and girls and through pastoral, catechetical and sacramental
activity by setting up a public church. He quickly accepted the free and generous offer: the diocese
had scant means and priests. Don Bosco quickly mobilised the Salesians, and, as we have seen,
the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians.6 He informed the rectors of the imminent
commencement, as well as the Valdocco community during the public afternoon conference on 3
February 1876, one of the usual series of St Francis de Sales Conferences.7
A week later, a Salesian priest and two novices, one a cleric, the other a layman, and three
Daughters of Mary Help of Christians went there. 8 ‘The day before yesterday (10 February) the
two small houses at Ventimiglia were opened. Fr Cibrario as Rector, Cerruti as teacher, Martino as
majordomo,’ Don Bosco told Fr Cagliero.9 They began immediately among poor buildings and with
whatever money they could find, setting up elementary classes, two oratories – one for boys, one
for girls – and religious ceremonies in a narrow, bare chapel. A few days later Don Bosco sent a
letter of encouragement from Nice for a ‘very difficult’ work of humble beginnings. He addressed it
1 To Fr M. Rua, 18 November 1875, Em IV 562.
2 To Count E. De Maistre, 18 November 1875, Em IV 561.
3 Letter of 24 November 1875, Em IV 566.
4 Cf. letter of Pius IX to Bishop L. Biale del 12 August 1872, Pii IX pontificis maximi Acta, p. I, vol. VI 67–
68.
5 MB XI 592–594.
6 Cf. goodnight, 8 December 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3 bis, pp. 40–41.
7 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 5, pp. 3–4; quad. 14 bis, pp. 23–24.
8 Cronaca della Casa di Vallecrosia, in the archives of the Salesian work ati Vallecrosia; E. COLOMBARA,
Don Bosco a Vallecrosia (1876–1951). Memoria dell’opera salesiana a Vallecrosia. Ventimiglia, Arti
Grafiche Silvestrini 1951; P. CAVIGLIÀ – B. NOTO, La scuola “Maria Ausiliatrice” di Vallecrosia. Origine e
sviluppo di un’istituzione educativa fondata da don Bosco (1876–1923), in “Rivista di Scienze
dell’Educazione” 36 (1998) 1, 15–70.
9 To Fr G. Cagliero, 12 February 1876, E III 18.

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to the Rector ‘leading the small caravan which must become a tidy army with the Lord’s blessing.’10
Ten days later he established a meeting at Ventimiglia for 2 March with the bishop ‘to take orders
and see what must be done.’11 During the visit to Vallecrosia on 2 and 3 March he saw the need to
build a church and on either side a house for the Salesians and the Sisters with respective
classrooms, a dream that would be realised at the beginning of the 1880s. But Don Bosco told Fr
Cagliero optimistically: ‘The house near Bordighera has begun very well. They have already taken
ia hundred girls and as many boys from the jaws of the Protestants. Their church has had a
congregation of four for the last two Sundays. The whole population is going to Fr Cibrario. The
anger is all directed at Don Bosco who is there above all to disturb consciences. They are right.’12
He returned a couple of times to Ventimiglia to support, consolidate and improve.13 In years that
followed, in the general report on the various works he gave during the St Francis de Sales
Conferences, Fr Rua told the rectors and Salesians at Valdocco, the professed, novices and
aspirants about Vallecrosia. He spoke of the poor, bare rooms, the poverty of the two small
Salesian communities, the generosity of the people, the huge numbers flocking to the boys’ and
girls’ schools and the massive desertion from the Protestants’ schools.14
In March 1878, before attending an audience with the new Pope, Leo XIII, Don Bosco sought to
prepare him favourably with a letter on the works recently begun. With reference to Vallecrosia he
stressed the efforts of the Protestants and the rapid decline of their schools and gatherings but
also the encouragement and material help provided by Pius IX in previous years, his intention to
buy land on which to build a larger, more adequate classrooms and a church ‘in order to provide
regularly and decently for Catholic worship.’ He stressed the fact ‘the Pontiff (Pius IX] was
generous in aiding us in the most serious needs’ and that ‘these works aimed at sustaining the
faithful in their faith’ had no ‘means of supporting themselves,’ therefore they were ‘truly at risk of
collapsing and not achieving their aim. Which is why I humbly recommend them to the charity of
Your Holiness who is our universal father, and for the support of Catholics at risk.’15
He also provided a brief history of the work in Vallecrosia at the Cooperators Conference in
Turin on 16 May 1878. He linked it with the anti–protestant campaign begun with the St Aloysius
oratory in 1847, then later pursued at Sampierdarena, Nice, La Spezia, and with problems created
by spurious forms of freedom. Heresy, he noted, ‘is creating destruction in Catholic countries and
spreading, along with the spread of freedom in the political world. There are always sad
consequences when evil is given open licence to operate under the banner of freedom, and
meanwhile the work of good people is hindered.’ He went on to suggest that Protestant proselytism
had achieved easy conquests in a rapidly increasing population through its churches and schools.
The Salesians and Sisters had quickly reversed the situation: ‘The Protestant schools have
completely closed down’ and those who had ‘begun attending the Protestant church … had
abandoned a place that was about to become the centre of heresy in Liguria.’16
On 8 November 1878, Don Bosco asked the Rector, who was busy buying land for improving
the work: ‘How are you off for money? Is the land you were dreaming of large enough for your
needs?’17 The question of the usefulness of this work, always in terms of its anti–protestant value,
returned in a letter he wrote to the Secretary of State in Rome, Cardinal Nina, on 12 March 1879.
10 To Fr L. Cibrario, 19 February 1876, E III 20.
11 Letter of 29 February 1876, E III 20.
12 Letter of 12 March 1876, E III 28–29.
13 Cf. letter to Fr L. Cibrario, 29 November 1876 and 20 February 1877, E III 120 and 152.
14 Afternoon Conference on 6 February 1877, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 11, pp. 19–22.
15 Letter of 15 March 1878, E III 319.
16 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 13, pp. 55–57.
17 To Fr L. Cibrario, 8 November 1878, E III 411.

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Nina was also Protector of the Salesian Society from the 24th of that month.18 It was a new
opportunity for listing the most recent works, all involved, according to the writer, in the same battle
against heresy and ‘irreligion’ which had begun with the St Aloysius Oratory in Turin: La Spezia,
Vallecrosia, the St Leo Hospice at Marseilles, the agricultural schools at St. Cyr and Navarre, and
establishments in Nice, Sampierdarena, Lucca, Montevideo, Buenos Aires. The request for
material aid and advice was inevitable for ‘churches and hospices’ which needed to be built in
‘Turin, La Spezia, Ventimiglia.’19In spring 1879 he was given a free grant of land thanks to the
generous Migone family from Genoa, to build a church and a better building for classes.20
He had the full support of the new Bishop of Ventimiglia, Bl. Tommaso Reggio (1818–1901) who
had been Coadjutor with right of succession to Bishop Biale from 20 March 1877. He became
Archbishop of Genoa in 1892. Sensitive to social problems he was already a promoter of Catholic
worker societies in Genoa, and on 12 June 1879 he sent out a circular to invite the faithful of the
diocese to give their contribution, and set up a commission of priests and laity to publicise and
collect donations. It was about ‘building a church and providing regular schools for both sexes run
by the Salesians’ to replace ‘the small school’ and the ‘less than modest little church.’ The church
would become ‘the church for the three parishes of Vallecrosia, Borghetto and Camporosso.’ In his
strong appeal, inspired by deep passion for the defence of the Catholic Faith, the prelate praised
‘the intrepid D. Bosco’ who had courageously set about this ‘new undertaking of his unquenchable
charity.’21 The ‘intrepid D. Bosco’ soon got down to work. He sent the Rector, Fr Cibrario, drafts of
letters to government bodies and others asking for grants, and a form for donors, turning to them
with an appeal signed by himself and commission members. He also sent a petition to Leo XIII who
sent his blessing and the considerable sum of 500 lire [1,658 euro].22
Work on the new building complex began in autumn 1880. The laying of the foundation stone of
the church in the afternoon of 7 March 1880, Laetare Sunday, was a solemn affair with an address
by Bishop Reggio and in the presence of Bishop Allegro Albenga, of Savona, Bishop Boraggini
and with the Bishop of Albenga, Bishop Allegro and Bishop Boraggini of Savona also present. Don
Bosco also spoke and his brief address was transcribed in the minutes which were sealed in the
foundation stone.23 At the end of the ceremony, purse in hand, Don Bosco stood at the exit to
collect alms from the thousands who attended. The Salesian Bulletin gave it extraordinary
coverage.24 At the beginning of 1881 Don Bosco provided details in his letter to Cooperators: ‘At
Vallecrosia near Ventimiglia, the building of classrooms for the teachers [Salesians and Sisters]
has finished. Work on the attached church is also progressing, and we hope it will be open for
divine worship in 1881.’25
Don Bosco stopped over once more during his return trip from Nice on 27 March 1881 and on 1
April was in S. Remo as guest of the Visitation Sisters until the 4th to organise a ‘sermon of
18 Cf. text of decree of appointment signed by Archbishop Serafino Cretoni Pro–Substitute for the Secretary
of State, 26 March 1879, Documenti XX 163; G. BERTO, Appunti sui viaggi di D. Bosco a Rome 1879–80,
pp. 27, 72, 84, 87.
19 E III 455–456.
20 To Fr F. Migone, 6 April 1879, E III 464–466.
21 Erection of a Catholic church at Ventimiglia, with text of the letter Alle anime generose e pie di Tommaso
dei marchesi Reggio, vescovo di Ventimiglia: BS 3 (1879) no. 8, August, pp. 2–5.
22 Cf. letter to Fr L. Cibrario, petition to Leo XIII, appeal to benefactors, request to Royal Economato,
August and September 1879, E III 511, 521–524.
23 In the glass urn located in a cavity in the stone with photograph of various personalities, also included
were two articles from the Bollettino Salesiano: I valdesi o evangelici di Vallecrosia e la casa di Maria
Ausiliatrice e Lettera di un Giovane convertito alla Fede cattolica ai Superiori dell’Asilo Evangelico di
Vallecrosia, BS 3 (1879) no.7, July, pp. 1–4, 4–8.
24 Cf. Nuova chiesa e scuole di Maria Ausiliatrice, BS 4 (1880) no. 4, April, pp. 1–7.
25 BS 5 (1881) no. 1, January, p. 2.

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charity.’26) He announced it would be on Sunday 10 April at the parish of S. Siro, in a circular on 5
April, addressed to the ‘deserving citizens.’ He set up a committee of 36 men and women. After
giving a conference he walked around the church with a collection bag, collecting eight hundred lire
[2,737 euro]. He also went begging for money at Porto S. Maurizio, where he was the guest of
Canon Fabre for two nights.27
Don Bosco was besieged by many problems and caught up in financial burdens: completing the
Church of St John the Evangelist in Turin, commencing work on the Sacred Heart Church in Rome,
extensions in Nice and Marseilles, the hospice in Lucca, the church at La Spezia. This did not
prevent him pushing forward passionately on the Vallecrosia plains, building either side of the
church, one a residence for Salesians and their classrooms, the other for the Sisters and their
pupils. The July 1881 Salesian Bulletin highlighted The Defeat of Heresy in Vallecrosia, giving
news of the Feast of Mary Help of Christians and the blessing of a new chapel dedicated to her on
12 June, while awaiting completion of the church.28
He made important stopovers there in years to follow as well. In order to increase potential
attraction to the Catholic schools, he stopped there on 13 February 1883, as part of the
forthcoming lengthy trip through France, and planned a lottery for the schools with the Rector.29 He
wrote a circular in Marseilles to collect items for it,30 but the request for authorisation from the
Prefect of the province was turned down.31 The 1881 legislation did not permit lotteries except for
legally constituted entities, something Don Bosco would soon discover again personally when
trying to run a lottery in Rome. In Rome’s case a solution was found, but not for Ventimiglia.
He made an exceptional intervention there when the Work at Vallecrosia was seriously
damaged by earthquake affecting the riviera from Savona to Mentone, wreaking serious
destruction. The building at Vallecrosia had to be pulled down. ‘The church, classrooms, hospice at
Vallecrosia, Ventimiglia had to be either repaired or rebuilt,’ he wrote to Mrs Anne Parodi Cataldi in
Genoa.32 Don Bosco sent his trustworthy contractor, Carlo Buzzetti, to take a look. He told him it
would take 6,000 lire [21,746 euro] to make the buildings habitable. Don Bosco immediately set to
work for this and other works in Liguria, having two circular letters drawn up and signed by himself,
dated 1 March – one to the Cooperators, the other to the Salesians.33 He personally wrote other
letters to many benefactors asking for money and thanking them for it.34
1.2 Two suburbicarian dioceses in Rome
Don Bosco displayed very keen interest in accepting two works in the ‘Castelli Romani’, the hills
outside Rome, also to guarantee charity and as likely support for what he was doing in Rome.
These were in Ariccia and Albano, though they were short–lived from autumn 1876 to summer
1879.
26 Cf. letter to Fr F. Dalmazzo, da Alassio 6 April 1881, E IV 42.
27 Cf. letter to M. Acquarona, from Rome 27 April 1881, E IV 48.
28 BS 5 (1881) no. 7, July, pp. 23–24. Don Bosco gave news of it to Cardinal Protector Nina, letter of 30
June 1881, E IV 64.
29 Cf. letter to Fr G. Bologna, from Varazze 5 February 1883, E IV 211.
30 Circ. of 20 April 1883, E IV 217–218.
31 Letter of March–April 1884, E IV 254–255.
32 Letter of 17 March 1887, E IV 373.
33 Documenti XXXIV 96–98, 99–100; MB XVIII 758–762.
34 Cf. letter to Marchioness E. Nerli, 3 March 1887, E IV 371–372; to Count E. De Maistre, 6 March 1887, E
IV 372–373; to Mr O. Dufour, s. d., E IV 374; to Baron R. Cataldi, s. d., IV 374–375; to Marchioness G.
Tagliacarne, 30 March and 4 April 1887, E IV 376; to Count and Countess Colle, 22 March 1887, E IV
525.

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Prince Mario Chigi di Campagnano and his lady were interested in offering him the care of a
church and elementary school at Ariccia: it required one priest and two teachers.35The Pope
authorised a Religious Community with fewer than six members.36 The authorisation became
superfluous when Cardinal Di Petro, the suburbicarian Bishop of Albano, asked Don Bosco to send
at least two more qualified teachers to Albano for secondary classes which he would also send
seminarians to.37 The Schools Superintendent quickly approved the secondary classes. Don Bosco
replied to Bishop Francesco Latoni, promising four teachers for the secondary school,
guaranteeing compliance with the law and assuring him he had written to Cardinal Di Petro about
this. In the official list of members and Works of the Salesian Society for the 1876–77 school year
there appeared mention of ‘the House at Albano, Our Lady of the Star Oratory and the municipal
schools at Albano and Ariccia.’ It comprised four priests and a further six professed members, five
of whom were clerics, three coadjutors of whom two were novices. They all live at Ariccia in a
rather uncomfortable residence.
The Salesian Year Book then listed ‘some staff for the school at Magliano (Sabina)’ with two
professed members, one a priest, the other a cleric, and two novices, as well as diocesan priests’
Antonio Pagani and Canon Francesco Rebaudi. In fact the Cardinal suburbicarian Bishop,
Piedmontese Barnabite Luigi Bilio (1826–84), had asked for two teachers for his seminary.
From the end of October and during November 1876 the staff were already at work in all the
three places. Don Bosco soon had to take note of the various circumstances and establish
contacts with the civil and Church authorities. He came to Albano from Rome on 16 January and
stayed there three days. On 29 January he went to Magliano Sabina where he was met at
Borghetto station by the auxiliary bishop. Along the way he met students, clerics from the seminary,
residents of the college, day students at the schools and their teachers, all of whom came to meet
him. As at Albano he did the monthly exercise for a happy death. He left there on 1 February. Thus
he was able to provide direct information at the General Conference held on 6 February as part of
the usual St Francis de Sales Conferences in February in 1877. At Aricca too, the elementary
classes, ‘very well attended’ were aimed at opposing the Protestants who were employing every
means to attract pupils. He foresaw that they would ‘soon be bankrupt.’ He also said he would try
to open ‘night classes for adults and the festive oratories.’ He then went on: ‘We also have to teach
in the municipal secondary school and the junior seminary, and everyone’s very fond of the
Salesians.’ During his visit most of the students had besieged him to hear their confessions. A
similar scene was repeated during the visit to Magliano Sabina where he received an especially
warm welcome.38
In the summer of 1877, Don Bosco sought better arrangements from civil and Church
authorities for Salesians employed in the secondary schools there, since they had to shuttle
between Ariccia and Albano twice daily. He asked the Mayor to ‘settle the accommodation, how
many were needed, and their salary.’39 He asked the Vicar General’s support for his requests to the
Mayor and added the suggestion of ‘connecting a college to the current junior seminary but always
in reference to the diocesan Ordinary.’40) Nothing happened.
Following the transfer of Cardinal Di Pietro on 12 March 1877, and the death on 26 April 1879 of
his successor Cardinal Morichini, a firm friend of Don Bosco and the Salesians, the atmosphere
changed on the arrival of Cardinal Hohenlohe. Of Rosminian persuasion, the Cardinal was a friend
35 Letters of Prince Chigi of 31 May, 10 and 24 June 1876, Documenti XVII 470–472; MB XII 687–690.
36 Letter of Bishop F. Latoni, Auditor of the Holy See, 22 August 1876, Documenti 473; MB XII 690–691.
37 To Don Bosco, 12 August 1876, Documenti XVII 472; MB XII 691.
38 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 11, pp. 31–35.
39 Letter of 12 August 1877, E III 206–207.
40 Letter of 12 August 1877, E III 207–208.

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and informant of Archbishop Gastaldi on Roman views concerning the Archbishop’s stance when
the ‘Rosminian question’ reignited between 1876–83.41 The limited field of activity for the Salesians
became clearer. Don Bosco stressed this in summer 1877 in a letter to the Cardinal Vicar of Rome,
La Valletta, who had sent an instruction to parish priests in the capital concerning Protestant
proselytism, which L’Unità Cattolica published on 3 August.
Don Bosco grabbed the ball on the rebound, both in terms of the long–desired house in Rome
and to free himself of works without a future, explaining that ‘the Salesians in Albano have a too
limited harvest. There are twelve teachers, all accredited, and all they have is thirty–five pupils
between seminarians and day students. So I would put all or some of these at Your Eminence’s
disposal if they can be used in school teaching or the sacred ministry as you determine best for the
greater glory of God and the benefit of souls.’ The problem of the buildings was not insoluble. If it
had been resolved in many other places ‘could we not succeed’ he asked ‘in opening a hospice in
Rome with Your Eminence’s support and the assistance of Divine Providence which has never
failed us.’ He said finally that he had shared his thinking with Bishop Domenico Jacobini who would
visit the Cardinal to hear his opinion, which Don Bosco would willingly accept.42
Months later, during his extended tour through Italy with Fr Durando to examine the many
requests for foundations on site, Fr Cagliero wrote to Don Bosco from Acireale, expressing similar
doubts about remaining at Albano. ‘Given the urgent requests to open boarding places and no
hope of opening any in Albano’ he wrote on 3 March 1879 ‘it seems to us that this is a waste of
personnel. The little good our men are doing in the two German hills could be done by the priests
of the place themselves. And the results of the well–disciplined work they do is very little when
there would be much better results if they were occupied in some boarding school elsewhere.’43
The Rector of the Salesian community in Albano developed identical concerns in a letter to Fr
Bonetti published in the Salesian Bulletin: the good that can be done ‘is very little’. ‘Literary
instructions could also be provided by other teachers.’ ‘Our ministry is not necessary nor is it of any
special help in a city like Albano where the secular and religious clergy are numerous and more
than sufficient for any needs souls have.’ The conclusion was obvious: ‘If there is no hope of more
work it will certainly be right, though not without regret, at having to leave so many good people in
this city, to pick up our tents and put them in a more extensive and abandoned vineyard, perhaps
even among the people of the Pampas and Patagonia.’44 Over the same weeks, motivations of the
kind soon lead to a rapid and consensual decoupling from Ariccia. The Castelli Romani experience
was done and dusted in the space of three years.
The commitment to Magliano Sabina, instead, grew with the 1877–78 school year. Don Bosco
was asked to accept control of studies and accounting for the seminary. He accepted, asking for
some ‘clarifications’ then sent a draft agreement.45 Agreement was soon reached and from Rome
he informed Fr Rua of it. ‘The negotiations for the seminary at Magliano are complete in the sense
we have understood. This will be the first example of a seminary administered this way. I will send
you a copy of the agreement, as soon as Fr Berto has made a good copy of it.’46 At the same time
he added a suggestion that extended ultimately to the field of activity: creating a boarding school
for young students next to the seminary ‘with the obligation of keeping strictly to the common
discipline’ and also allowing boys from the city to attend classes ‘as simple day students or part–
41 Cf. D. FRANCHETTI, Alcune memorie intorno a monsignor Gio. Battista Bertagna.... Turin, P. Marietti
Editore 1916, pp. 86–93.
42 To the Card. Vicar, 6 August 1878, E III 375–376.
43 MB XIV 326.
44 I Cooperatori e la casa salesiana di Albano, BS 3 (1879) no. 8, August, pp. 7–8.
45 Cf. text in MB XIII 982–983.
46 To Fr M. Rua, 12 June 1877, E III 183; cf. Also letters of Card. L. Bilio to Don Bosco in MB XIII 983–986.

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time boarders.’ 47 In the official Year Book for the Salesian Society for the 1877–78 school year,
the ‘employees’ of the previous year were replaced by a regular community: ‘House at Magliano
Sabina. Seminary – Immaculate Conception College. Chapter: Rector Canon Francesco Rebaudi;
Prefect, Fr Stefano Chicco; Catechist, Fr Antonio Pagani; School Councillor, Fr Giuseppe Daghero;
Councillor, Cleric Biagio Giacomuzzi’ who became a priest the following year. Among members not
belonging to the Chapter were two coadjutors and a cleric, two novice (clerics) and three aspirants
(coadjutors). In the 1879 Year Book Salesian teacher and priest Fr Pietro Guidazio’s name
appeared. He was listed as ’Teacher at Montefiascone Seminary.’ This title disappeared from the
list the following year. Fr Guidazio, an excellent teacher, ended up becoming somewhat an outsider
in a school which was culturally poor and pedagogically out of date.48
Various disagreements arose at Magliano Sabina but were overcome thanks to a providential
visit from Don Bosco in 24–26 March 1879. Both the seminary and the boarding section functioned
to the manifest satisfaction of Cardinal Bilio.49 There were other visits in years to follow: in 1880
Don Bosco stopped over from 20–23 April, days spent in a happy long excursion with boys and
staff, hearing confessions and giving audiences. In 1882 he stayed from 9–11 May. In 1884,
physically exhausted, he met the clerics and boys during a stop at the Borghetto station on his trip
from Rome to Florence mid–way through May.
At the beginning of the 1883–84 school year some disagreement arose between Canon Pagani
and Fr Daghero, which worsened following the death of Cardinal Bilio on 30 January 1884 and the
succession of Cardinal Martinelli on 24 May. The dispute was over the approval of the
Constitutions and the gaining of privileges in 1884, Fr Daghero being in favour of Don Bosco, of
course. Among other things, Cardinal Bilio had authorised the founding of a semi–boarding school
run by Fr Rebaudi which took boys away from other boarding schools. In May 1884 Don Bosco
gave notice, which was not accepted by the Pope and Cardinal Martinelli, especially since it should
have been communicated five years earlier.50The pull–out took place at the end of the 1888–89
school year after five years had elapsed. The staff was utilised in the promising municipal college
or boarding school at Terracina. It too, however, was short lived (1889–93) it seems because the
municipality failed to fulfil its part.
2. Fr Luigi Guanella as Rector at Trinità di Mondovì
Also with a brief lifespan was the typical work at Trinità di Mondovì, a little day school for boys and
a night school for adults. Located in a district centre of around 3,000 inhabitants deep in the
Piedmontese countryside south of Turin, 24 kilometres from Cuneo, the new work had the privilege
of having an exceptional priest as its Rector, a Salesian for three years, Blessed Luigi Guanella
(1842–1915), who later founded the Congregation of the Daughters of Our Lady of Providence,
and the Servants of Charity.51 From the province of Sondrio and diocese of Como, ordained priest
in 1866, he was initially the spiritual ‘economer’ at Prosto then parish priest at Savogno. He very
soon came into contact with Cottolengo’s and Don Bosco’s works in Turin. He had been busy as a
47 To the Vicar General of the diocese, 29 May 1877, E III 177–178.
48 Cf. two of his letters to Don Bosco, one on 22 April 1879, and the other to Fr C. Durando in January of
the same year (MB XIII 979–982).
49 Letter to Don Bosco of 14 October 1879; MB XIII 985–986.
50 Discussions pro and con the recession occupied sessions of the members of the Salesian Society’s
general administration on 26 January, 19 May, 26 August, 28 October, 5, 9, 18 December 1884 and 12
June 1885: cf. Capitolo Superiore, fol. 4r, 11v, 19v; fol. 44v–45r, 49r–v, 51r, 53r–v; fol. 60r–61v.
51 Fundamental regarding this is the study byi M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e Don Bosco. Storia di un
incontro e di un confronto. Rome, Nuove Frontiere Editrice 1989.

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pastor and in charitable work which included school experience. To make his teaching legal he had
gained his certificate as a lower elementary teacher.
In 1870, Guanella met Don Bosco on a number of occasions in Turin, and over the years sent
boys to the Oratory and girls to the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians at Mornese. In 1873 he
had his first book printed by the Oratory Press, Saggio di ammonimenti famigliari per tutti, ma
particolarmente per il popolo di campagna (An essay on warnings of a family style for everyone but
especially for country folk),52 Confirming civil authorities in their belief that this parish priest was
intransigent in thought and action, Fr Guanella then set about getting Don Bosco to found a college
with elementary and middle school level classes at Chiavenna, a plan that was rejected as
unrealistic.53 He never abandoned the idea and as a Salesian proposed it once more, this time for
Ascona, in 1876 and Mendrisio in 187754 both in the Ticino Canton in Switzerland.
For years he nurtured the thought of entering Don Bosco’s religious and educational institution.
Finally, despite difficulties posed by his bishop, he sent the founder a formal request to be
accepted. Don Bosco wrote to him from Nice: ‘Your place is ready. You can come when you want.
Once I’m back in Turin we can decide on the place and house best for you … Just try not to leave
any complications behind that could force you to be recalled home.’55
Guanella arrived at the Oratory on the evening of the Feast of St Francis de Sales 1875, when
Don Bosco announced his acceptance of the South American Missions to the whole community. In
the first few months he was involved in various tasks. In June, asked to look after the St Aloysius
Oratory, the day after Don Bosco’s feast day he bought around 150 of the oratory boys down, to
bring their greetings to the Superior. Fr Barberis, the chronicler, noted: ‘It wasn’t such a bad effort
considering the audience made up of all of them, Fr Guanella, just beginning as director of the
festive oratory, cleric Vigliocco, almost the vice director, and me!’ ‘Don Bosco welcomed them with
a familiar talk but it seemed rather nice to me.’ He thanked them for what they had done, noting
however: ‘This is all due to the kindness of those leading you. It is not me, then, you should
express your gratitude to; it is the ones who are looking after you; I am not doing anything for you.
Thank Fr Luigi. Then he encouraged them: ‘Always go willingly to the Oratory on Sunday, both
mornings and afternoons.’ ‘I am happy that you are enjoying yourselves, playing, being cheerful.
This is the way to become saints like St Aloysius. So long as you try not to commit sin. It you have
some special need, address it to Fr Luigi.’56
After a rather atypical novitiate, Fr Guanella took triennial vows on 25 September. On 31
October, ‘Fr Guanella was appointed … professor of literature for the students of philosophy who
were weak in that area.’57 One day a week he also went to Valsalice to hold theology classes for
the clerics who were assistants at the college. Meanwhile he was putting together an explanation
of Christian Doctrine with parables and examples, a work he published in 1883 with the title ‘Vieni
meco La dottrina cristianna esposta con esempi in quaranta discorsi famigliari, (Come with me.
Christian doctrine explained through examples in forty familiar talks).58 It was an activity he
continued while in charge of the small work at Trinità, which left him some space for preaching in
parishes and educational institutes.59
52 Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1872.
53 To Fr L. Guanella, 8 August 1873, Em IV 140; cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 32–
35.
54 Cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 35–37.
55 Letter of 12 December 1874, Em IV 362.
56 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 2, pp. 20–22, Friday 25 June 1875.
57 Chapter Conferences at the Oratory of St Francis de Sales from 28 March 1875 to 4 June 1876, in J. M.
PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 210 (Seduta delli 31–10–75).
58 Milan, Tipografia Eusebiana 1883, 350 pp.
59 Cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 74–75.

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On day three of the Francis de Sales Conferences in February 1876, in the afternoon session,
Fr Guanella reported on the St Aloysius Oratory. Attendance on Sunday was 200/250 boys, ‘very
good’. They were also attracted there with ‘some small gifts’ and ‘some outings.’ He said he was
grateful to the ‘good members, both academic and trade students [from the Valdocco Oratory] who
came along to teach Catechism to the boys at no little inconvenience to themselves.’ However as
an experienced parish priest he said ‘It would be desirable and I hope this is done for them, to do
appropriate study as young catechists in Christian doctrine or the catechism, explaining various
difficulties and seeing they understood it well, beginning with me first of all.’ He ended with an
appeal: ‘Those poor boys are in great spiritual and temporal need. Therefore if you have some
small things that can fall from your tables for these poor youngsters, I will willingly accept them and
get as much benefit out of them as possible.’60
He was also asked to look after the Sons of Mary who had not been joined with the larger group
at Sampierdarena. On his trip to Rome in April 1876, Don Bosco brought a letter of theirs with him
to give to the Pope. In a letter to Fr Rua and the boys at the Oratory he told them about the papal
audience: ‘It lasted about an hour. With truly fatherly kindness he read the letters from Marchioness
Fassati, Fr Barberis and his novices, Fr Guanella and the Sons of Mary. He then went on to read
all the letters, long and short. The last was from a certain Garrone and the Pope noticed the many
spelling and grammatical errors. Jokingly the Holy Father said that this one would need to prepare
himself a bit before presenting for the Literature exam.’61
The same day – it was Easter – Don Bosco wrote to Fr Guanella: ‘In the last audience
yesterday (15) the Holy Father showed great kindness and read all of the letters addressed to him
by the Sons of Mary. He then asked how many there were, about their studies, their hopes, health,
whether they showed interest in the foreign missions etc.’ And he concluded: ‘Meanwhile my dear
Fr Luigi, work willingly. Divine grace will not fail us. Peace, patience and courage. Many more
things when we can speak … My fondest greetings to all the Sons of Mary and write, too, to Fr
Albera about the special blessings the Holy Father sends the Sons of Mary in his house.’62 On 10
November 1876, Fr Guanella was appointed Rector of the small community going to open the
house at Trinità. The work had been encouraged by the wealthy couple from Challonges in Savoy,
Giovanni Battista Dupraz and Angela Giusiana, who had a large country house at Trinità belonging
to her. They wanted a private Catholic school and oratory to counteract the secular teaching in the
local elementary school there. On Thursday 30 March, Fr Barberis noted in his chronicle: ‘Today I
found out that over these days the formal contract was signed (last Monday I believe) to open a
school at Trinità di Mondovì. They have been working on this for three months.’63 The same day
Don Bosco told Fr Cagliero: ‘Today it was decided a new house would be opened at Trinità. Tell Fr
Tomatis [from Trinità, he was now at San Nicolas de los Arroyos in Argentina]. It is a shelter with a
school.’64 The deed of agreement was signed between Fr John Bosco and Mrs Angela Giusiana in
July. It ceded part of the house for twenty years to be used as a pious private institute for the
education and instruction of poor and abandoned boys from the district and province, and she
committed herself to contributing 1,500 lire [4,924 euro] a year. Don Bosco was also able to use
the building for a day school for poor boys who could not attend the district schools, and for other
boys who could pay a monthly fee. Initially, Don Bosco had appointed thirty–two year old Fr Luigi
Porta as Rector, but the Dupraz family felt he was too inexperienced. Don Bosco chose the more
experienced Fr Guanella.
60 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 6, pp. 25–27.
61 Letter of 16 April, Easter, 1876, E III 41.
62 Letter of 16 April 1876, E III 39–40.
63 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 6, p. 50, Thursday 30 March 1876.
64 To Fr G. Cagliero, 30 March 1876, E III 32; they were repeated in the letter of 27 April, specifying that
there would be three Salesians (E III 52), and again in others of 13 July and 31 October (E III 73 and
108).

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The oratory opened on Sunday 19 November and the following day the lower grades of the day
school, soon to be complemented by the upper grades, reaching the total of four elementary
classes. In order to be able to teach the higher classes, on 17 August 1877 Fr Guanella gained his
certificate as a higher grade teacher at the Regia Scuola Normale (Royal Teachers College) in
Mondovì.65 In an item published by L’Unità Cattolica which came from Mondovì Piazza on 19
December 1876 a visitor had visited these night classes, with 100 pupils spread over three classes
covering the 16–20, 20–30, 30–50–year–old groups. The day classes had 120 pupils from 8–16
year–olds in three classes. The oratory and Sunday schools had 200 attending.66 For boys from
hamlets around the countryside, there was also a partially free lunch at midday.67 The Chiala and
Lazzero Diario reported on 12 December 1876: ‘D. Bosco goes to Trinità on a visit to the small
house opened there this year.’68
Fr Guanella’s letters provide fragmentary but interesting news on the life of the community and
their work. Don Bosco did not fail to offer advice and guidance for a fraternal and observant
religious life. He summed up, ‘the Rector’s art of governing’ in five ‘friendly suggestions’: “1. Keep
an eye on the morality’ of Salesians and pupils through the privileged means of the ‘rendiconto’
(manifestation or friendly talk) and monthly exercise for a happy death.’ 2. ‘ Age quod agis’ don’t
get distracted, dedicate everything to your task. 3. Aim at financial autonomy for the work along
with some possible contribution from the mother house. ‘4. Prepare sermons, write them down,
help the Salesians with their studies providing or pointing to appropriate books.’ ‘5. Read, meditate,
practise and see the others practise the rules of the Congregation.’69 He provided earlier and new
rules a year later: ‘1. Greatest vigilance in observing each and all our rules’ and make the monthly
recollection ‘to examine progress or otherwise in observing the rules.’ 2. Mutual charity among
Salesians. 3. ‘Good example in behaviour outside.’70
In September and October 1877, Fr Guanella took part in the First General Chapter of the
Salesian Society. However, during the 1877–88 school year as the time for renewal of triennial
vows approached, he re–thought his choice for the Salesians in the search for other areas for
exercising charity.71 Don Bosco’s last letters to him to hold on to him were pressing and insistent,
but Fr Guanella did not communicate either his torment or his deep motivations for his choice with
his Superior, preferring to write to his own bishop.72 Over June and July, Don Bosco wrote three
letters to him. The first was in reply to a letter the previous day where Fr Guanella asked his advice
on a rather special alternative reflecting a strong functional choice of consecrated life: ‘I have told
you elsewhere that I aspire to one of two things, that is to start up some Institution in Como
diocese or, if this is impossible, I would ask to enlist for the Salesian American missions. I wrote to
the Bishop of Como, along similar lines also, letting him know of a potential special program. I am
now asking Your Reverence to enlighten me in such an important matter, and help me, together
with the Bishop of Como.’73
Instead, Don Bosco invited him to meditate seriously before the crucifix on fidelity to his
consecration and made an appeal to mission: ‘Dear Fr Luigi, help me to save souls. Europe and
America are calling out for Gospel workers. Do not abandon me in this fight; fight strongly and you
65 Cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco…, pp. 76–79.
66 “L’Unità Cattolica”, n. 296, p. 1182, Friday 22 December 1876.
67 M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 62–67.
68 Diario of Fr Chiala and Fr Lazzero, in J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 52.
69 To Fr L. Guanella, 10 April 1877, E III 165.
70 To Fr L. Guanella, 8 March 1878, E III 311–312.
71 Cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 88–97.
72 Cf. letters from one and the other in M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 175–192.
73 Letter of Fr L. Guanella to Don Bosco, 1 June 1878, in M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., p.
179.

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will be sure of the crown of glory.’74 In the second letter, in reply to two letters, one of best wishes
for his feast on 24 June and the other in reference to the community at Trinità, Don Bosco,
interpreting Fr Guanella’s request ‘to enlist for the American Missions’ in his own way, offered him a
precise suggestion: ‘The Holy Father has ordered that this year we send an expedition of
missionaries to S. Domingo to run the junior and major seminary, the cathedral and the university.
Dear Fr Luigi, would you like to be part of this new expedition and a new kind of mission? The
language is Spanish. I believe it could be a providential opportunity for you. I will pray. You pray too
for this same purpose.’75
The last letter was concise – and sententious: ‘With regard to your position, do not forget the
saying: whoever is okay does not make a move and whoever does well should not seek something
better. Many were disappointed and taking no notice of this saying sought what was better and
could not even do good anymore because, as another proverb says, the better is the enemy of the
good. I am speaking, wearing my heart on my sleeve, because I love you and want your
happiness, now and in blessed eternity.’ 76
Fr Guanella returned to the diocese when his triennial vows elapsed (25 September). He
resumed writing to Don Bosco in August and September 1880, expressing the desire to once again
be accepted among the Salesians.77 It did not happen. He always admired and loved Don Bosco
and saw him again to receive his blessing at the end of January 1887. He recalled this final
meeting at the end of a series of Thoughts about Don Bosco which he sent to Fr Lemoyne in April
1891: ‘D. Bosco seemed to be in great majesty of kindness and severity. He seemed to be
someone who was struggling between this world and eternity: to me he looked transparent. In his
diaphanous appearance I thought I saw a ray of divine grace. He marvelled that I had been able to
put three houses together and as I knelt at his feet he blessed me and my little work with the
greatness of his heart.’78
The work at Trinità, after two years of flourishing religious life, the two years under Fr Guanella,
went through gradual decline and ended up closing at the end of the 1880–81 school year.79
3. An episode of freedom without any alliances
It was difficult for Don Bosco to sever ties with someone by his own initiative. On Sunday 6 August
he was at the college at Lanzo which had been made available to the political and administrative
authorities for the opening of the completed Turin – Lanzo railway line. The leaders of the Left, who
had come into power after the collapse of the Minghetti Government following the vote in the
House on 18 March 1876,80 had transformed the completion of the 11 kilometre stretch of track
from Cirie to Lanzo into a political event of national importance.
The Turin – Cirie section of 21 kilometres had been in use since February 1869. Don Bosco had
given Fr Lemoyne freedom to act in response to a request, writing from Sampeirdarena: ‘Do
whatever you want for the Railways celebration … Check with Turin for music so long as the City
74 Letter of 2 June 1878, E III 351.
75 Letter of 15 July 1878, E III 362–363.
76 Letter of 27 July 1878, E III 369–370.
77 Cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 196–213; MB XV 76–77. The text is published in
ID., Don Guanella e don Bosco…, pp. 275–284. Bl. Guanella also published a brief profile of Don Bosco,
proclaimed Venerable, in “La Divina Provvidenza”, August 1908, pp. 117–122: cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don
Guanella e don Bosco…, pp. 285–288.
78 Pensieri intorno a D. Bosco, p. 20, ASC A 1210728.
79 Cf. M. CARROZZINO, Don Guanella e don Bosco..., pp. 67–73.
80 Cf. Chap. 1, § 10.

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Council invite you. If I am in Turin I will gladly come along.’81 He arrived in Lanzo the evening
before with the Oratory band. The following day, Fr Albert blessed the train and the line, then
Ministers, Senators, other Members of Parliament retired to the Salesian College for refreshment
offered by the City Council. Along with Fr Lemoyne Don Bosco received important visitors at the
College entrance: the Prime Minister, Agostino Depretis and the Ministers for the Interior and
Public Works, Giovanni Nicotera, and Giuseppe Zanardelli, the latter also representing the King.
He was a man of anticlerical and Masonic leanings. The conversation, which went much longer
than expected, was especially warm and aroused much sympathy for Don Bosco and his work.
Neither he nor any other Salesian attended the meal then served in a temporary pavilion erected
on the grounds.
The appearance of the new members of the Government in Turin before and after the event
could not escape Catholic intransigence, well and truly represented by L’Unità Cattolica, which ran
a series of articles high–lighting the party political exploitation of an event which in itself was
irrelevant at national level.82 From its first issue after the celebrations and in others that week there
were articles mentioning Ministers, Members of Parliament, the Salesian College, and Don Bosco.
They were hardly favourable: Triumph in Turin for Left Triumvirate, Entry and time in Turin and
Lanzo – Nicotera, Depretus and Zanrardelli, Reception at Lanzo, At College – boarding school of
the Salesian Fathers, Nicotera in a Don Bosco College.83) Don Bosco’s presence there was
uncomfortable because he could have been expected to have remained outside such a display,
perhaps by feigning diplomatic illness.
L’Unità Cattolica published a letter ten days later from a ‘Salesian’ (Cooperator? Benefactor?)
which tried to put Don Bosco’s involvement in perspective. The paper presented it with an initial
comment: ‘We very willingly publish the following letter from a Salesian, relating to the praises of
the Bersagliere (a Roman newspaper closely aligned with the Left for Don Bosco). We could have
wished that Don Bosco had had one of those moments of indisposition which diplomats, including
Papal Nuncios, seem to be happy to seize upon in similar circumstances.’ The ‘affectionate son of
Don Bosco’ ‘most mortified by the badly penned praises published by a Roman newspaper’
ascribed the part played by Don Bosco to the simple fact that ‘Don Bosco, when requested by
Lanzo City Council to make the college premises available for the Ministers to dejeuner, could
hardly have refused for civility’s sake even more so because part of the building belongs to the
Council itself.’84
However, the paper’s chief editor, Fr Giacomo Margotti, who was sensitive to Don Bosco’s work,
either under pressure from someone, or of his own accord, seems to have wanted to compensate
his priest friend (who had not been asked to justify himself) by reinterpreting his behaviour in the
light of higher intentions. The 23 August issue of the paper came out with an article on The
Salesian Missions in Patagonia preceded by a very significant footnote: ‘L’Unità Cattolica is
always full of affection and veneration for D. Bosco and knows that in anything he does he is
motivated only by the glory of God, love of the Church and Pope, and the desire to win souls for
Jesus Christ. We regard ourselves as very fortunate nay time we can benefit his truly apostolic
labours through our newspaper.’85
81 To Fr Lemoyne, from Sampierdarena, 25 July 1876, E III 78.
82 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 182, Sunday 6 August 1876, pp. 725–726, Da Rome a Lanzo dov’è l’epigrafe
della vittoria di Pio Nono (the inscription on an arch at Lanzo praised the Pope’s peaceful victories) and
Le due feste di Nicotera nell’August del 1860 e nell’August 1876.
83 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 183, Tuesday 8 August 1876, pp. 729–730; no. 186, Friday 11 August 1876, p.
742; no. 187, Saturday 12 August 1876, p. 747.
84 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 190, Thursday 17 August 1876, p. 758.
85 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 195, Wednesday 23 August 1876, p. 778.

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Though he said little, Giuseppe Zanardelli seems to have been deeply touched by the
atmosphere created by the Salesians in the encounter at Lanzo. Perhaps Don Bosco had this in
mind when he asked him as Minister for Public Works in December for a ‘free ticket’ on Italian
Railways for himself and a travelling companion ‘to provide for a need that is still very much felt –
the growing number of young people at risk and abandoned.’86The request received a positive
response for the Upper Italy Rail Network.
4. Managing and encouraging educative communities.
With boarding and other schools springing up by agreement with municipalities, came the obvious
breaking down of conformity of works modelled on the Oratory in Turin, where Don Bosco
maintained his privileged rapport as Director flanked by a Vice Director, first Fr Rua then Fr
Lazano. The type of boy, services provided and objectives agreed upon in the colleges led to a
more flexible cultural, disciplinary, educative kind of management and thus more open directives
than the kind needed for an institution like the Oratory at Valdocco where specific results were
expected, such as the flourishing of vocations to the clergy and the Salesians. Nevertheless, the
substance of the inspirations and directions of a properly educational nature (discipline, morals,
religion) remained identical and were passed on through letters to rectors and communities, visits,
sometimes by boys or their representatives coming to Valdocco for some special solemn occasion.
4.1 The Oratory as the basic educative model
It would take a much deeper study to describe Don Bosco’s way of governing as director, educator,
confessor, spiritual director in his Oratory. It was his home, family and whenever far from it he was
thinking nostalgically about it: ‘Although here in Rome I am not solely occupied with the house and
our boys,’ he wrote to Fr Rua ‘nevertheless my thoughts fly to where my treasure is in Jesus
Christ, my dear boys, at the Oratory. I want to visit them many times a day.’87
A few days before his return to Turin from his absence due to illness at Varazze, he confessed
to his closest collaborator: ‘Next Thursday, God willing, I will be in Turin. I feel a serious need to go
there. Here I am living in the body but my heart, thoughts and words are always at the Oratory
among you all. This is a weakness and I cannot overcome it.’88 Again, at the end of his lengthy stay
in Rome in 1874, after a quick reply to Fr Rua who had sent him a telegram on the death of Fr
Provera, he included a message to the boys: ‘To our boys: Your father, brother, and friend of your
souls, after three and a half months away from you, is leaving today (14) from Rome, spending
Wednesday in Florence and overnight, then hopes to be with you on Thursday at 8 a.m. No need
for celebration, music, welcome [solemn reception]. I will go to the Church and God willing, will
celebrate Mass for our dear and beloved Fr Provera.’89
He was very busy at the Oratory from morning to evening, whether there directly involved or
absent, but inspiring and advising his trusted helpers, and more immediately in contact with the
various categories of resident: academic, trade students, or working boys, novices, clerical
students of philosophy (some still novices) and theology, or young priests who had still to sit for
exams in theology or study to gain their faculties for confession, recently appointed superiors to be
prepared for the art of governing as rectors, prefects catechists, school or technical counsellors,
bursars.
86 To G. Zanardelli, 4 December 1876, E III 123–124.
87 Letter at beginning of February 1870, Em III 169.
88 Letter of 9 February 1872, Em III 395.
89 Letter of 14 April 1874, Em IV 278.

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He exercised many explicitly formative roles in the course of a day: early in the morning as
confessor for boys and Salesians; as spiritual director in his room: ‘Many of you come and speak
with me in confession and others in my room’ he told the trade boys in a goodnight on 31 March
1876: ‘Bear this in mind, that I am always very happy when you come and find me not only in
church but also outside of church.’90 He was often with the boys in recreation, dispensing a ‘word in
the ear.’ And then there was the classic Goodnight in the evenings. Every month he was at the
exercise for a happy death, again in the role of confessor and spiritual director, a ministry he
offered with special intensity during the time of annual retreat around Easter. He was very busily
involved in the important moments of Oratory life: welcoming the boys during the first days of the
school year, the novenas. Especially for the Immaculate Conception and Christmas in December
and Mary Help of Christians in May, then October (Our Lady of the Rosary), March (St Joseph),
June (Sacred Heart), Lent and Holy Week, farewelling the boys for the summer–autumn holidays
and providing them with appropriate reminders. Add to this the special celebrations: the great
liturgical solemnities and Salesian ones, often highlighted by academies where he would offer a
fatherly word, his name day on 24 June, (even though it really should have been St John the
Evangelist) beginning with a vigil, then his birthday, which he always celebrated on 15 August, not
on the 16th.
The brief talks by way of Goodnights were the most regular occasions for bringing together his
moral and religious teaching, undoubtedly echoed in confession, private advice, sermons and often
in letters to individuals or groups. The dreams were presented as stories, and couched in poetic or
dramatic terms what in other contexts was doctrine, discussion, exhortation. The evenings of each
day were occasions for expressing the familiar concerns and ideas of Don Bosco the priest, formed
in the practical moral theology of the Convitto, enriched by his considerable experience as
confessor and director of a religious and educative community modelled on the same thing – it was
an essentially moral service of the word focused on duties. There were no grand motivations or
biblical, theological perspectives and even less so any broad cultural, social ones. Every word
focused on conduct, approaching the sacraments, the tough struggle to avoid falling into sin, all
converging on achieving the final objective of all his social and educational and pastoral activity,
and on the ideal to which every Christian was called: ‘to live in grace, which had to be defended,
persevered and where needed regained; and finally, holiness, the prelude to the glory for running
the bumpy, up and down path to that goal, essentially a single path but differentiated in form and
degree: ‘Quae seminaverit homo, haec et metet.’ (Gal 6:7).91 At the heart of it was the appeal to the
will, personal commitment, resolution, obviously all working with the primary action of active, co–
operative grace.92
The ideal was embodied in many different kinds of models: from the early Church, the Saints,
especially St Aloysius and those remembered in the liturgical calendar – St Francis de Sales, St
Joseph, St Charles (Borromeo). Then there were closer, more familiar models like the boys who
had lived at the Oratory, Dominic Savio, Michael Magone, Francis Besucco and others.93
Playing a primary role in the life of grace and holiness were the virtues to be practised: faith,
charity, obedience, mortification, and humility, with special emphasis on modesty, or purity which
was understood as being synonymous with chastity.94 This was clearly the object of most important
concerns and encouragement. ‘If there is this, then there95 is everything. If this is missing then we
90 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 6 bis, p. 13.
91 Evening of 7 July 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 2, pp. 39–42.
92 Cf. goodnight on 27 October 1876, Documenti, XVI 525–526.
93 Evenings of 27, 28 October and 5 November 1875, Documenti, XV, pp. 292–293 and 304; 27 October
and 28 November 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 2, pp. 6–7 e 27–29.
94 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 2, p. 44, Evening talk on 22 December 1876.

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lack everything. Prayer and confidence in God were proposed as support for this.96 The virtues
were solid bulwarks against the violence of passions which were not unlike the wave in a storm, or
were represented by the various ‘monsters’ populating his dreams.97 It was the passions that urged
people to impure thoughts, words, deeds, scandal, insubordination, or encouraged them to yield to
laziness, gluttony, distaste for the practices of piety. To overcome these one needed ‘constant
perseverance’ in ascetic effort. Withdrawal and avoidance were often the preferred approach rather
than a head on confrontation: mortification of the senses especially,98 was always needed where
dangerous individuals, books and places were concerned.99
But human effort was not enough. Nothing was possible without the aid of grace. This was
guaranteed by the universal remedy of frequenting the sacraments – Confession and Communion
– received with all due reverence and as frequently as was determined by the chosen spiritual
objectives.100
God’s name was associated with the sense of fear, which was not just fear of punishment but
above all veneration, respect, the trepidation felt by fragile creatures and trusting children. Certain
biblical sayings were axiomatic: Initium sapientiae timor Domini, Sapientia non introibit in animam
malevolam et non habitabit in corpore subdito peccatis.101 The young person who was fearful of
God in this upright way acted according to a good conscience and not out of the fear of human
punishment or expulsion.102
The figure of Christ was not usually presented in some distinct way, but Jesus of Nazareth, true
God and true man, was proposed daily as Redeemer and Saviour who redeemed us from sin and
offers us forgiveness and grace. He is present and active to the highest degree in the Blessed
Sacrament, immolated in the Sacrifice of the Mass, received in Holy Communion and adored in the
Tabernacle and the solemn exposition of the consecrated host.103 Explicit attention was given to
devotion to the Sacred heart, which sought, ‘to honour the love Jesus shows mankind.’104 Added to
this was the protection of the Blessed Virgin under the privileged titles of the Immaculate
Conception and Help of Christians, as well as the Assumption and the Rosary. She appeared in the
dreams with her protective mantle and was called on at the time of her feast days and in May and
October.105
The evening talks to the boys, of varying lengths, did not only channel Don Bosco’s thoughts
and feelings as a spiritual father but also and primarily as the director of a house of education
inasmuch as he was addressing a large, poor, crowded and mixed community of youngsters where
he presented problems relating to discipline, order, regularity, morality. Therefore, he needed to
balance loving–kindness with firmness, the latter expressed depending on the seriousness
required through reminders, warnings, even the inevitable suspension. He made reference to these
things especially during retreats, monthly recollections, novenas and other especially critical
95 Evening of 18 May 1875 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 1, pp. 14–15; cf. Evenings of 28 May 1875, in
reference to St Aloysius, ibid., pp. 34–35; and 7 July 1875, quad. 2, pp. 39–42.
96 Dream told on 30 June 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 8 bis, pp. 1–9.
97 Evening of 13 March 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 5, pp. 18–22.
98 Evening of 1 August 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 2, pp. 39–42; evenings of 13 and 26 March,
ibid., quad. 5, pp. 18–22; quad. 6 bis, pp. 17–18.
99 Evening of 26 March 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 6 bis, pp. 2–3.
100 Evening of 20 January 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 4 bis, pp. 1–6; 30 October 1876, Cronaca,
2, pp. 1–3; 20 December 1876, ibid., pp. 30–36.
101 Evening of 2 November 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 2, pp. 18–21.
102 Evening of 26 October 1875, Documenti, XV, pp. 291–292.
103 Evening of 7 December 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3, pp. 67–68.
104 Evenings of 3 and 16 June 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 1, pp. 46–47; quad. 2, pp. 10–11.
105 Evening of 10 May 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 1, pp. 1–3.

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moments: scandal, theft and serious lack of discipline.106 He linked this with thoughts of what could
or did happen to boys once outside the place, especially during holidays. Don Bosco often spoke
of this before they returned to their families for a short time, arming them with grace, and
reminders, and again on their return, encouraging them to clean up their soul and courageously
start over again.107
The question of the outside world and living in that world was often raised, often from a future
perspective, in his frequent insistence on choice of a state in life, a lay or clerical vocation, in the
‘world’ (in the diocesan clergy) or in a Religious Institute. ‘This is the most important thing in life,’ he
opined.108 There was frequent exhortation to think about it, reflect, pray for the most suitable
solution to guarantee a happy life and especially blessed eternity. Don Bosco was a tireless
promoter and animator of vocations especially when speaking of works for poor and abandoned
youth, or of missions and missionaries, indicating broad areas where clergy and laity could give
their lives full meaning, now and for eternity.
He often referred to respice finem understood in its double sense, the end in time through death
and the end which opens onto a happy or unhappy eternity. The Gospel’s estote parati,109
remained his insistence in the 1870s as it was in the 60s, often accompanied (always on 31
December) by a reminder of real deaths which would inevitably be the lot of boys and adults in the
Oratory in the coming year. Naturally, this was not the final objective, since earning paradise was
ultimately the real meaning of life. The dreams he had at Lanzo on 6 December 1876 and
recounted at the Oratory on the evening of the 22nd with Dominic Savio as the central character,
offers a fascinating captivating image. The flowers in the bouquet the youth held in his hand, ‘the
rose, violet, lily, gentian and sunflower’ symbolised ‘charity, humility, chastity, penance,
obedience.’110
4.2 Letters to individuals and groups among teachers and college boys
As strong as the link with the Oratory was, Don Bosco felt that all the boys in his colleges, hospices
and oratories were his ‘dear sons in Jesus Christ.’ He knew very many of them personally and had
received many a confidence from them during his visits. So we find no difference in tone between
the letters he sent to the Oratory when away from there and those he addressed to other places.
Both felt they were close to him not only emotionally but also for the spiritual setting they were in,
differentiated only by the individual’s moral and religious circumstances.
In the summer of 1873, when he was at the Sanctuary of St Ignatius near Lanzo as usual, he
added a brief message To our boys at the Oratory to a letter to Fr Rua. It was a clear reference to
vocations: ‘When you give goodnight to our dear beloved boys tell them to be cheerful and good.
Here I am recommending them all to the Lord and am asking for the three ‘S’s from them [sanità,
(health), scienza or sapienza (knowledge, wisdom) santità (holiness)] but in capitals. On Sunday, I
will say Mass for all of you, dear boys, at this Sanctuary. If you love me you will also go to Holy
Communion for me. I am also praying for those doing exams. Regarding these boys, tell them that
if they have not as yet thought about their vocation they can wait for me on the 14th of this month,
106 Examples of various others are “good nights” on 30 and 31 March 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta,
quad. 6 bis, pp. 4–10 and 11–19.
107 Cf. e.g., Ricordi per un giovanetto che desidera passar bene le vacanze. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S.
Franc. di Sales 1873, 4 p., 11+16 cm.
108 Evening of 7 July 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 2, p. 252.
109 Account of a dream with prediction of deaths, 23 January 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 4 bis,
pp. 12–15.
110 Evening of 22 December 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 1, pp. 20–31; quad. 2, pp. 36–47.

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otherwise they can talk to you about it or come to the retreat at Lanzo where we will be happy
together. There are 110 exemplary gentlemen at the retreat. They do not leave me in peace for a
moment and want to talk with me at all hours.’111
1874 began with four letters to men in charge of communities, Fr Lemoyne and Fr Rua at
Valdocco on 5 January, others on the 6th to Fr Bonetti at Borgo S. Martino and Fr Dalmazzo and
the trade lads at the Oratory at Valdoco. The letters were full of affection and contained both
common elements and individualised references. A dominant feature in all of them was the Pope
who implicitly endorsed moral and educational notions dear to Don Bosco with his authority. In his
letter to My Dear Fr Lemoyne and all of you, dear sons at Lanzo he began: ‘The first words I am
writing to any of our houses from Rome I am addressing to you, my dear and beloved sons at
Lanzo. I am giving you this preference because I know that you hold me in great affection,
something you have always shown every time I have gone there.’ Then after writing of the interest
the Pope had shown in the boys at Lanzo, he asked: ‘Meanwhile, my friends, have you begun the
year well? Do you all wish to be good, holy and always my consolation? I can hear your heart’s
voice assuring me that you are all sincerely saying “Yes, yes.”’ He ended with advice he wanted
the Rector to explain to the boys: ‘If you want to be happy here on earth and then be happy in
blessed eternity, try to avoid scandal and go to Holy Communion.’112
Briefer, but no less affectionate, was the letter to My Dear Fr Rua and all you living at the
Oratory in Turin: ‘Let me tell you that I bear you much affection and wherever I am I never cease to
recommend your spiritual and temporal well–being to God.’ He then spoke of the papal audience
and Pius IX’s interest in matters concerning the Congregation and the Oratory, ending with a
number of ‘family’ matters, questions to Fr Rua.113
In the letter to My dear Fr Bonetti and all of you, dear sons, at S. Martino he said: ‘He [the Pope]
spoke a lot in general about our boys and finally the conversation came around to you, beloved
sons at S. Martino. He asked many details of me: what studies you were doing, if there were some
very good boys among you, if you went to Holy Communion, if there were any the equal of Dominic
Savio. I tried to satisfy him in a way that certainly did great honour to yourselves. Then allowing me
to ask for something in your regard, he asked me to express his great satisfaction at the good
hopes you were offering of living a Christian life amid a world contaminated with so much vice.’
Then he added his own thoughts: ‘Meanwhile, I too want to ask a great favour of you that will
certainly benefit your souls; that you all try to prevent and cast aside unbecoming conversations.
He concluded with a lengthy quote in Latin from 2 Tim. 4:2: ‘Tu vero, Fr Bonetti, praedica verbum
opportune, importune …. ‘114
Even briefer was the message from Rome to My dear Fr Dalmazzo and my dear boys at the
college of Valsalice in which we find perfect harmony between Don Bosco’s thinking and the
Pope’s: I then asked him for a particular thought I could write to you in his name. He looked at the
crucifix and replied; only God is a faithful friend who will never abandon us. May they love this
good God who will never abandon them.’115
More personalised and more relevant for its pedagogical content was the letter to My dear Fr
Lazzero and my dear trade boys at the Oratory, whom Don Bosco described as ‘the pupil of my
eye:’ ‘There is no need to tell you that I bear much affection for you; I have given clear proof that.
There is no need for you to tell me that you love me, because you have constantly shown this. But
what is this mutual affection based on? Money? Not mine because I spend it all on you. Not yours
111 Letter beginning of August 1873, Em IV 136.
112 Letter of 5 January 1874, Em IV 193.
113 Letter of 5 January 1874, Em IV 194–195.
114 Letter of 6 January 1874, Em IV 196–197.
115 Letter of 6 January 1874, Em IV 197–198.

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because – and don’t be offended – you have none. Well then, my affection is founded on the desire
I have to save your souls which were redeemed by the precious blood of Jesus Christ, and you
love me because I am trying to lead you along the path to eternal salvation. So, the good of our
souls is the foundation of our affection.’ He invited them to make an examination of conscience on
this essential point: were they working on the salvation or the loss of their soul? Would they be
ready to present themselves before the judgement seat of God? ‘Resolutions made and not kept;
scandal given and not made up for; conversations that taught others bad things are the matters we
must fear being reproached for.’ He concluded: ‘Put into practice the words of St Paul I will
translate for you: ‘Encourage young people to be sober, let them never forget that everyone must
die and that after death we must all stand before Jesus our judge. The one who has not suffered
with Jesus Christ on earth will not be crowned in glory with him in heaven. Avoid sin as your worst
enemy and avoid the source of sin, that is, bad conversations which are the ruin of good habits.
Give good example to one another in word and deed etc. etc. Fr Lazzero will tell you the rest.’116
Again from Rome he replied to My dear Fr Cinzano and all you very dear students thanking
them for the gift of ‘two weeks of excellent behaviour,’ promising and reassuring them: ‘I will show
my gratitude as soon as I am home. A glass of something pure, an extra dish, a biscuit, etc. etc.
will be the sign of my satisfaction I will give each one. I will soon be with you again, with you who
are the object of my thoughts and concerns with you who are the masters of my heart and, as St
Paul says, wherever I go you are always gaudium meum et corona mea.’ Finally as with the letter
to Fr Bonetti but in different words, he addressed the twenty–year–old cleric, an assistant, with
something drawn from 1 Cor. 16:13 : ‘Tu vero, Cinzano, fili me, age viriliter ut coroneris feliciter.’117
In 1875 he sent the so–called Strenna to each of the rectors. To Fr Bonetti, for example, he sent
various versions of it, depending on who would receive it: ‘For you, act in such a way that everyone
you speak to becomes your friend. For the Prefect: build up treasure now and for eternity. For
Teachers, Assistants: In patientia vestra possidebitis animus vestras. For the boys: frequent
communion. For everyone: exactness in your duties.’ 118
The letter To my dear sons the Rector, assistants, prefect, catechist, pupils and others at the
college at Lanzo was exceptionally strong for its educational, programmatic content. He expressed
his regret that he had been unable to visit them, assuring then of a daily memento and thanking
them for their ‘message of best wishes.’ He passed on his regards, wanting ‘holiness from heaven,
study, morality’ for them, then commented on these: Holiness, ‘a precious gift from heaven’
needing to be looked after and protected from intemperance and imprudence. Study was to be
nurtured, looking to the future: ‘make up a kit full of knowledge with which in due course you can
earn your bread, … Earn your food honestly.’ ‘Let it never be said’ he concluded ‘that we live off the
sweat of others.’ He wrote at length on Morality: ‘It is the bond between holiness and study, the
foundations they are based on’ and the basis for their honourableness in society (‘you will be loved
and respected even by evildoers’ or ‘be generally disposed.’) as well being the basis of eternal
salvation. And at the end came the unfailing appeal regarding vocations: ‘I hear the voice crying
from afar: “O my sons, pupils of Lanzo, come and save us!” These are the voices of so many souls
awaiting a kindly hand to pull them back from the brink of perdition and set them on the path to
salvation. I am telling you this because a few of you are called to the sacred ministry to win souls.
Have courage: there are many waiting for you. Remember the words of St Augustine: animam
salvasti, animam tuam praedestinasti.’119
116 Letter of 20 January 1874, Em IV 208.
117 Letter of 7 March 1874, Em IV 244–245.
118 Letter of 30 December 1874, Em IV 375.
119 Letter of 5 January 1875, Em IV 385–386.

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Again from Rome he passed on thoughts and words from the papal audience in March to some
of the rectors, sometimes echoing what was said in 1874: more likely his words than the Pope’s
but certainly in agreement with them. He assured Fr Dalmazzo and his pupils at Valsalice: ‘I pray
for you every day at Mass asking for the usual three ‘S’s, which our intelligent students will know
how to interpret: Sanità, Sapienza and Santità. Tell all your students to be courageous and holy
missionaries and such that each is worth a hundred others. Only then will we begin to satisfy some
of the countless needs we are besieged by.’120
His return imminent, he wrote to Fr Rua, Francesia, Bonetti, and Lemoyne, passing on the Holy
Father’s blessing.121 To Fr Rua he said: ‘That was a wonderful gift, the general excellence of
behaviour of the boys.122 To Fr Bonetti he repeated matters more or less of the kind passed on on 5
January 1875 relating to the papal audience: ‘He was happy to ask me lots of questions, including
if there were boys who could be compared to Dominic Savio. I replied that some seemed to be his
equal but a greater number are on the way to being so and even surpassing him. He laughed and
said: “God bless the rectors, other superiors and all the boarders.”‘123
At the beginning of 1876, he also wrote to two rectors of colleges. The most affectionate of
these was addressed to My dear friends the Rectors, Teachers, pupils at Lanzo college, then in
complete spontaneity: ‘Let me tell you, and let no one be offended, that you are all thieves. Let me
say it again, you have stolen everything from me. When I was at Lanzo you charmed me with your
kindness and love, bound my mental faculties with your piety. Just my poor heart was left and you
stole all its affection. Now your letter, signed by 200 dear, friendly hands has completely taken
possession of this heart, nothing more is left except the keen desire to love you in the Lord, do
good for you, save all your souls. This generous display of affection invites me to come as soon as
possible to visit you again and I hope that will not be too far away. On that occasion I want us to be
happy in body and soul and let the world see how happy we can be in body and soul without
offending the Lord.’124
To the Rector of the college at Varazzo, instead, he wrote especially about management issues,
though not without a thought for the students: ‘Tell them all that I love them with all my heart in the
Lord and that I pray for them every day at Mass asking for steady health, progress in study and the
true wealth which is the holy fear of God.’125 He did not overlook the ones he also called My dear
sons from S. Nicola’s from whom he had received greetings and best wishes. ‘I hope that along
with knowledge you will learn the holy fear of God’ at the college. ‘Your superiors tell me you are
very good and this consoles me greatly. Continue on the path of virtue and you will always have
peace of heart, the good will of men and the blessing of the Lord.’ At the same time he conveyed
the Pope’s blessing, having told him about them and concluded: ‘May God bless you all my dear
sons. Be happy, but avoid offending the Lord, go to Holy Communion, send me some letters and
pray for me.’126
He expressed similar thoughts the following year to his beloved sons at the college at Villa
Colón (Uruguay). He thanked them for their greetings on his name day and conveyed the Pope’s
special blessing for them, their parents, as well as his message: ‘May they all become very rich,
very rich but in the true wealth that is virtue, the holy fear of God.’ He said finally he would be
120 Letter of8 March 1875, Em IV 433–434.
121 Cf. Letter between 12 and 15 March, Em IV 436–443.
122 To Fr M. Rua, 12 March 1875, Em IV 436.
123 Letter of 15 March 1875, Em IV 441.
124 Letter of 3 January 1876, E III 5.
125 To Fr G. B. Francesia, 10 January 1876, E III 6.
126 Letter of 1 July 1876, E III 69–70.

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waiting for their reply to four questions. “1. Are you good? 2. Will you write me more very long
letters? 3. Will you all be missionaries? 4. Will you all become saints? ‘127
4.3 Visits
A useful indication of the way he prepared and carried out visits to the colleges can be found in this
letter to the Rector of Lanzo, Fr Lemoyne: ‘On Wednesday afternoon I hope to be with you in
Lanzo. If you can send me a note on the blackbirds, needing to be defeathered, it will give me a
guide as I gradually catch up with them in the college.’128 His thanks for Christmas greetings were
also, understandably, a reflection of things seen, words heard and spoken during the visit: ‘May
God reward you for the kindness you have shown me. A word for everyone: let the Rector never
put off good advice and salutary warnings whenever there is occasion for such. Let the priests
work with one another in everything to do with eternal salvation, theirs and the boys at the college.
Let the teachers question everyone in the classroom and look after the weaker ones. Let the
assistants make every effort to prevent unbecoming conversations. And let priests and clerics
remember they are sal terrae et lux mundi. Let the students love modesty and simplicity. I
recommend that everyone have boundless confidence in the Rector. May God bless you all and
make you rich in the true wealth that is the holy fear of God. You are my consolation; let no one
pierce my heart with the thorns of bad behaviour.’129
We have no detailed documentation on the visits since we do not have the appropriate house
chronicles for the individual houses which Don Bosco often encouraged them to keep, though
without appreciable results. We can reconstruct something from indications in the goodnights given
at Valdocco and from the Epistolario. In general to economise on time, Don Bosco did want undue
outward show. By preference the work done was internal, involving his joint responsibility with the
religious superior as manager of a house of education, governor, educator, spiritual director,
confessor, animator, father, brother, friend of the teachers and pupils.
He was busy with a visit to Mirabello, Cherasco and Lanzo from 10/11 to 20 March 1870. 130
Another was planned for Lanzo in a letter he wrote from Rome early in the month, for the second
week of Lent, 14–20 March. In the postscript he recommended: ‘When I come to Lanzo do not plan
any celebrations. In church but nowhere else.’131 When at Mirabello he promised a new visit for the
‘first fortnight in May’ the same year.132 He announces to the boys at Lanzo on 11 February 1871
that he would be visiting on Monday morning, 13 February ‘to celebrate carnival’ with them.133
He went to Borgo S. Martino ‘Tuesday next at 11 a.m.’134 He indicated another visit to Varazze
and Morassi at the end of June 1872: ‘Tomorrow [Wednesday 12] I am going to Varazze and
Friday evening hope to be in Genoa.’135 He visited the college at Lanzo at the end of November
1872 and a few days later, the hospice at Sampierdarena. He made a brief visit to Alassio,
Varazze, Sampierdarena from 26–29 April, and on 26 November was again at Sampierdarena, and
at Borgo S. Martino on the 28th. He spent a few days at Lanzo from 6 December. From 10–13
May, 1874 he went from Alassio to Varazze to Sampierdarena, visiting the colleges once more
from 9–12 June. From 25–29 June he was again at Sampierdarena, Sestri Ponente and Genoa.
127 Letter of 16 July 1877, E III 200–201.
128 Letter of 24 November 1872, Em III 496.
129 Letter of 26 December 1872, Em III 500–501.
130 From Mirabello, a letter to the secretary of the Bishop of Casale, 10/11 March 1870, Em III 193.
131 To Fr Lemoyne, 17 February 1870, Em III 186.
132 To Fr Bonetti, 17 February 1870, Em III 185.
133 To Fr Lemoyne and the boys, 11 February 1871, Em III 308.
134 To Fr G. Bonetti, 27 July 1871, Em III 349.
135 To Baron Cataldi and Countess Gambaro, 11 June 1872, Em III 439–440.

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As we have seen, on his way back from the first trip to Nice he stopped at Alassio from 15–19
December and from there went on to Sampierdarena.
In 1875, Don Bosco dedicated the first half of June to the colleges in Liguria, Alassio, Varazze,
Sampierdarena.136 At the end , from the hospice at Sampierdarena he planned a visit to Borgo S.
Martino from Friday 18 to Monday 21 June, including a meal with the Bishop of Casale and another
with the parish priest of the area.137 He returned there halfway through November.138 When the
foundation was opened in Nice in 1875, as we have seen he stopped over at Alassio, Varazze,
Sampierdarena both on the way there and on return. He spoke of this at Valdocco on the evenings
of 7, 8 December. Speaking on the evening of 22 December, he brought greetings from the boys at
Lanzo to their schoolmates at Valdocco.
We have already noted the letter of 3 January, 1876 and his talk on the 22nd reflected the
contents.139 Then on 12 January, in a circular to the Salesians, he took his cue from the visits to the
houses noted above, expressing his complete satisfaction at how they were going ‘morally and
materially’ and with regard to their ‘internal administration and their relationships outside.’ 140 From
the last week of February to 12 March 1876 he made a long visit from Nice to Vallecrosia, Alassio,
Varzze, Sampierdarena, as we see from letters from the various cities. ‘I am visiting the riviera’ he
wrote to Fr Cagliero on 3 March ‘and our houses are proceeding to my greatest satisfaction.’141)
His travels and visits, as well as being of a guiding and directive nature, were of great
educational and spiritual value. Don Bosco’s priority everywhere was with the rector and their
collaboration. He loved informed about the various moral, pedagogical, disciplinary, administrative
problems and relations with civil, scholastic and religious authorities. He pointed to possible
solutions, settled some internal and external disputes, and met the most accessible benefactors
and Cooperators. He visited the sick of the house and gave the goodnight each evening, heard
confessions of boys and Salesians morning and evening, and made himself available for the
exercise for a happy death, met with Salelsians after night prayers, joined with the boys and their
teachers in the courtyard, was present at any academics or plays. The boys he gave special
preferences to were the ones from the higher classes, receiving them for private chats, speaking
especially of vocations. During the goodnight he brought news and greetings from the other
colleges recounted his dreams, encourage them to remain in God’s grace, avoid idleness, bad
conversations and actions, invited them to be sincere in their confessions, encouraged them to be
open with their Rector and warned the discontented and restless ones.
Between the Rector and the Prefect he was informed of the financial status of the work, helping
the weak and soliciting some contribution from the more flourishing ones. He did not fail to collect
any possible monies available to help the mother house which constitutionally had little income and
was more a charitable hospice than a college and was responsible for the entire formation of most
of the personnel destined to run the other works.
5. Youthful celebrations at Valdocco
There were two main events on which not only the young residents but boys from other works
nearby or at least their representatives focused, and to which those further away or a very long
136 Cf. letter to Fr Chiatellino, 30 June 1875, Em IV 475.
137 To Fr Bonetti, 16 June 1875, Em IV 470.
138 To Fr Bonetti, 13 November 1875, Em IV 550.
139 To the college at Lanzo, 3 January 1876, E III 5.
140 E III 6–7.
141 E III 28.

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way away sent messages of various kinds: the Feast of Mary Help of Christians on 24 May and
Don Bosco’s name day, which by convention was held on 24 June. Both created a fervour of
expectation and emotions over the few weeks preceding and following the events. An example is
what he wrote in January 1871 to the Rector of Borgo S. Martino, sending him the Strenna for the
new year: ‘You can renew the hope for our dear boys that up till now everything is going well for
them to come to the Feast of Mary Help of Christians. They will be part of the program as follows:
23 May, a musical evening put on by the students from the junior seminary at Borgo S. Martino. I
believe there will be no difficulties for food and the journey. We have to think about where they
sleep. This will be arranged … At any rate, dante Deo, I want us to have a great celebration and for
us to be happy. We already have half price on the steam train. I hope we can do even better.’142
We have already spoken of the consecration of the Church of Mary Help of Christians in June
1868, and the Marian devotion that flowed from it. The Feast of Mary Help of Christians was
undoubtedly the most popular (in terms of participants) of the celebrations at Valdocco. AS we
have seen, the involvement of the Oratory boys was huge. But the boys were active along with a
crowd of devotees from outside and who tended to dominate the scene.143
The Feast of St John the Baptist, which was chosen for Don Bosco’s name day, was by contrast
a family occasion for the boys, Salesian Cooperators and past pupils. An especially rich section of
the Salesian Central Archives is reserved for the Honour shown Don Bosco during his lifetime,
mostly relating to his name day, a significant amount of material that deserves careful study. It
highlights the fascination Don Bosco aroused and the ‘educative’ and emotional potential the
celebrations led to and added to. Among the many community and individual letters of teachers
and boys, prose and poetry compositions by young students, working boys, clerics and others,
hymns written by Fr Lemoyne and musical compositions stand out, initially by the lay teacher from
outside, Giovanni De Vecchi, then by Salesian Brother Giuseppe Dogliani (1849–1934) .
Particularly expressive was the one dedicated to Fr John Bosco feted by the boys from the Oratory
of St Francis de Sales on his name day on the occasion of his return from Rome. Don Bosco had
been at St Peter’s celebrating his 25th anniversary of the election to the Papacy of Pius IX (1846–
71). He had held over the celebrations at home until 8–9 July, and the bard sang:
All around echoes
With applause for the Director
The most tender Father
The king of our hearts.
Compositions by pupils and Salesians vied to outdo one another in their affection while past
pupils ‘once educated in this house’ had their own competition. The better equipped were printers
who could offer a professionally printed poem To Father John Bosco, celebrating his return from
Rome and his name day like tender children for their beloved father; the young printers from the
Oratory offer their feeble floral tribute. It is little for what you deserve; it is nothing compared to our
affection.
An unforeseen but especially joyful celebration was the one for Don Bosco’s return following his
illness at Varazze. It was celebrated on the Saturday and Sunday, 17 and 18 February 1872,
coinciding with the solemnity of St Francis de Sales. Fr Lemoyne, the poet once more, wrote:
The blessed feast
Your day of safe return
From illness dire
142 To Fr G. Bonetti, s. d., Em III 286.
143 Cf. Chap. 16, § 6.

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Becomes a joy so keen
That sorrow must expire.
The celebration on 24 June 1873 was carefully prepared for by two meetings of the House
Council, and a third meeting critically examined how things were proceeding.144 We have already
mentioned the 1874 occasion where Don Bosco was celebrated as the New Moses in an epic
hymn. The house chronicle rightly noted: ‘The Archbishop felt it was a bit over the top.”145 The
same year, for the first time Don Bosco’s birthday was also celebrated. It was kept low–key
however – just a musical and literary academy held on Saturday 15 August.146 ‘Festivities in 1877
reached fever pitch. They were transferred to 28, 29 June. On the 28th it was associated with a
welcome to Archbishop Federico Aneiros of Buenos Aires with his retinue.147 There were songs and
other items for both men being feted. ‘Two hymns were sung, one by the trade students put to
music by Dogliani’ based on epic texts by Fr Lemoyne. On the 29th, ‘towards 6.30 p.m. the
celebration for D. Bosco recommenced, all like the day before but there was a larger number of
outsiders present. The session ended at 10.00 p.m.’148 In 1878 celebrations began on the vigil of
24 June, a Sunday, when the external feast of St Aloysius was being celebrated. ‘After the
ceremonies it was Don Bosco’s celebration, beginning 6.30 and ending at 8. 30. Fireworks, supper
then bed. 24. Solemnity of St John. At 9.30 a.m. the Old Boys from the Oratory were received at
the door by the Oratory band, then entered and presented their usual valuable gift to D. Bosco for
whom they always retain so much affection.’ ‘After the ceremonies, the celebration began in the
courtyard at 6.30: reading of compositions, singing, musical instruments. The day boys attending
the oratories of St Francis and St Aloysius presented their ‘bocchetti’ [bouquets of flowers, prayers,
etc.].’ Rain prevented the evening celebrations from continuing so they were postponed till St
Peter’s day. But that day too the usual rain meant the academy had to be held in the study hall.149
Similar festivities of the kind were held in the years to follow, right up to Don Bosco’s final name
day celebrated in 1887.150
6. Past pupils – Salesians due to the education received
During Don Bosco’s lifetime there was no official organisation of past pupils into unions or
federations. The shift from relationships in person or through correspondence with Don Bosco to
one of the group, visibly occurred in 1870 for the first time. A reasonable number of them, led by
bookbinder Carlo Gastini, met on 24 June in a room adjacent to the Church of Mary Help of
Christians, inviting Don Bosco to come. He gave them a very affectionate talk. They offered him a
gift and listened to his kind words. In the years that followed numbers increased until in 1876 Don
Bosco himself suggested adding a day in July to the 24 June date when they could meet for a meal
together: on Sunday for lay people and a weekday for clergy.
Carlo Gastini (1833–1902) remained chief organiser of these meetings. He had been at the
Oratory from 1848, was a cleric for a year, then a teacher of bookbinding and from 1875 the chief
organiser of the Valdocco past pupils. He became president of a committee that coordinated the
initiatives. In 1871 Fr Giacomo Bellia (1834–1908), a companion of Gastini’s at Valdocco from
144 Cf. J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 179–180.
145 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 190–191.
146 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 192.
147 Cf. Chap. 25, § 1.
148 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 57.
149 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 67–68.
150 For some years there were indications, in J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 81 (1880), 94
(1886), 169 (1872), 207 (1875), 216 (1876), 241 (1878), 247 (1881), 250 (1882).

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1848 to 1856, gave an address of welcome. Some notes in the chronicle for the name day
celebrations in 1884 offer interesting information on Gastini’s role. They speak of a group of more
than 300 ‘old boys of the Oratory’. Clergy and lay people from all walks of life and professions. At
10.00 a.m. they went to Don Bosco to present their greetings and as a sign of gratitude offered him
‘a beautiful ornate vestment.’ At a certain point, the chronicle tells us, ‘Mr Carlo Gastini stood up
and as head of the past pupils association’ spoke to the man they were celebrating on behalf of the
others and the affection they felt for him. ‘He offered warm wishes for a long and very happy life in
inimitable words.’151 At the next gathering on 13 July, mainly of lay past pupils, a secretary and
president were chosen for the committee organising the name day event. The Salesian Bulletin did
not skimp on praises for the president Carlo Gastini, who in his performance as a joker appeared
to put the address by Prof. Fabre and another speech by Prof. Germano in the shade. Following
him, the secretary, Mr Luigi Fumero, recalled the fifteen or so years of those events and ‘suggested
a collection for the celebration of a Mass in the Church of Mary Help of Christians for deceased
past pupils.’ Don Bosco concluded by expressing his gratitude and consolation among things for
‘knowing that everyone was in praise of this meeting since it was a real way of remembering the
advice and counsel I gave you when you were boys.’152
In the name of the committee, Carlo Gastini and Matteo Alasio, secretary, announced Don
Bosco’s death to the Oratory past pupils on 31 January 1888.153
Don Bosco felt that the past pupils belonged to the same family and were as Salesian as their
religious older brothers. By dint of the belief he entrusted them with the task of extending the
educational and preventive mission they had benefited from as they exercised their own physical
and spiritual fatherhood. In one of his talks to past pupil priests he prefaced his remarks with the
following: ‘By the name “Salesian” I mean all who are educated here in the Oratory in the principles
and sayings, of this great Saint. So for me you are all Salesians.’154) On 25 and 29 July, 1850 he
encouraged lay and priestly past pupils to work together in the common task, He encouraged the
lay members not only to be always and everywhere ‘good Christians and men of probity’ but also, if
fathers of families, to share the education they had received at the Oratory with their dear ones:
‘We are Salesians and as such we forget everything, forgive everyone, do as much good as we
can and do evil to no one.’ Therefore, show that you are ‘good Salesians, true sons of D. Bosco
whose keenest desire is to populate heaven with souls and empty hell of them, should there be
any.’ ‘The education you received from D. Bosco at the Oratory is something to share with your
dear ones.’155 He also suggested the possibility of them being a specific social tool. He told them at
a meeting on Sunday 23 July, 1882: ‘Some have suggested you revise our former mutual aid
society among yourselves.’ ‘From then on’ he noted ‘the so–called Catholic Workers Societies
were founded in almost every city and town and they are a real blessing for our times.’ He invited
them to join one and take an active part in the spiritual and material benefits thereof.156
On 3 July 1884, Don Bosco praised their coming together each year and stated: ‘I feel that I
love you now even more than once upon a time because by your presence you assure me that the
principles of our holy religion I taught you have remained firm in your hearts and guide you in life. I
feel that I love you more because you let me see how your hearts are all for Don Bosco. You tell
me: “Here we are D. Bosco, to protest that we are all yours on the way to salvation and your
151 L’onomastico di D. Bosco in Turin, BS 8 (1884) no. 7, July, p. 98.
152 BS 8 (1884) no. 8, August, pp. 112–113.
153 Text in MB XVIII 814–815.
154 Disc.on 17 July 1884, BS 8 (1884) no. 8, August, p. 115.
155 La gratitudine filiale a lieta mensa colla bontà paterna, BS 4 (1880) no. 9, September, p. 10.
156 Giocondo spettacolo di amor figliale e di bontà paterna, BS 6 (1882) no. 9, September, p. 150.

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thoughts are still ours.” And I say to you that I am all yours in every one of my thoughts and
actions.’157
His address to past pupils on 29 July 1880 was more detailed and demanding: ‘I would have
many things to tell you,’ he began, ‘The main one is for you to do as much as possible for youth in
your parishes, cities, towns and families.’ He then pointed out ways, approaches ‘for succeeding
well with youngsters.’ Going back to the original principles he tried to instil in them: ‘Make a great
effort to be well–mannered with them; make them love and not fear you. Show them and convince
them that it is the salvation of their souls you seek. Correct their faults patiently and charitably.
Above all, refrain from hitting them. In brief, see that when they see you the come running to you
and not away from you as happens too often in many places and often rightly so because they fear
being hit.’158
Two years later he spoke of the long and difficult process before how could realise his plans for
young people despite all the problems and opposition, and he spelt out a typically Salesian
principle for doing good: ‘Does the world vilify and harm us? We just do good to it, working for its
religious, moral well–being and, where we can, also moral and physical well–being. Let us put St
Paul’s advice into practice: Noli vinci a malo sed vince in bone malum – do not wish to be
overcome by the malice and perversity of your adversaries, but seek to win them over to God with
your good works. Above all try to do good to children, the poor, the sick, like our Divine Master did
and this way shut sad people up. And what is better, you will attract God’s [protection for yourself
and the work of your holy ministry. He who is protected and blessed by God will be invincible.’159
Again, on 19 July 1883, he stressed old and new aspects of apostolic zeal: ‘Live always as
good priests as your old friend taught you and instilled in you. Be zealous for the salvation of souls
who are unfortunately being lost. Take special care of youth in your towns, for society’s hopes lie in
them. Remain united with the Head of the Church, the Vicar of Jesus Christ. Let us always love
and pray for one another.’160 Again, the following year, speaking to priests, he suggested a relevant
apostolate in his view given the waste of lives in various ways, people gambling, duelling or
suicide: he urged them to consider the precious gift of life: ‘Our life on earth well used is a foretaste
of eternal life.’161
157 BS 8 (1884) no. 8, August, p. 113.
158 BS 4 (1880) no. 9, September, p. 11.
159 BS 6 (1882) no. 9, September, p. 151.
160 BS 7 (1883) no. 8, August, p. 129.
161 Address on 17 July 1884, BS 8 (1884) no. 8, August, pp. 1–16.

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Chapter 24
Forger of religious Communities vowed to the
education of youth (1865–77)
1871 January: Ricordi confidenziali ai direttori (Confidential reminders for rectors);
30: Continuation of ‘Rectors Conferences);
1872 12 October: guidelines for distribution of personnel.
1873 Begins drawing up the Memoirs of the Oratory of St Francis de Sales;
3 June and 15 November: two important circulars on religious life.
1874 5 February: third circular on religious life.
1875
January: Don Bosco unearths the manuscript on Le perquisizioni (Searches) from
1860;
First lives of deceased Salesians in the Year Book;
1–16 April: General Rector’s Conferences;
26 May: Don Bosco retells the early Oratory times;
Spring – summer: Ai soci salesiani (To Salesian Confreres), introduction to the Italian
edition of the Constitutions;
18–26 September: Conferences for Chapter members and rectors.
1877 The final St Francis de Sales Conferences.
Only from 1875 did Don Bosco begin to organise separate areas at the Oratory for novices and the
young students of philosophy. Then from 1879 he created a community in an appropriate house at
San Benigno Canavese, 19 kilometres north of Turin for one group followed by another 8
kilometres on at Foglizzo Canavese, just for clerical novices and philosophy students.
As already indicated for the Oratory, Salesians and boys in other works too formed two distinct
communities, one educational the other religious, but not separate ones. Therefore the substance
of educational and religious leadership and management of the colleges, hospices, oratories
involved both boys and their religious education, including the spoken ‘magisterium’ or teaching
imparted through goodnights and other forms of oral communication. Where possible, certain
practices were reserved for the Salesians: meditation, special conferences, yearly retreats – often,
however with a good group of aspirants and novices involved – particular circulars, the monthly
‘rendiconto’ or personal talk prescribed by the Constitutions. So while we speak of Don Bosco as a
formator and animator of consecrated Salesians through various approaches, we should not
overlook his activity across the whole community, which offered substantial elements defining their
personality both as religious and educators.
1. Forming those responsible for educative communities

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Of all the formation channels for religious educators in a Salesian style, the dominant one was their
constant involvement, working in common at the local and general level and in harmony with the
Founder and Superior General, Don Bosco. His being and activity were the most reliable model
and reference for the lived reinterpretation of Salesianity in religious, educational, social assistance
terms.
1.1 Doing things like Don Bosco
His collaborators intuited and assimilated the Founder’s and Father’s faith, charity, realism,
concreteness, far–sightedness, zeal for salvation, hopes. His very person, his style of government,
his strong communicative ability were a more than implicit schooling for religious, educators,
leaders of different kinds. He was somehow the prototype with his innate special mentality which
had by now matured through his typical perception of the time and society in which he operated.
He explained all the things that made up his personality and action by instilling them through a
whole range of behaviours: straight talk, essentiality, rejection of bureaucratic red tape, his lack of
sufferance of formality, the wise way he circumvented interference by authorities he believed
should be ignored or pre–empted, since they seemed to limit or coerce socially and educationally
productive activities: surveillance efforts, inspectors, council administrators, scholastic advisers
and superintendents, people responsible for conscription into the army, custodians of restrictive
canonical rules.
It became easier for his co–workers near and far to identify with him and with someone closer to
him than others who was able to support and interpret him and whom Don Bosco regarded as
authorised to act in certain delegated areas with full authority. Fr Rua, as we shall see further on,
acted as president at conferences or yearly rectors meetings, but especially as Prefect General
and Vicar he was able for decades to be a daily and faithful echo of his founding superior’s
thoughts and intentions and not only in the disciplinary and administrative sector which was his
specific competence.1 On one occasion, when Don Bosco was absent from the Oratory at a
decisive moment for redistribution of personnel for the new school year, it was to Rua, ably
governing matters at Valdocco, that he turned: ‘Go ahead with changes to personnel but do what
you can to see that things are done freely and not by force.’2 ‘Adjust matters regarding personnel,
as I have said, but do what you can to keep those in charge and the teachers happy.’3
On another occasion he ended a letter in these words: ‘In omnibus caritas. See that everyone
you speak with becomes your friend.’4 It was a sign of complete trust in a man who was more and
more becoming his alter ego, someone he also kept informed of his own health: ‘My health has
improved much; last night, however, I had a bit of a fever lasting around four hours but without
consequence other than a bit of tiredness.’5 Some days earlier he had written: ‘My health has
improved somewhat: I felt the brief fever at night, instead of midday, but much milder and with less
of a headache.’6
Educators and superiors, whether new or already proven, learned almost by osmosis from Don
Bosco what was to be the fundamental feature of their profession: wisdom informed by charity. It
was moderation which did not lessen the desire for perfection but responded to a wise and
constructive realism. We find it expressed in the opening of a letter to one rector, a minor treatise
1 To Fr M. Rua, 18 November 1875, Em IV 562.
2 To Fr M. Rua, 16 October 1872, Em III 476.
3 Letter of 19 October 1872, Em III 478.
4 To Fr M. Rua from St Ignatius above Lanzo in “an amazing retreat session”, 10 August 1873, Em IV 142.
5 Ibid.
6 Letter, beginning of August 1873, Em IV 135.

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on professional spirituality: ‘I am fully in agreement with you. The best is what we seek but
unfortunately we have to content ourselves, amongst so many ills, with the mediocre. These are
our times. Despite this, the results obtained thus far should satisfy us. Let us be humble before
God, recognise that it all comes from him, pray especially at Mass at the “elevation of the host” for
yourself, your efforts, your children.’7 It is clear that ‘mediocre’ does not mean ‘little’, something just
a little better than adequate, but average, a measure between good and adequate.
1.2 Formation through story telling
‘Doing as Don Bosco does’ also concerned the past and future which he would refer to either
through story or prediction. In the 1870s, he used to tell the story of exactly how he had done
things in the 50’s and 60’s. Fr Barberis’ diary or Cronichetta and other diaries he kept or
encouraged others to keep, furnish us with Don Bosco’s memories of his activity among the boys
and the Salesians close to him as written down in various contexts between 1875 and 1879. They
were used in the formation and animation of aspirants, novices and young professed. He had two
main ways of retelling things –viva voce and in writing. On 26 May 1875, there was a lively
discussion on the Beginning of the Oratory, the paradigmatic institution which summed up the
various initiatives on behalf of young people. In ideal terms all these activities were the Oratory.
There was no lack of dramatisation that gave little heed to historical precision.8 Beginning with
1873, these tended to reflect what Don Bosco had already entrusted to the Memoirs of the Oratory
of St Francis de Sales. ‘I have written down a number of things’ he confided to them ‘which will be
very instructive for us’ even though some ‘cannot be published, at least for now.’
With those closest to him gathered around him, he would recall the origins in 1845–46 on a
range of different occasions with extraordinary evocative potential.9 Sometimes the one urging him
on was Fr Barberis, novice master, thus guide and animator for all those starting out in Salesian
life. He liked of an evening ‘after prayers, to tell the clerical novices something of the early days at
the Oratory.10 It was Barberis who recorded things covering a wide variety of topics which he heard
from Don Bosco at Lanzo around the end of September, beginning of October 1876. On a one to
one basis a whole range of memories of the early Oratory times flourished, where Don Bosco was
the absolute main figure in confronting some of the most difficult youth situations, the Cocche
(gangs), street fights, his ability to arouse religious sentiment.11 There were other reminiscences in
November 1878 when Don Bosco was putting the final touches to the Memoirs of the Oratory: they
regarded the turbulent events of 1848 and the search for trustworthy helpers.12
The Memoirs of the Oratory were written for the most part over 1873–75. There were summary
outlines referring to 1815–24 and in more detailed form covering the decades 1825–35, 1835–45,
1845–55. The last twenty or thirty pages, refined in 1878–79 and beyond, record publicly known
facts: the building of the Church of St Francis de Sales, the explosion at the powder factory, the
beginning of the Letture Cattoliche, closing with the entrance on scene of an unexpected ‘alien
figure’, the legendary Grigio or ‘grey dog’.13 They were ‘memoirs’ – so the author tells us at the
beginning of his work – which he intended to be reserved for ‘my beloved Salesian sons: I forbid
7 To Fr G. Bonetti, 6 June 1870, Em III 213.
8 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 1, pp. 27–31.
9 Conversation on Saturday evening 1 January 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3, p. 46–56.
10 Reflections on 1 January 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3, p. 46.
11 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 11, pp. 14–26, 40–41; other reminders on 15 November 1878, quad. 12,
pp. 46–53.
12 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 14, pp. 19–22.
13 MO (2010) 18–20; cf. F. DESRAMAUT, Les Memorie I de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne. Étude d’un ouvrage
fondamental sur la jeunesse de saint Jean Bosco. Lyon 1962, pp. 115–119.

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that these things be made public during my lifetime or after my death.’14 The readers, unaware of
the use they would soon be put to, took this prohibition literally, so much so that the first edition of
the bulky manuscript was only attended to by Eugene Ceria in 1946.
The document had not been entirely secret. Already from 1877/78 it was in Fr Bonetti’s hands
and he made use of it in writing the History of the Oratory of St Francis de Sales which came out in
instalments in the Salesian Bulletin from January 1879 to August 1886. It contained more than half
of the text, the part that reconstructed the beginning and developments of the Oratory and parallel
activities between 1841 and 1854.15 Don Bosco himself had already described their narrative,
formative and manifesto–like character in the title. They were not to be understood as ‘Auto–
biographical memoirs’ but literally as ‘Memoirs of the Oratory of St Francis de Sales even though in
certain ways the author sometimes seems to identify the beginnings and development of the
Oratory with the events of his own life: his birth on 15 August, the dream at 9 years of age, his
performances at the Becchi etc. There is no doubt it was – as he states in his preface – a
normative history, a classic historia magistra vitae or aid to ‘help people overcome problems that
may come in the future by learning from the past.’
It was to be recreational and evocative reading, ‘some entertainment’ for the children and an
exemplary history he had inherited from the past, according to which the objective truth was
inseparable from its theological interpretation: ‘Make known how God himself has always been our
guide,’ this of course being the conviction of all believing historians over the centuries.16 To a
considerable extent, then, they are memoirs of the future and, with many reservations, theological
and historical memoirs of the past.17
Emerging from them are the unmistakable features of the Salesian educator which Don Bosco
repeatedly described in narrative accounts, conferences, familiar conversations. The decision to
dedicate himself passionately and joyfully to the most needy youth was not only a sign of a divine
call confirmed at the moment of definitive choice: ‘My inclination is to work for young people.’18 At
the summit of his charitable and educational assistance was the ongoing Christian yearning for
eternal salvation guaranteed by the life of grace preserved or regained through appropriate means:
prayer, the sacraments, catechism, devotion to Mary Virgin and Mother. ‘Religion was a
fundamental part of education’ he recalled, writing of the college at Chieri, and it was also a sure
safeguard for ‘morality’ and the ‘exact fulfilment of our duty.’19
The chief way to relate to young people was educative assistance [being with them in an
educational way], experienced as a pressing personal and social need, something he felt from his
first contact with boys ‘abandoned to their own resources.’20 He was also deeply convinced of the
need for new, fresh places to encounter young people and for them to come together, the oratory,
by a variety of names and in varied forms: not only a place for catechesis and religious practice but
also a school, hospice, club, a place for leisure.21 It was fully consistent, then, that prevention and
assistance would give rise to various kinds of initiatives be they social, religious, apologetic: the
Mutual Aid Society, the Catholic Readings, Sodalities, books and pamphlets.22 His interest was in
14 MO (2010) 30.
15 Cf. MO (2010) 133–190 compared with the preceding pages 27–132.
16 MO (2010) 30.
17 Cf. P. BRAIDO, “Memorie” del futuro, RSS 11 (1992) 97–127; A. GIRAUDO, Introducción a San Juan Bosco,
Memorias del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales de 1815 a 1855. Notas históricas y bibliográficas de J.
M. Prellezo. Madrid, Editorial CCS 2003, pp. VII–XXXVII.
18 MO (2010) 108, 128.
19 MO (2010) among other references to religion, fulfilment of duty: 33, 35, 47, 55, 61, 63, 92, 105, 136
20 MO (2010) 101.
21 MO (2010) 151, 153, 154.
22 MO (2010) 149, 175, 179.

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the whole young person, always leading to eternal and temporal, spiritual and material values, but
able to fully embody the ideal of the profoundly happy believer in harmony with God, self, and
others.23
The educator that Don Bosco represented and proposed for imitation by his Salesians was one
armed above all with loving and youthful kindness, able to restore lost affection, and fill sad
loneliness with the intensity of friendly, community relationships: it was a counter point to the
undoubtedly worthy but less accessible type of cleric the young Bosco experienced in his parish
and at the seminary.24 Again, it was essential for him to take the initiative and meet the
irrepressible, youthful desire for happiness and the need to be cheerful, with joy and festivity. The
‘tools, which were the church and recreation’ were constantly paired with ‘church functions’
associated with recreational ‘amusement,’ ‘games. Recurring terms in the text include
cheerfulness, joy, hilarity, cheering up, laughing and, literally, ‘singing, running, jumping, having
fun,’ ‘somersaults, songs, making noise, leisure times.’ This is why the boys found ‘their earthly
paradise’ at the Oratory.25
Over the same years, as well as writing the Memoirs of the Oratory of St Francis de Sales, Don
Bosco was attending to the revision of the old manuscript on The Searches from 1860. We have
already spoken of this in reference to that dramatic year for the history of the Church in Italy. Don
Bosco stated that he had written the manuscript at the time but felt it was particularly relevant now
for the formation of his Salesians, so he took it up again in 1875, speaking of the searches a year
later to the Salesians closest to him.26 In early February 1875 he wrote to his secretary Fr Berto:
‘This morning Savio brought me three exercise books [of the Memoirs of the Oratory]. Perhaps it
would be good to revise the history of the searches once more before copying it.’27 When it was
published in the Salesian Bulletin between 1884 and 1886, considerably extended and
paraphrased in the five chapters of the History of the Oratory written by Fr Bonetti, it was able to
become a written ‘magisterium’ on what the superior and founder had taught them by word and
example while he was still alive.28
1.3 Conferences and circulars
A privileged vehicle for religious formation of superiors and subjects were the talks and
conferences given on a regular or occasional basis, and circular letters.
On 6 April 1869, following the profession of triennial vows by Frs Giovanni Garino and
Francesco Dalmazzo, Don Bosco gave a talk in which he said he hoped every member of the
Society would be a founder called to guarantee that it would remain solidly anchored in the original
motivations. A fundamental point was chastity and he pointed out its classic enemies: otia, vina,
dapes, idleness and intemperance in eating and drinking. He then went back over cautions and
safeguards: keep to the timetable of the house, make a visit to the Blessed Sacraments, go
regularly to confession and communion, practise the rules of the Congregation, temperance in food
and drink. He pointed to the tasks imposed by papal approval of the Salesian Society: there was a
need to ‘reorder and establish it.’ This meant the need to ‘examine which individuals’ were suited to
it and which ones not; religious and parish priests in the countryside were asking to enter and there
23 MO (2010) among others, 35, 55, 64, 74, 104–105, 131–132, 137.
24 MO (2010) 48, 80–81.
25 MO (2010) 35, 39, 54, 55, 66, 114 ...
26 Conversation on 1 January 1876, G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3, pp. 46–47.
27 Letter beginning of February 1875; Em IV 405; cf. Chap. 13, §§ 2.1, 2.2, 2.3.
28 Cf. P. BRAIDO – F. MOTTO, Don Bosco tra storia e leggenda nella memoria su “Le perquisizioni”. Testo
critico e introduzione, in RSS 8 (1989) 143–144, 187–188.

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was a need ‘however, to go very slow in accepting them because,’ he said ‘they want to come here
to command.’ He went on: ‘Let us be careful that none of the traditions are changed, otherwise it
will be difficult to return to the fervour of old.’ He announced the election of new members of the
Superior Chapter to be held in December and concluded: ‘Let us see that each of us is a worthy
founder of the Society of St Francis de Sales so that those who read our history can find very many
models among us.’29
The election took place on 10 December. The only variation was the entry of Fr Albera (1845–
1921) into the Chapter in place of Fr Francesia who was appointed Rector at Cherasco. Don
Bosco reminded those elected that ‘the job required patience and sacrifice.’ He did not hide from
them that they were ‘beginning a life full of thorns’ ‘like at the beginning of the Society.’ But they
could be consoled since they had ‘our Divine Saviour on the one side and the Blessed Virgin on
the other.’ He then announced that ‘before the end of the year’ he would have printed ‘a list’ of
those making up the Congregation, and at the end, the names of deceased Salesians. He said
these would soon be a separate ‘monograph’ written, pointing to the ‘principal virtues for which the
deceased was known.’30
Notable, too, were the reflections he offered on 12 January 1873 after the re–election of the
Economer, Fr Savio and three councillors: Frs Provera, Durando and Ghivarello. He stressed the
fact that the growth of the Congregation had imposed the neat distinction between the Superior
Chapter and the Valdocco Chapter, hoping the Superior Chapter could be given its own area to
operate in and where its members could live. The Society’s growth (Don Bosco pointed to the
Jesuits as a model) demanded that its ‘members be zealous ministers of it, worthy sons of Francis
de Sales just as Jesuits showed themselves to be courageous sons of St Ignatius Loyola,’
remaining united and supportive, although targeted from all side. Salesians, clerical or lay, in
whatever role or whatever place on earth, alone or together, should always, ‘bear in mind the
purpose of the Congregation to instruct youth and our neighbour in general in skills and knowledge
and more so in religion, that is, the salvation of souls.’ Despite the pressing formation needs, in
obedience to Pius IX’s wishes, the work would be carried out bearing in mind, however, the
purpose indicated and its demands.31
In the same year, 1873 the planning and already pre–announced series of three circulars
began, touching on points he considered essential for religious life. The first on 4 June, concerned
material interests, sharpened by the fact that ‘the purchase, construction, renovation and
establishment of new houses were cause for very serious expenditure,’ as at Alassio, Varazze,
Marassi, Sampierdarena and the re–founded Lanzo; ‘the increase in all kinds of comestibles –
including the tax on flour – ‘meant that the ‘monthly expenses’ were ‘far in excess of income.’ He
then gave the following directions: ‘No building to be undertaken,’ ‘no journeys to be made’ for
useless reasons. ‘Remember to observe articles 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 of Chapter 4 of our rules’ relating to
the vow of poverty: limiting purchases, introducing economics where comestibles were concerned.
But he added one rather delicate reservation: ‘But it is my intention that nothing be omitted which
can contribute to preserving the health of the body or maintaining morality among the beloved sons
of the Congregation and the students Divine Providence entrusts to our care.’32
Another circular followed on 15 November: in this case discipline, not for pupils but for Salesian
Religious. In essence this was understood as ‘a way of living which complies with the rules and
customs of an institute.’ This is why, he explained, ‘to obtain good results from discipline it is first of
29 Documenti XI 269–271. Emphasis ours.
30 Documenti XI 314–316.
31 Documenti XIII 140–141; MB X 1062–1063.
32 Em IV 114–115.

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all essential that all the rules are observed by everyone.’ He explained that we can distinguish
general rules, ‘the rules of the Congregation’ from the rules proper to each office.
In tune with his sense of concreteness he addressed each of the offices principally responsible
for the smooth running of a Salesian college, omitting reference to the Prefect of Studies or School
Councillor. Most references were to the Rector, with captivating images. He wrote that ‘our houses
can be likened to a garden.’ The ‘gardener is the Rector; the tender plants are the pupils and all the
staff are the growers dependent on their master, meaning the Rector who is responsible for
everyone’s activity. The Rector will achieve much if he does not absent himself from the house
entrusted to him except for reasonable and serious motives.’ ‘In all charity let him often visit or at
least ask about the dormitories, kitchen, infirmary, classrooms and study. He should constantly be
the loving father who wants to know everything in order to do good to everyone and evil to none.’33
The Prefect was ‘censor of discipline’ the first one responsible for order in the house and
relations with people outside. The Catechist or spiritual director of the group as a whole ‘should
remember that the spirit and moral benefit of our houses depends on fostering the Altar boys
society, the Immaculate Conception, Blessed Sacrament and St Aloysius sodalities.’34 Let the
Teachers be ‘the first into the classroom and the last to leave. Let them love their pupils equally,
encourage everyone and despise none. They should feel for the more ignorant ones in the class
and take care of them, question them often and if needs be let them speak with whoever can see
they are helped outside the classroom as well.’35 The Assistants were required to be vigilant,
especially to prevent ‘grumbling’ and worse, ‘improper talk.’36
The third and the most important circular of the series, on 4 February 1874, had morality as its
argument, understood as irreproachableness both inwardly and outwardly, in the sexual arena.
Don Bosco spelt out and developed two issues in this regard: ‘1.The need for morality in Salesian
members. 2. The means for encouraging and sustaining it among our pupils.’ He dwelt especially
on the first of these. ‘It can be established as an invariable principle that the pupils’ morality
depends on who teaches, assists and guides them.’ He then pointed to the fact that ‘public opinion
decries ‘immoral deeds that have taken place and ruined habits and caused horrible scandals’ in
certain houses of education. ‘It is a great evil, a disaster’ he lamented. The cause was clear: ‘the
cessation of holiness in those in charge was the cause of the disasters that occurred among those
dependent on them.’ He begged the Lord that all his works would disappear before ‘similar
misfortune’ should take place there. Strictness was never excessive in a world which was inclined
to invent non–existent matters or give substance to simple suspicion. He concluded emphatically:
‘Oh chastity, chastity, what a great virtue you are! As long as you remain resplendent among us,
meaning so long as the sons of St Francis de Sales practice recollectedness, modesty,
temperance and everything we have promised God by vow, morality and holiness of habits will
have a glorious place among us, and will shine like a burning torch in all the houses dependent on
us.’ Finally, he gave two brief rules: to have three ‘conferences’ or better, three practical
examinations ‘on the vows of poverty, chastity and obedience’ and to re–read ‘the chapter dealing
with the practices of piety’ in the Constitutions.37
There is interesting content in a more restricted circular addressed to the two governing bodies
at the mother house, the Superior Chapter and the ‘House Chapter’. The style seems unusual,
both for its opening and closing. Don Bosco was writing from Lanzo ‘for the greater glory of God
and the honour of our holy religion and the benefit of the Salesian Society’ confirming in more
33 Em IV 178–179.
34 Em IV 179.
35 Em IV 179–180.
36 Em IV 180.
37 Em IV 215–217.

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summary fashion what he had developed in the circular on 15 November 1873 and would stress
again in the circular at the beginning of 1876. First of all he recommended promoting all four
sodalities and the altar boys society. He then listed some points of particular importance for the
smooth running of the mother house and other houses: ‘Put into practice effective means for
preventing criticism and grumbling about the running of the Oratory and the Superior’s
arrangements.’ ‘Take special care of sick confreres.’ ‘Ordinarily just one meat dish for dinner and a
mixed dish at supper.’ ‘Remind people often that we have made a vow of poverty.’
He asked the superiors to carry these out in hierarchical order after the Vice director, Fr Rua: at
the Oratory these were Frs Durando, Provera, Lazzero. Then concretising each one’s tasks he
wrote; ‘Each day the Director of Studies should spend an hour with matters regarding classes. The
Prefect should spend at least two hours visiting the kitchen, dormitories and other parts of the
house.’ ‘Care of morality and the sick is entrusted in a special way to the Catechist.’ Then there is
an N.B. which stands out as a postscript: ‘Understand, visit, advise, counsel, direct the teaching
staff, assistants and workers. Do not overlook the monthly ‘rendiconto’, the weekly conference to
the confreres as a group.’38 It was a small vademecum or handbook of responsible, detailed
government.
The first biographies of Salesian confreres called to eternal life in 1874 were aimed at
edification. These were published in the list of members and Salesian houses for 1875 similar to
what other Religious Institutes did. According to Don Bosco the main purpose was to present
exemplary figures for imitation: ‘So those who lived among us and practised the same rules in an
exemplary way may be an encouragement to us to follow them in promoting good and avoiding
evil.’39 Brief notes limited to a page, more or less, were already to be found in the 1872, ’73 and ’74
booklets. They foreshadowed what would appear in the more developed biographies and the
edifying elements which could be drawn from them. ‘After having shown clear signs of virtue’ was
the memory of a novice who died in November 1871 at a little more than sixteen years of age, ‘he
enrolled in our society to consecrate himself to the Lord in the bloom of youth and gave himself
completely to divine service. But God did not wait for his works and wanted to compensate his
ardent desires, calling him to enjoy the reward for the sacrifice he had made in abandoning home,
family and friends.’40
Writing of a coadjutor and cleric who died in 1872 he spoke of: ‘The exemplary life they led all
the time they were with us; their keen desire to work for the greater glory of God; their patience and
resignation shown especially in their last long illness; the fervour with which they received the holy
Sacraments.’ ‘Meanwhile let us try to imitate them in their detachment from earthly things and in
the most precious virtue of obedience. Let us do what we can to faithfully observe the rules of our
Congregation and thus hold ourselves in readiness for the great call that God, in his infinite mercy,
will decide to make for some of us this year.’41
‘These three confreres of ours’ a cleric, a coadjutor, a priest who died in 1873 ‘have left us a
shining example of religious observance. They despised the world and all its allures and now, as
we believe, they are already with God enjoying the reward of their labours and sacrifices.’ The
cleric was ‘most commendable for his piety and desire to work for the glory of God.’ The coadjutor
‘showed his constant affection for the Congregation by his tireless work and exact obedience in
everything he was asked to do.’ The third was ‘a zealous, willing priest whose morality was truly
38 Letter of 27 September 1874, Em IV 323.
39 Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Anno 1875. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1875, pp. 15–16.
40 Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Anno 1872. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1872, p. 11.
41 Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Anno 1873. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1873, p. 12.

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admirable,’ ‘and he felt deep regret when he could not do the things he believed were for the
greater glory of God.’42
In 1875, memory was kept of the outstanding Salesians: Fr Francesco Provera, from 1871 until
his death in May 1874 a member of the Superior Chapter; Fr Pestarino who played the main role in
preparing the birth of the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians; they were followed a
few months later by cleric Ghiglione and Fr Giuseppe Cagliero, who succeeded Fr Pestarino in
Salesian guidance of the Sisters. ‘In these dear confreres of ours’ the memoir says ‘we have lost
four evangelical workers, all perpetually professed, all most affectionate towards the Salesian
Congregation, faithfully observant of our Constitutions, truly zealous in working for the greater glory
of God.’ Summing up he said: ‘We can say of them that they lived a short time but worked so
much, as if they had lived for a very long time: Brevi vivens tempore, explivit tempora multa.’43
What Don Bosco had to say about obedience in a conference on 26 September 1875, was of a
deliberately religious nature, thus strengthening the bond it formed. ‘Religious’ obedience of
consecrated persons was a strong point that the founder considered essential and did not fail to
instil until the end of his life. ‘Up til now it is to be noted that obedience was rather more personal
than religious. We avoid this great inconvenience. We do not even obey because so–and–so is the
one giving orders but in principle, because he is superior, because it is God who is commanding
and does so through whoever it be. This is something we must begin to practise among us and
instil, little by little, in others. Until we arrive at this point we will have gained little. We are not to do
things because it pleases us to do them or we like the way they were commended; they are to be
done willingly, simply because they have been commanded. This is to be instilled through
conferences, sermons, confession and any other way possible.’44
The circular he sent out at the beginning of 1876 following his visit to various works throughout
the year before was full of points and practical guidelines. The Superior stated that he was satisfied
with everything, spoke of the many requests for foundations in Italy, overseas, in the missions. He
pointed to what was being done and what he hoped could be done in South America, and insisted
on the need for clerical and religious vocations. He pointed to a number of main ways of nurturing
them and helping the Salesians and boys to grow in the necessary ‘spirit of piety.’ Sodalities had
prime of place, ‘the key to piety, preserving morality, supporting clerical and religious vocations.’ He
then warned of certain relationships, particular friendships, conversations be they in writing, books
or gifts of whatever kind.’ From this came the strict prohibition of all displays of ambiguous
familiarity among educators, between them and their pupils and among the pupils themselves:
‘holding hands,’ caressing the face, kisses, walking arm in arm or going for a walk with arms
around each others shoulders.’ Thirdly, ’avoiding the world and its principles’ was instilled, with a
corollary: ‘Therefore, do not go home to the family unless for serious reasons.’
He ended the series with a rule that is only apparently disciplinary and especially a guarantee of
‘morality.’ ‘In the evening, after prayers, let each one go straight away to bed.’ ‘Punctuality in going
to bed is linked with getting up on time in the morning, which I intend to insist on equally.’45 There is
no question that Don Bosco was absolutely intransigent where morality was concerned, however
this was mixed with pity and respect for privacy. A brief letter to Fr Rua from Varazze is
paradigmatic. He was visiting there and it was in regard to a temporarily professed cleric who was
a dangerous recidivist. ‘Just now’ he wrote ‘the cleric Bollea will have arrived there under the
specious pretext of doing a job for me. But in reality, ob easdem rationes anni elapsi. Therefore,
42 Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Anno 1874. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1874, p. 14.
43 Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Anno 1875. Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1875, pp. 15–18;
Em IV 381–382.
44 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 12, pp. 52–53.
45 Circ., 12 January 1876, E III 6–9.

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dulciter moneatur; habitum deponat, atque saeculariter induatur, but by no means is he to return
here. He could very much compromise us. Ab omni malo libera nos, Domine. Pray a lot.’
But this is not everything. The resolute governor was less so in carrying things out. He did not
want to be pitiless, and consulted with his most trustworthy collaborator. ‘Let me advise you’ he
said in a P.S. ‘to tell Bollea that all his belongings will be sent on. Be prudent and unafraid [Remain
silent, do not fear] when I say here that he has gone to get ready to go to America. And would it
also not be better for him to think that for two or three days?’46
1.4 Rules and advice for Rectors
We have spoken of the relevant task of the rector in the individual communities and the important
document known as the Confidential Reminders for Rectors.47 They were often reinforced and
sometimes recalled in individual letters. He reminded Fr Bonetti: ‘Do not omit the monthly
“rendiconto” and go into all the details that can be helpful for the individual and the Society.’48 He
also drew up an action plan for him in terms which have by now become canonical: “1.The monthly
‘rendiconto’ where you insist on the duty the superior has of speaking frankly and telling his subject
everything. The latter, for his part, tells him things and if they are not said they are called to mind.
2. See if things have improved or not in the “rendiconto” and if advice given has been followed, and
insist they are carried out. 3. Never omit the two monthly conferences, one on ascetics, the other
explaining the rules. 4. Meet with the Chapter and sometimes with all the teachers to study ways
each one feels are appropriate to remedy what must be remedied. 5. Remember that the rector
does not have to do a lot but must see that others do things, watching how each one does his
duties.’ Finally he invited him to read the rules ‘given in writing to each rector of our houses,
meaning the Confidential Reminders.49
2. Group formation through the General Conferences
We have already spoken of the Conferences of St Francis de Sales held from 1866 to 1870. From
1871, with the increase in works, the number of rectors also increased and sometimes, a number
of autumn conferences were added for rectors and prefects, held during the retreat at Lanzo.
These ceased with the First General Chapter in summer–autumn 1877. There were still a brief
series of conferences at Alassio in 1879 but with a limited number of rectors. Don Bosco was
always the ‘teacher’ but Fr Rua began to emerge more frequently as president of most of the
conferences.
At the general conference on 30 January 1871, the day after the Feast of St Francis de Sales,
the rectors made reference to their respective colleges and Fr Pestarino to the Daughters of the
Immaculate at Mornese. Don Bosco was pleased with what they presented, said he was satisfied
that the Congregation had grown in quantity but especially ‘in good will, unity and love for work,’
and that ‘a considerable improvement’ had been noted at the Oratory, especially among the trade
students who in other years were a real scourge for the house.’ He rejoiced that in all the houses
confreres were available for all tasks: teaching, accompanying on walks, tutoring after school while
finding ‘time still to read, study and prepare classes.’ Everyone was fully occupied. He then said:
‘Woe to us if idleness the ruin of Congregations, enters our houses.’ He invited them all to ‘make
money’ especially through savings. There were ‘very heavy expenditures’ meaning ‘at least
46 To Fr M. Rua, 12 June 1875, Em IV 469.
47 Cf. Chap. 17, § 7.1.
48 Letter of 19 April 1871, Em III 324.
49 Letter of 17 April 1873, Em IV 79–80.

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200,000 francs [729,857 euro]. There was also the ‘scourge of conscription,’ buying back
conscripts, over and above the costs of formation of personnel who could not as yet work. Still, he
confirmed the principle by which the Society should not keep real estate, money–producing
‘tenements’ which would alienate us from Providence. The discussion then turned to ‘teatrino’ or
‘small theatre’ and went on at length; Don Bosco was highly critical of certain kinds of language.
The basis should be to amuse and instruct. Some months later, for the first time he issued a four
page printed pamphlet, Regola pel teatrino. (Rule for ‘teatrino’).50 The text then became part of the
Regulations for the houses in 1877 and, in 1878, part of the printed Deliberations from the First
General Chapter of 1877. He continued to emphasise the ‘miracle’ of the ‘admirable growth’ of the
Society despite ‘the evils of the time, the great upsets and fierce wars being waged against good
people.’ ‘Here we see the finger of God,’ he assured them and ‘the protection of Our Lady.’ There
were many forces hostile to religious life: ‘civil authorities,’ ‘laws’, ‘Masons,’ ‘a good number of
journalists.’ Salesians should continue to work with all their strength and means. Arriving at the
conclusion he felt he could only but recommend ‘the virtue which embraces all the others, meaning
obedience.’ ‘Obedience is everything in a Congregation. If obedience is lacking there will be
disorder; everything will go to rack and ruin.’51
There is no documentation on the Salesian conferences in 1872, held after Don Bosco’s return
from Varazze. It would have taken place on the evening of Friday 16 February in an atmosphere of
simple familiar confidence following his return to health.52
In 1873, the Feast of St Francis de Sales was celebrated on Sunday 2 February. The General
Conference took place the following day and was particularly interesting for new accomplishments
of the previous year: the opening of the college at Valsalice, extensions at Lanzo and Alassio, the
transferral of the hospice at Marassi to Sampierdarena. At the beginning of the meeting Don Bosco
had Fr Rua read out the list of members of the Superior Chapter, different from the Oratory
Chapter even though some belonged to both. Then each Rector referred to his house, though Fr
Bonetti from Borgo S. Martino, was absent. As for Mornese, Fr Pestarino said that everything was
going well enough; that we only lacked a superior who is a bit more learned.’53 Don Bosco dwelt on
three points: above all the economy ‘in very critical times for supplies.’ He then said that ‘the most
important thing’ for the Society was ‘exact observance of the rules.’ Finally, there was need for
example which would lead others to follow ‘because si verba movent, exempla trahent.’54 A result
of 1873 conferences was a series of Deliberations sent to the houses.55 In autumn, Fr Ghivarello,
the Economer General, called the rectors and prefects together to discuss problems regarding
keeping regular records and fulfilling duties imposed by the Regulations on the prefect of each
house.’56
In 1874, the conferences were held on Don Bosco’s return from his long Roman sojourn from 30
December 1873 to 14 April 1874 with the Constitutions approved. It seems that there were only
two, one in the morning and the other in the evening of 17 April.57 We can discover ‘the most
salient points’ put by Don Bosco from a memoir by Fr Lemoyne. They focused on two ideas,
fundamental ones following the approval of the Rule: forming oneself in a religious mentality and
feeling that one belonged to a ‘Congregation’. Suggestions relevant to this came from it: the need
50 Turin, Tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales [1871].
51 Documenti XII 129–132; MB X 1054–1059.
52 Cf. letter to Fr G. Bonetti 11 February 1872, from Varazze, Em III 397.
53 Documenti, XIII 145. MB X adjusts the source: “He said how there too things were going very well; it only
lacked a superior who had not yet been chosen” (p. 1065).
54 Documenti XIII 145–146.
55 Documenti XIII 142–143; MB X 1067–1068.
56 Cf. Documenti XIII 207–208; MB X 1069–1070, 1111.
57 Documenti XIII 127; MB X 807.

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to proceed in a precise order; creating unity around the superior who needed to be able to count on
the unconditional availability of the confreres to offer ‘true obedience’, interpreting it not to exempt
oneself but to work ‘prudently and cheerfully.’ As for the Congregation, there was a need ‘to love it,
to defend its reputation’ and not do anything that would dishonour it, ‘working for its growth and
prosperity.’ Detachment from relatives, fidelity, ‘no one going backwards.’ He concluded: ‘Nemo
quaeret quae sua sunt, sed quae Jesu Christi. Frequent conferences should be held where either
Rodriquez could be read or the rector could speak about the vows, the virtues of obedience,
detachment from earthly things, chastity and how to preserve it, how to conduct oneself with
relatives. There should be a conference once a week and a chapter meeting every fortnight. Poor
boys, spreading good books, and preaching, are three vast areas for us to exercise our efforts in.’58
There is also a manuscript partly written by Fr Barberis with corrections by Don Bosco that has
been assigned to 1874. It was entitled Deliberations taken at the General Conferences of the
Society of St Francis de Sales. Explanatory notes on our rules, but it seems more reasonable to
assign it to 1875.59 It was material that eventually formed part of the printed 1878 Deliberations
following discussions at the First General Chapter in 1877. They would eventually form part of the
practical patrimony of norms that would result in various sets of Regulations for Salesian Religious,
reaching their greatest number in 1906. Relating to 1874 were the Summary of Autumn
Conferences of the General Chapter in 1874 and the Summary of Prefects Conferences held at
Lanzo in autumn. Both were written by Fr Rua.60
Richer still is documentation owed to the attentive efforts of Fr Giulio Barberis relating to the
Conferences of St Francis de Sales of 1875, 1876, 1877. After the high point of 1875–77 they
ended up losing their original significance, either because of the series of General Chapters (1877,
1880, 1883, 1886) or because of the expansion of works beyond Italy and abroad which made it
impossible for many rectors to be there.
1875 saw a wealth of plenary meetings: at the St Francis de Sales Conferences, in April and
autumn. Following approval of the Constitutions, Don Bosco seemed to want to force the pace in
forging a true Religious Congregation which was disciplined and had a well–defined spirit, compact
in how it felt about itself and acted. This was prepared for in autumn by two great outward
movements: over the Alps in France and over the Atlantic in Argentina.
The first series of conferences took place over the three days prior to the Feast of St Francis de
Sales from 26–28 January. Four were private, that is in the presence of the chapter members,
rectors of houses, and the novice master. Two were public or rather, it was one which took place
over two sessions,61 At the first three private ones presided over by Fr Rua, problems relating to
religious life were dealt with, among them reading material and application of the Holy See’s 25
January 1848 decrees Romani Pontifices and Regulari disciplinae. These had been generally
avoided in reference to the testimonial letters from the diocesan ordinary for acceptance to the
novitiate, and religious clothing ceremony and admission to profession of vows.62 The chronicler
described the private conferences at which Don Bosco presided in the late morning of 27 January
as ‘Memorable in the annals of the Congregation.’ The founder began by speaking of the privileges
which he had been asking for in Rome from 17 February to 15 March. For the first time he made
reference to the letters from South America mentioned earlier.63 He also mad known the content of
letters Archbishop Gastaldi had sent to Rome, and the appointment of the Archbishop of Vercelli,
58 MB X 1071–1072.
59 The handwritten text can be found in ASC D 577; printed in MB X 1112–1120.
60 ASC, Conferenze generali, in Documenti XIV 158–159, 160; MB X 1072–1076, 1120–1122.
61 Cf. Conferenze tenute nell’occasione in cui all’Oratorio si celebrò la festa di S. Francesco di Sales – an.
1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 1–29; MB XI 21–30.
62 Conferenze tenute... an. 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 2–5.
63 Cf. Chap. 21, § 3.1.

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Celestino Fissore, to ‘mediate’ between the Archbishop and Don Bosco. With regards to the
precepts of the 1848 decrees he invited them to a somewhat limited observance: ‘We will begin to
carry out what we can.’64
The public conference ‘attended solemnly by all the rectors and all other members whether
professed, novices or aspirants … was held in the chapel of St Francis de Sales.’ ‘There were
around 150 of us’ the chronicler tells us. The afternoon of the 27th was dedicated to the conference
with reports from rectors and Fr Rua, and on the morning of the 28th, an address from Don Bosco.
Each rector gave a brief report on the ‘state of the college he was running in financial, health,
material, intellectual moral and religious terms.’ In general, the information was marked by
optimism aimed at enthusing and encouraging. Young people were coming in great numbers and
extensions were being made at Lanzo, Alassio, Sampierdarena, Even at Valsalice the number had
almost doubled compared to the previous year. The new ‘Director’ for the Sisters, Fr Costamagna,
spoke of the ‘fervent and perfect spirit’ of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, beginning with
information on the transfer of the boarding school to another more accessible and populous centre.
Fr Rua referred to the Oratory at Valdocco, dwelling in particular on the ‘outsiders’ or Oratory boys
for whom night classes had been set up in recent months ‘attracting many older boys who then
come on Sunday as well.’ He also highlighted some improvements in the religious life of the
Salesians, professed and novices. ‘Meditation has been established for all members of the
Congregation, made ‘separately by the novices’ who also had a ’separate study hall’ with classes
and conferences entirely for them. A relatively separate setting at the Oratory was being gradually
established for the novitiate.65
In his addresses, Don Bosco spoke of the good impressions he had received from his recent
visits to the colleges, ‘full of healthy, good young people.’ He had been struck especially by the
work of the Salesians which was ‘immense,’ carried out in a ‘heartfelt’ way in a ‘spirit of obedience
and freedom’ despite the narrow building which did not permit giving each teacher a ‘comfortable
room’ or offering ‘the novices …. Good airy, healthy dormitories.’ He then recommended
introducing Christian classics into the schools: it would be no small matter to know how ‘to write
Latin as it was written by Jerome, and Augustine, Ambrose, Leo and Sulpicius Severus.’ It was not
necessary to emulate Cicero or Livy. ‘If you can do it’ he said ‘then you will be introducing so many
strange, useless, many of them dangerous ideas,’ into the minds of young people ‘ideas found on
every page of the pagan classics.’ By way of conclusion he could not fail to refer to the news of the
day: the ‘Missions in America’ in preference to those requested for Asia, Africa, Oceania ‘both
because of special circumstances, and the language,’ Spanish,‘ ‘much easier than English, which
is flourishing in many of the other places.’66
Resulting from these discussions and conclusions were brief Deliberations on the possible
reading and observance of the 1848 decree Regulari disciplinae on provincial examiners for
vocations and the use of the Christian classics.67
Similar conferences, five private and one public, took place after Easter (28 March) from
Wednesday 14 April to Friday 16. The chronicler described the private conferences as ‘general
chapters.’ Three were presided over by Don Bosco where information was given and relevant
matters dealt with.68 In the first one on Wednesday morning, Don Bosco gave information on what
64 Conferenze tenute... an. 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 7–12.
65 Cf. Conferenze tenute... an. 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 12–23.
66 Cf. Conferenze tenute... an. 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 23–29.
67 Cf. Deliberazioni prese nelle Conferenze generali della Società di S. Francesco di Sales in occasione
che i direttori delle diverse case si radunarono in Turin a festeggiare il loro Titolare an. 1875 [3 pp.];
Documenti XV 54.
68 Conferenze o Capitoli generali della Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales, tenutesi nell’Oratorio
Salesiano di Turin in occasione della venuta di D. Bosco da Roma. 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad.

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he had gone to Rome for: to get the privileges, especially the faculty of dimissorials ad
quemcumque episcopum. He had also spoken with the Holy Father about the American project
and the ‘Salesian Association and the Work of Mary Help of Christians.’ He then dealt with each,
offering ‘just an overview of the “Salesian Association” (Cooperators) which we will be tackling this
autumn’ as he reminded them. Instead, he spent time on the Work of Mary Help of Christians for
adult vocations – ’18 to 30–year–olds are accepted’ – explaining the original inspiration, referring to
procedures initiated to obtain the brief of approval from the Holy See and indicating the difficulties
created in Rome by Archbishop Gastaldi. He then dwelt at length on the request for privileges,
going into historical discussion, telling them of steps he had taken in Rome especially with
Archbishop Vitelleschi, the Holy Father and the cardinals who were members of the special
Congregation, noting the difficulties which ceased to be ‘serious’ once the Holy Father was
favourable.69 We know that these fond hopes were to be disappointed.70
At the morning session on the following day they decided to ask Don Bosco’s opinion on two
matters: whether the rector of a house had the power to change his subjects’ roles, and the best
time for theatrical performances. Don Bosco replied the following day, saying changes to roles of
personnel in the house were possible but with the prior consent of the Superior Chapter. He also
spoke of the freedom members had to correspond with the Superior and for professed members to
leave the house: risky if alone but if with someone else, then licit and in compliance with the Rule.
Don Bosco ended the discussion by promising that he would ‘soon write a circular letter for all the
houses drawing the rectors’ attention to the need to carry out these points of the Rule.’ The
assembly also discussed at length the best time for theatrical performances. Don Bosco suggested
a compromise: eat alla francese: that is, dine at 11.30 a.m. with dinner around 5 p.m. then theatre
at 6.30 p.m. followed by prayers and everyone off to bed. In the afternoon on the same day, when
Fr Rua was presiding, they dwelt with exam preparation for obtaining a teacher’s certificate either
for technical teaching or lower and upper secondary, and the best choice to make.71
The private conference on Friday morning, Aptil16, was filled with information, problems, and
suggestions. Don Bosco gave detailed information on how the Salesians were going in Argentina
and on what he had discussed in Rome, from a missionary prospective with the Pope, the Prefect
and Secretary of Propaganda, Cardinal Franchi and Bishop Simeoni. He spoke of proposals for
‘new colleges’ at Bassano, Cremona, Crema, Como, Milan, Rho. He concluded: ‘Now we have no
great need to expand but rather to consolidate, therefore, unless there is something especially
attractive we will not go elsewhere.’ He maintained they had not found any favourable school
authorities in Lombardy. However, Fr Rua highlighted the importance of expanding ‘beyond the
former Sardinian States.’ They then dealt with the admissibility or otherwise of members of priestly
ordination who were only in triennial vows and whether with patrimony or titulo mensae communis.
At the end, Fr Albera asked when the Rule would be printed in Italian since everyone was waiting
for it. It was concluded that this would be done as soon as possible when Don Bosco had been
able to write ‘a preface and some observations.’72 This would end up becoming the introduction ‘Ai
soci salesiani’ or ‘To Salesian Confreres.’73
The general conference at 9.00 p.m. the evening before, had particular pedagogical
significance. Present in the Church of St Francis de Sales were Chapter members, rectors,
professed, novices and aspirants. Don Bosco spoke with admiration and affection of the audience
granted him by Pius IX, of the spiritual favours he had given, and the benevolence shown the
18, pp. 30–84; Documenti XV 99–120.
69 Cf. Conferenze o Capitoli Generali... 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 38–48.
70 Cf. Chap. 20, § 3.
71 Cf. Conferenze o Capitoli Generali... 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 49–68.
72 Cf. Conferenze o Capitoli Generali... 1875, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 18, pp. 75–84.
73 Cf. further on § 5.

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Congregation in Rome and its current situation: legal position, lacking only the privileges, internal
life, and an increase in members. He ended with some recommendations: ‘first of all’ ‘to try to work
hard to achieve much good,’ ‘to get rid of grumbling, including among ourselves,’ ‘to take care of
our health.’ And finally, ‘to agree on doing the practices of piety … of the Congregation well,
especially the exercise for a happy death.’74 14 deliberations were formulated on the various issues
discussed. With regard to the Constitutions in Italian ‘it was decided to print the Italian translation of
our Rule as soon as possible.’75
Fr Rua was the key man for most of the conferences, acting as the Prefect of the Congregation
by mandate from Don Bosco to whom the most important decisions were submitted for approval.
‘An excellent approach to facilitating government’ Eugene Ceria observed in reference to Rua and
the other participants.76 For Fr Rua it was a practical apprenticeship for his future as Vicar then
Rector Major. In 1875 meetings for Chapter members and rectors took place again at Lanzo during
the retreat on 18, 23, 24, 25 and 26 September. Among other matters discussed was the
appointment of rectors, bearing in mind especially who would be in charge, not yet decided, of the
group of a dozen or so to go to Argentina, other than Fr Cagliero who would accompany them as
they settled in. They then decided on the movements of Prefects and teachers, beginning with the
theology, philosophy and secondary school classes at the Oratory in Valdocco. From 23
September they looked at problems of internal order especially: a more regulated practice of the
exercise for a happy death, authorisation for building works at the colleges, the timetable and
religious observance in communities. Don Bosco presided in the afternoon of the 23rd and used
the occasion to show his preference for immediate admission to perpetual vows, skipping
triennials. He presided at both meetings on the 24th dedicated to questions of religious discipline,
theology studies for candidates to the priesthood of for those who had been ordained prior to
completing all the treatises, teaching philosophy to those who had fast–tracked their secondary
studies due to advanced age: it was established for them that ‘private study of philosophy
consisted for them that ‘ private study of philosophy consisted in translating the treatise into Italian
and adding the essential notes for understanding the terminology.’77
At the Superior’s invitation, on the morning of the last day, Sunday the 26th, Fr Rua read out a
letter from lawyer Ernst Michel inviting the Salesians to Nice in France. In the afternoon Don Bosco
presented a range of ideas and things to be done – the chronicler listed twenty: printing a form for
‘letters of obedience’ and communicating to houses the names of Salesians appointed to them;
seeing that every Work prepared its own personnel; that agreement among superiors be
maintained and that no subscriptions to newspapers be taken out other than by the rector. Central,
however, was the topic of morality, recurring in Don Bosco’s circulars and talks between 1873 and
1876. ‘Another thing’ he began, ‘that I believe is most important for all our houses is to find every
way of obtaining, promoting, propagating, ensuring morality in our houses. So long as we have
reputation without exception in the public forum, boys will always flock to us and we will be
considered excellent educators and our colleges will flourish in every way. The moment this is
lacking, everything will be lacking.’ To safeguard it he suggested many approaches, some
seemingly futile but not in such a delicate matter: ‘The usual conferences twice a month by the
Rector to the Salesians; scrupulous observance of the Constitutions; fidelity to the “monthly
rendiconto,’ ‘the key to all order and morality,’ opportunities (without going into conscience matters)
for confidences and information extremely valuable for dealing with possible problem situations;
74 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Conferenza pubblica del 15 April [1873], quad. Conferenze generali pubbliche, pp. 1–
14; Documenti XV 112–116.
75 Cf. Deliberazioni prese nelle generali Conferenze tenute in occasione dell’arrivo del Sig. D. Bosco da
Roma (Aprile 1875) [3 p.], ASC D 577, FdB 1873 B3–5.
76 MB XI 339.
77 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 12, pp. 3–43; Documenti XV 269–274; MB XI 345–350.

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absolutely eliminating the ‘long snacks’ ‘that both boys and clerics have,’ ‘always keeping rooms
locked,’ ‘avoiding all particular friendships,’ ‘seeing that boys and clerics avoid manhandling one
another in any way.
Finally, he announced that a circular would be sent out very soon on the issue of morality, the
one we know as the January 1876 circular. Don Bosco encouraged ‘every way of obtaining,
promoting, propagating, ensuring morality, especially in the way the colleges were managed. He
ended the conference by stressing two things, one spiritual the other organisational, both aimed at
giving the Salesian Society the stamp of a real Religious Congregation. Obedience had to shift
from being personal to being religious, not done intuitu personae but out of faith; that is, because it
is God who is commanding through the Superior. During the coming school year he wanted to
focus on ‘unifying the general administration of the Congregation and thus take care of the Oratory
away from the Superior Chapter.’78 This was gradually done and announced to the entire Oratory
population during the goodnight on 20 December 1876.
The 1876 St Francis de Sales Conferences were held from the morning of Wednesday 1
February to the morning of Friday the 4th: five were private, four of which Fr Rua presided over
and Don Bosco the last of the. Don Bosco presided at the two separate public conferences.79
Discussion at the afternoon conference on 1 February focused on establishing a
‘historiographer for the Congregation’ who would be able to rely on the chronicles of individual
houses.80 The matter was taken up again by Don Bosco in a private conversation after supper on 2
February revealing the fact that he had written the history of the Oratory up till 1854.81 At the
conference they also ‘began to read and examine the explanatory notes on the regulations’82 which
continued through to the final morning session the following day.83 This work ended up, in 1877, as
the printed edition of the Regolamento per le case della società di S. Francesco di Sales or
Regulations for the Houses.
During the morning meeting on 3 February, problems emerged relating to the Catechist’s role.
They also discussed a religion text for lower and senior secondary and for other minor subjects.84
During the morning meeting on 2 February, the first stage of the public conference took place
with Don Bosco presiding, and continued on until the afternoon of 3 February. All the rectors
stressed the increase in resident student numbers as well as day boys in the colleges in both
elementary and classic classes. Added to day students at Varazze were adults, night classes and a
flourishing festive Oratory which opened in 1875.The Salesians also taught in the local public
schools. There were 160 boarders at Alassio and together with day boys total numbers for classes
were 500. ‘A much larger building had been erected’ at Sampeirdarena with others planned, to
double the number of boys between academic and trade students to 250. There were also 50
‘Sons of Mary Help of Christians’ in the house. At Mornese, the Sisters’ numbers had doubled from
50 to 100 amid so much poverty, and the Salesian community there was being supported from the
Capital, i.e. from the Oratory. ‘As well as girls’ boarding there were also ‘the Sisters public schools,’
‘classes for local girls’ ‘which the Sisters are running in our house.’ For the boys there was ‘one of
78 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 12, pp. 43–53; Documenti XV 275–280; MB XI 350–357.
79 Cf. Conferenze tenute in occasione della festa di S. Francesco di Sales l’an. 1876 dal capitolo superiore
dell’Oratorio coi direttori dei collegi radunatisi in Turin, G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14, pp. 1–64; 14 bis,
pp. 5–36; Documenti XVI 87–110, 123–132; MB XII 52–94.
80 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14, p. 12.
81 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 4, p. 39.
82 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14, pp. 12–14.
83 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14, p. 15.
84 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14, pp. 21–24.

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our confreres teaching in a room offered by the local Council.’ The Patronage had opened in Nice
with five boys, two clerics, the Rector and a cook.85
In the afternoon of the following day discussions continued with reports from Fr Guanella on
Trinità di Mondovì, Fr Rua on the house at the Oratory. Don Bosco introduced his address by
referring to other educational institutions Salesians were working in: the St Joseph oratory in Turin
run by Messrs. Occelleti, the Family of St Peter at Borgo S Donato, the St Joseph’s workshop. He
then spoke of the Congregation’s development, the increase in the number of Salesians (330
members of whom 112 were perpetually professed, 83 in temporary vows, novices and aspirants)
and he predicted a radiant future for the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, then highlighted the
many financial needs, inviting people to greater economy and spirit of poverty. Finally, he insisted
on the practice of the Rule, and obedience.86
Sixteen people, Chapter members and rectors, met at the final private conference on 4
February. Before saying goodbye, Don Bosco spoke to the rectors in particular, asking them to
facilitate his visits to the houses by ensuring he first had a list of confreres, with any suitable
information which would make their encounters more fruitful and for them to establish a precise
time so whoever wanted to could speak with him. He asked them to let confreres know that he was
working on a new expedition of Salesians to South America, inviting them to express possible
availability to be part of it. He asked them to look after vocations to the clerical state, ‘the main aim’
he stated ‘ which our Congregation tends towards.’ With this in mind he offered some criteria for
recognising the signs: ‘the inclination, study, morum probitas’ and ways of nurturing the call in the
young: ‘1. Frequenting the Sacraments.’ 2.’Great loving–kindness.’ 3. ‘Not only treating them well’
but ‘encouraging the older ones who give some hope of placing much confidence in the Superior.’
4. ‘Do the ceremonies well.’ 5. ‘Promote the altar boys society.’ 6. ‘Show much familiarity to a
young person; lead the boys at the college to making a general confession, encourages the
Biblioteca della gioventù (Library of youth) and especially the Letture Cattoliche (Catholic
Reading).
Then came a question and answer session on certain crucial problems. The Salesians needed
better knowledge of the life and works of St Francis de Sales at least the Philothea (Introduction to
the Devout Life). The biographies by Gallizia and Capello were suited neither to the boys nor the
times. Don Bosco wanted Fr Bonetti to write two, a short one for the boys and ordinary people,
another more demanding one in two volumes in which ‘we need to aim at the Catholic principle,
that is personifying the Catholic religion in Francis, contrary to Protestant principles,’ in other words
‘Catholic life as personified in Francis.’
We can see from the chronicle that there was the usual apprehension about ‘morality’. The
great observation he made was this, the chronicle recorded ‘that the Philothea, such a valuable
work, cannot be put into the hands of the boys, not even the girls or Sisters because, since it was
written for people in the world it has many expressions and various matters that could give rise to
immodest thoughts, so it is not really suitable for youth. The great majority of things are valid for all
and like refined gold however. The suggestions is to print one which alters certain expressions and
leave some things out. But how do we do that with such a valuable and well–known work? We
thought of doing it this way: point it out on the frontispiece and in the preface. Let the title be: “The
Philothea of St Francis de Sales addressed to the young and houses of education.” Let’s hope the
result is a fine book cleaned up a bit, and that it sells well. But let a further edition be printed as is
and as part of the complete works so that whoever wishes to can find it with us Salesians.’
85 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14 bis, pp. 5–21, 59–64.
86 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14 bis, pp. 21–36.

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He noted that subscriptions to the Letture Cattoliche were still growing while those to the
Biblioteca della gioventù were only two thousand. Finally, he suggested a religion textbook for
upper secondary by Giovannini. For lower secondary he felt the ‘large catechism’ was sufficient for
the moment ‘since the whole world is waiting for the universal catechism from Rome. When we see
how this goes we can make an absolute decision.’87 At the beginning of the meeting Don Bosco
had accepted the proposal of sending the deliberations taken in the preceding years to press, after
further revision. These were discussed at private conferences run by Fr Rua. It was not followed
through.
In 1877 the St Francis de Sales Conferences were held from the afternoon of Monday, 5
February to Thursday the 8th. There were seven of them, one of which was public.88 The first,
under Fr Rua’s presidency, dealt with problems of internal management: appointing an Economer
General after Fr Bodrato’s departure for Argentina, the possible establishment of regional storage
for provisions, assigning personnel to certain works, proposals for new foundations: Nizza
Monferrato as mother house for the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians in place of Mornese, and
as well, Rosignano, Novi Ligure, Caravate, Annecy etc. Following Don Bosco’s wish, it was
decided to introduce the practice of a triduum in the colleges at the beginning of the school year.
Uniformity in record–keeping was also recommended.89
At the morning conference on Tuesday 6 February, after confirming decisions taken at the first
session, Don Bosco announced some interesting new items: the offer to the Salesians to run the
Consolation Hospital in Rome, which was not followed through; the task given Don Bosco to help
with he religious reform of the Concettini; the opportunity to purchase convents that had been
confiscated, in order to protect or salvage them from the profane use; the plan to move the mother
house of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians from Mornese to Nizza Monferrato; new
requests for colleges, apropos of which he was still insisting on the ‘monograph’90 – at Albano,
Magliano Sabina, and Cecona and Ascona in Switzerland. Finally he posed the problem of the
college at Valsalice, since the five year lease had fallen due and there were insufficient numbers of
boys: he invited them to delay in making any decision. The chronicler noted: ‘Here Fr Guanella
suggested another college at Lake Maggiore … D. Bosco cleverly changed the topic and came to
the conclusion.’ He offered three reminders from Pius IX; ‘1. Introduce the spirit of piety among
boys and confreres. 2. The spirit of morality. 3. The spirit of economy.’91
The General Conference took place on the afternoon of Tuesday, 6 February. Fr Rua referred to
all the works, since reports from each rector would have made the meeting too long. Beginning his
address, Don Bosco spoke of other institutions left out by Fr Rua: the oratories of St Aloysius and
St Joseph, services given to the Refuge and Shelter of the Family of St Peter. He referred briefly to
works in America: the most recent, the Pius IX college at Villa Colon in Montevideo, the first works,
the Church of the Misericordia in Buenos Aires and the college at San Nicolás where they had
taken in 140 boys over seven or eight months. He then went on to speak in rather quaint terms of
the expected opening of a mission among the Patagonians: ‘some savages’ were already at the
San Nicolaás college. On Fr Cagliero’s return perhaps some would be brought to Turin. ‘Who will
87 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14 bis, pp. 39–57; for the religion text it refers to the handbook by Fr E.
GIOVANNINI, I doveri cristiani esposti alla studiosa gioventù italiana. Terza edizione con nuove correzioni e
aggiunte. Bologna, tip. pont. Mareggiani 1876. It would also e proposed in the 1 General Chapter in 1877
(G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, p. 12) and the 2nd in 1880 (Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale...
Turin, tip. salesiana 1882, p. 68, OE XXXIII 76).
88 Conferenze tenute dal Capitolo Superiore Generale in occasione delle Feste di S. Francesco dell’anno
1877. Per cura del Sacerdote Giulio Barberis (First original edition stereotyped). Turin, Tipografia del
proprio pugno, Cronaca, quad. 13, pp. 1–27; Documenti XVIII 51–68, 71–75; MB XIII 64–86.
89 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 13, pp. 4–11.
90 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 13, pp. 12–16.
91 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 13, pp. 16–22.

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be the courageous ones’ he asked ‘to expose themselves to such dangers? To be pastors to the
savages? We will see. Many are already asking to be the first to risk those parts and bring our holy
religion to those people. I praise their good will, their courage. Nevertheless it is my wish, indeed
my duty to proceed cautiously in order not to sacrifice anyone’s life. But if, despite the patience and
prudence, someone becomes a martyr, we have to thank heaven. But I hope with prudence, we
will do something without paying the price of being murdered or eaten.’
Requests had come from Concepción in Chile and from Paraguay and Brazil. He needed to wait
in order to have greater availability of personnel. In Rome and thereabouts he had noticed that
what some people were saying was not true, that ‘that the people there are different’ and that he
would not be able to set up oratories like in Turin. As for the schools at Ariccia and Albano, the way
they were flourishing belied predictions: ‘the Protestants were desperate. At Magliano Sabina too,
‘just two hours by steam train from Rome’ (70 kilometres of track) youngsters had shown
themselves to be ‘obedient and respectful.’ The clerics as a body, he stated, ‘are asking to become
Salesians. The Rector of the seminary, the bursar and spiritual director’ ‘are also asking to enter
our Congregation and were accepted as novices.’ In fact we have seen them as members of the
House Chapter92 and we will see the spiritual director at the First General Chapter.93 He also
referred to the task with the Concettini which the Pope had entrusted him with.94 He added that if
all the colleges proposed in the Rome area were accepted, within a year there would be 20 of
them. There were also negotiations for India and Australia but a conclusion was still far off. He
spoke of grandiose expectations of the Cooperators to be encouraged ‘slowly and prudently’ in
terms of acceptances. ;’ Apropos of this’ he told them, ‘a bulletin will be printed that will be like a
newspaper for the Congregation: with so many houses we need something that comes our
regularly; it will be a link between Cooperators and Salesian confreres. I hope that, if we do God’s
will, not many years will pass before whole populations, cities, will not be distinguishable from the
Salesians other than where they live and if there are only 10 now, by then there will be thousands
and thousands.’
Firstly, he referred to some flattering comments by the Holy Father: ‘Go, write to your sons,
begin now and keep saying it that there is no doubt the Lord’s hand is guiding your Congregation.
But it places serious responsibilities on you … If you correspond, promote the spirit of piety,
promote the spirit of chastity, have zealous ministers, you will see religious vocations multiply for
you, for other religious and dioceses … I believe I am revealing a mystery to you, that this
Congregation is the Lord’s secret made to rise up in these times so it can be a religious and
secular Order, so it can have a vow of poverty with possessions, being part of the world and the
cloister, its members being citizens and “monks”, until we see what Jesus Christ said: “Give to God
what is God’s and to Caesar what is Caesar’s.”’95
From the afternoon of 7 February to Thursday afternoon of the 8th the private conferences had
a single topic: ‘additions, corrections, observations’ on the text of the Regulations for the houses
with a view of them being printed. This took place in October.96
3. Valdocco as a school for educators: chapters and conferences
The mother house at Valdocco played a key role in the process of forming personnel as leaders in
the teaching and general educational field who would then go out to the various works. It has been
92 Cf. Chap. 23, § 1.2.
93 Cf. Chap. 26, § 1.1.
94 Cf. Chap. 25, § 2.
95 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 1, pp. 47–58; quad. 16, pp. 1–23.
96 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 13, pp. 24–27.

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described as a ‘pedagogical workshop’, the term being intended in its broadest sense.97 In fact with
the establishment and development of the Salesian Society and its works, the Oratory of St Francis
de Sales had become the engine room, a point of reference and extension for a variety of works
spread over increasingly wider areas. With the Salesian Bulletin in 1877 it also became the centre
for Co–operators and benefactors and their encouragement and, to some extent, for past pupils.
This meant it had the greatest concentration of professed Salesians and, prior to 1879, of novices.
The Superiors there were aware they had the responsibility for preparing leaders, especially
ones destined to give a Salesian face to new works. The Oratory created a style and was the
source of a spirit which it disseminated. This is why it was desirable for the personnel sent out to
found and lead works far from Valdocco to have done their formation there. When Fr Giuseppe
Bologna was proposed at the Superior Chapter meeting on 15 May 1878 as the rector for the new
house in Marseilles, it was stressed in his favour that he knew French and spoke it fairly well, but it
was noted in particular that ‘on the other hand, having already been Prefect here for some years
and always in contact with D. Bosco as someone brought up here, he knows all the customs and
the spirit of the place.’98
Various documents can be read from this perspective, some of which have already been
indicate and which testify to the reality of Valdocco in the 19th century: the minutes of Chapter
Conferences (1866–67) written up by Fr Rua, reports on House Chapter Meetings and Monthly
Conferences seen to by Fr Lazzero and the Diary of the Oratory of St Francis de Sales. (1875–88)
also by Fr Lazzero with some early pages by Fr Chiala.
We can extract some important elements from these on the gradual construction of a pedagogy
which, though not learned, was effective and which led Don Bosco in 1877 to draft pages which
were soon presented as an introduction to the Regulations for the houses. Some of the more
faithful though not yet systematised applications were studied and discussed at the various
meetings or conferences. They became a normative patrimony which the Salesians would have
taken note of and passed on to successive generations in the form of usages, practices, traditions,
in the spirit of Don Bosco. It was a predominantly collegial type pedagogy. The topic of discipline
inevitably held special place along with, naturally, problems of sustenance: kitchen and refectories,
distribution of foodstuffs, classrooms and desks, dormitories and beds, workshops, cleanliness of
buildings and yards. They dealt with and discussed study and work timetables, day and night
classes, singing and music, also daily and occasional recreational activities, teatrino, academics,
annual walks. Then there were the various religious manifestations like daily, weekly, monthly and
annual practices of piety, liturgical and family celebrations. There was the life of the sodalities, altar
boys, music and singing classes in plain chant, and more elaborate styles.
The key personnel, members of the Superior and Local Chapters met regularly, often together
with teachers of varying age and maturity, and with the assistants. Characteristic features of the
Salesians of Don Bosco’s educational approach emerged, love most of all, which did not exclude
reverential fear. In essence those who took part sought to discover ‘why’ as Fr Rua noted ‘the boys
fear us more than love us’ since ‘this is contrary to our spirit or at least to the spirit of Don Bosco.’99
Already, years earlier, Fr Rua believed he had found the simple solution: ‘Making ourselves both
loved and feared by the boys. This is easy.’100 However, the assistants who were the youngest
among the educators, and even the other more experienced people were urged ‘to be united in
wanting one thing only, to love and advise one another on how to nurture the obedience, esteem
97 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Presentazione a J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 5–10.
98 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali…, quad. 2, p. 4.
99 Conference on 9 March 1883, J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 258.
100 Adunanze del Capitolo della Casa, February 1872, J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 263.

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and love of the boys.’ To gain this, the minutes noted, ‘it was established that recreation will always
be had with them and, as far as possible, with the ones most in need of assistance.’101
At the level of organisation, a wide range of activities was indicated and prepared for, timetables
and teachers for classes were established, tasks and roles were distributed for the smooth running
of celebrations, the large annual excursion (walk) was planned, the results of various activities
were analysed, indicating problems to be remedied in the future.
It was a practical schooling for proven educators and apprentices in the art of educating who
were dedicated to a tough internship in the field. It was a schooling which formed the educator in a
reflective way as someone capable of initiative, a good organiser in every area, inventive,
someone who often had to be a jack–of–all–trades able to respond to the needs of youthful
communities looking for new things and loving the unpredictable.
Don Bosco was rarely to be found there in the flesh but he was there always as a precise
criterion for evaluation and decision making. He was constantly apprised of decisions taken and in
every case was asked for his opinion and ultimately his nulla osta for collegially discussed
operational solutions. He taught them and created traditions this way too but was at the same time
enriched by the experiences of his co–workers, immersed as he was in the multiple contingencies
of a very mobile educational world and one full of surprises.
4. Formation of young Salesian personnel
From the time the Constitutions were approved, Don Bosco had to accept the neat distinction
between three successive trial periods for the incorporation of candidates into the Congregation:
the prenovitiate or aspirantate, (aspirancy) the novitiate, the postnovitiate period of temporary
vows.102 For clerics, this period was mixed with the normal occasions for humanistic, philosophical,
theological formation. We have already mentioned the special note Don Bosco placed on art. 12 in
the printed Latin text of the Constitutions. He stated that he was authorised by Pius IX to allow
activities proper to the prenovitiate and postnovitiate to be part of the novitiate.103
Halfway through the 1870s however, some concrete measures were taken for a gradual
assumption of the prescribed processes for religious, spiritual, cultural, pedagogical formation of
the Salesians, one of the strongest and sometimes legitimately contested aspects of Don Bosco’s
activity as founder. Foremost was the problem of the novitiate. There were ascritti or ‘enrolled
members’ (novices) in almost all the works. But there was also the problem of better regulated
studies for the specific formation of future priests. Formation came up many times during the St
Francis de Sales General Conferences but emerged even more from analysis of other channels.
Conferences to novices and young professed Salesians at Valdocco, instructions and goodnights
during retreats at Lanzo, circulars on religious life, letters to individual Salesians (provincials,
rectors, simple confreres), the introduction to the 1875 and 1877 editions of the Constitutions, the
many conversations on Salesian formation with the novice masters of the Congregation, Fr Giulio
Barberis who wrote them down in his various chronicles and diary entries, discussions during
Superior Chapter meetings or promotion and care of vocations, acceptance of new members,
101 Monthly conferences, August 1871, in J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 262.
102 Cf. Regulae seu Constitutiones..., 1874, Chap. XI, De acceptione, art. 6 and 7, Cost. SDB (Motto), p.
173; cf. Chap. XIV De Novitiorum [= Tyronum, Ascritti] Magistro eorumque regimine], art. 1–6 (prima
probatio), 7–13 (secunda probatio, novitiatus), 14–17 (tertia probatio), Cost. SDB (Motto), pp. 192–197.
103 Cost. SDB (Motto), p. 196. Bear in mind that of the14 original articles of the chapter on the novitiate, in
the Italian edition in 1875 only seven were printed.

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profession of temporary or perpetual vows on completion or otherwise of theological studies prior
to priestly ordination.
A new type of religious educator, cleric or lay, was defined with precise enough features from all
this, one as we have already seen that had emerged from Don Bosco’s early oratory experience as
a diocesan priest but now with particular features deriving from his educative and socially
supportive work among even more needy young people. Without doubt, Don Bosco ended up
passing on to his clerical religious a new and specific mentality, culture and spirituality. Similarly,
though more slowly, he was also conceptualising and shaping the religious and apostolic figure of
the lay Salesian, the coadjutor.104
The best formation was not entrusted primarily to formation centres and structured study. These
were not excluded in principle and indeed there was an increasingly legal and pedagogical felt
need for them. But primacy was given to formation in the field, very much prevalent in these and
the coming years also because, as in the past, functioning works could only be fully guaranteed by
the omnipresence of clerical students of theology and philosophy, even novices and lay and
clerical aspirants, some priests among them. An example is what Don Bosco recommended to Fr
Ronchail at the beginning of the hospice in Nice: to identify and nurture in a kind way any boys who
seemed suitable for the Congregation, and to maintain a relationship of trust with Salesian boys
and adults ‘showing them a special openness of heart.’105
4.1 Promoting Salesian vocations
Given his tendency to ever broader activity on behalf of poor and abandoned youth, Don Bosco
was hungry for vocations. With the advent of his bold overseas missionary undertaking, the
reasons for seeking them and motivations for animating them multiplied. As we have seen, he gave
a practical example of it in his two goodnights on 6 and 8 December 1875, after speaking of the
departure of the first missionaries for America and the opening of the house in Nice in France. On
the first occasion he said at the end: ‘Naturally, right at the moment many others among you feel a
great desire to leave and also become missionaries. Well, I can tell you that even if all of you were
to be included in this number there would be a place for you all and I would know very well how to
keep you busy given the huge needs there are and the many requests I receive from everywhere
from Bishops begging and telling us that various missions already begun have to be let go of for
want of missionaries.’ The chronicle indicated the result: ‘The boys were so fired up by these words
that really, most of them wanted to leave, even immediately to go off and do good for those far
away peoples.’106
The appeal was even more explicit in the second goodnight; Don Bosco did not hold back in
revealing the motives for what he was telling them: ‘I do not want to keep you in the dark about the
great needs the Church has; of the great field there is for doing good when one is really working for
the greater glory of God.’ ‘The field to be cultivated requires very many workers, the harvest is truly
abundant.’107
4.2 The Novices
After the approval of the Constitutions which forced a more precise structuring of formation of
novices, the ‘Capitular Conference’ on 25 October 1874 established certain ‘details’ reserved just
104 Cf. A. PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore nel 1883, RSS 13 (1994) 143–224.
105 Letter halfway through December 1875, Em IV 581.
106 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 4, p. 36.
107 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 3, p. 42.

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for them. It would gradually be put into place that ‘1. All the clerical novices will study 1st year
philosophy separately. 2. These novices will have meditation separately with the coadjutor novices.
3. All novices will have spiritual reading separately at 2. p.m. in the day boy’s chapel [the Church of
St Francis de Sales]. 4. As far as possible, the novices will have a separate dormitory with curtains
separating them from one another. 5. Novice students in 1st year philosophy will have a class in
sacred pedagogy instead of mathematics, which will be taught by their master, Fr Barberis. 6.
Finally, they will have a weekly conference alternating on the rules and moral topics suited to them.
There was also, talk of separating them from the others in the church.’108 Thus on the evening of 13
December 1875, for the first time Don Bosco was able to speak with all the novices of the Oratory
in an area reserved for them. It was a systematic talk on vocation: how precise it was, how to act
when in doubt, ways to preserve it. He concluded: ‘Read the things told you at the beginning of our
rules [the introduction To Salesian Confreres] where you will find a summary of all the things I have
indicated. Your novice master will then explain them to you again a little at a time and more
expansively.’109 This was Fr Guilio Barberis (1847–1927), a vice–master and then for decades
office novice master of the Congregation and considered to be the master of many a novice master
and formator. In 1876, the idea of a separate house for the novices at Lanzo was under
consideration, an idea that switched the following year to another possible location near the Mellea
Sanctuary at Farigliano (Cuneo).110 Instead, in 1879 the house was established at S. Benigno
Canavese.111 From August 1876 the novices also had their own summer holidays at Lanzo, away
from the heat in Turin. In October ‘it was decided to send the novices for recreation in their own
courtyard.’112 On 10 December 1876 Don Bosco solemnly blessed the statue of Our Lady place in
the new classroom and study hall for the novices gained by taking part of the sacristy on the west
side of the Church of Mary Help of Christians.113 Finally, on 24 December they had their new
refectory114 where Don Bosco went to lunch on Sunday, 18 February 1877 and gave 65 novices an
appropriate little talk. He recommended they look after their health, encouraged then with some
insistence to avoid murmuring and spoke of the admiration the Salesians had aroused everywhere
and thus the need to assimilate its model: in many places presenting oneself, saying ‘I come from
the Oratory’ was a title of honour.115
In November 1877 it was also decided to separate the clerical novices, who had already done a
trial year, from the others,116 the novitiate and post–novitiate. In 1878 it was decided ‘to look for a
dormitory for the lay novices,’ the coadjutors.117
4.3 The students of philosophy and theology
108 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 193.
109 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 19, pp. 23–44.
110 On Fr Barberis and the novitiate, see also notes in P. BRAIDO, Tratti di vita religiosa salesiana nello
scritto “Ai Soci Salesiani” di don Bosco del 1877/1885, RSS 14 (1995) 103–105; G. BARBERIS, Lettere a
don Paolo Albera e a don Calogero Gusmano durante la loro visita alle case d’America (1900–1903).
Introduzione, testo critico e note a cura di B. Casali. Roma, LAS 1998, pp. 14–25; P. ALBERA – C.
GUSMANO, Lettere a don Giulio Barberis durante la loro visita alle case d’America (1900–1903).
Introduzione, testo critico e note a cura di B. Casali. Roma, LAS 2000, pp. 23–24.
111 Cf. Chap. 29, § 1.1.
112 Conferenze capitolari del 15 ottobre 1876, J. M. Prellezo, Valdocco nell’Ottocento…, p. 216.
113 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 10, pp. 33–37.
114 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 10, p. 53.
115 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 11, pp. 46–49.
116 Adunanze del Capitolo della Casa, 18 November 1877, J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p.
237.
117 Adunanze del Capitolo della Casa, 20 October 1878, J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 241.

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In a memorandum, the Cenno istorico sulla Congregazine di S. Francesco di Sales e relative
schiarimenti (Historical outline of the Congregation of St Francis de Sales and relevant
clarification), other than giving substance to the formation given to novices,118 Don Bosco
presented his ideal plan of studies for candidates to the priesthood: lower secondary course, two
years of philosophy, three years upper secondary for those who had to ‘prepare for public exams,’
the ‘five’ year course ‘regularly established at the Oratory of St Francis de Sales’ in theology, with
‘Sacred hermeneutics, church history, moral dogmatic and speculative theology.’ After ordination,
which could be anticipated by a year for reasons of age or some other serious reason a two year
study of moral theology in preparation for the confession exam.119
In reality it was not so, since the novices and students of philosophy were also in other houses
and clerics closer to ordination were regularly spread around the various works. Thus the problem
of a separate study centre would find partial solutions only in the early years of the next century. As
well as the essential work of assistance or teaching in the house, some were attending university
and some priests were also pursuing their doctorate in theology. After 1873, this could be gained
from the theological faculty of the diocesan seminary. Some were preparing privately to gain their
certificate for elementary and secondary teaching.
In minutes of conferences or meetings at Valdocco we find indications on various dates
regarding the timetable for classes for clerical novices or post novice students of philosophy. In
1872, Don Bosco blocked a proposal which was courageous and advanced for its time, put forward
at a Chapter meeting: ‘A class in modern history was proposed, but D. Bosco did not allow it.
Therefore classes in mathematics were increased.’120 In October 1873, they dealt with dates for
‘exams in philosophy and theology’ when they also established timetable and teachers for the new
school year.121 Also recorded was a list of Salesian and non–Salesian ‘professors of philosophy
and theology’ with their respective timetables agreed on at the November 1877 meeting.122
A circular in 1874 written by Fr Cagliero and corrected by Don Bosco also dealt with the
theology studies of clerics spread around the various houses. It was addressed To my beloved
sons, rectors and clerics of the Salesian Congregation. The concrete decisions make an interesting
document suggesting their level of commitment: ’Rectors are asked in a heartfelt way to watch
over and see that all the time compatible with their other duties be spent each week on Theology.
To facilitate this study which is the science of sciences: 1. Thee exams will be held each year on
different treatises: one in March, another in July and the third at the beginning of 2 November. For
this year, treatises are: De Gratia, de Ordine, de Matrimonio and if possible also de Virtute
Religionis and de Praeceptis Decalogi. 3. Exams will be sat for at the times established above by
the examiners appointed by the Superior for this purpose.’123 The idea was refashioned, mostly in
terms that were also theoretical. Putting it into practice was more problematic. Observance of
these prescriptions and the study of ceremonies, which was especially recommended, was the
subject of many a reminder at the time. The insistence was not without reason.124
118 Cf. BRAIDO, L’idea della Società Salesiana nel “Cenno istorico”..., pp. 291–293.
119 P. BRAIDO, L’idea della Società Salesiana nel “Cenno istorico”..., pp. 294–301.
120 Meeting on 3 November 1872, J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 172.
121 Conferenze capitolari del 24 October 1873, J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 182.
122 Adunanze del Capitolo della Casa, 4 November 1877, J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp.
235–237.
123 Circ., 23 November 1874, Em IV 358–359.
124 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Don Michele Rua primo autodidatta “Visitatore” salesiano. Relazione di “ispezioni” nelle
prime istituzioni educative fondate dTo Fr Bosco, RSS 9 (1990) 97–168, in particular, pp. 101, 107, 130,
149, 151, 152, 155, 157, 158, 159, 160, 161, 162, 167–168.

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4.4 Guidance of young Salesians
Non–direction was not Don Bosco’s habitual style, even less so in vocational matters. His advice,
or better, reminders, were energetic, as happened in a letter to a mature cleric at the college in
Lanzo professed with perpetual vows, Pietro Guidazio (1841–1902). He was hesitant and restless,
but later a pioneer of Salesian work in Sicily. The advice? To abandon himself completely to the
guidance of his superiors, and that there was a lack of substance in reasons given for dispensing
him from perpetual vows; perseverance too: ‘The devil would like to trick you and me’ was the
peremptory warning. ‘He has partly succeeded in your case but he has completely failed against
me. Have complete faith in me as I have always had in you; not words but deeds, zeal, good will,
humble, prompt and unlimited obedience. These are the things that will bring you spiritual and
temporal happiness and will really bring me consolation.’125
The advice he gave three clerics was also sure and reassuring: ‘Do not worry about what you
write of. When the devil has lost the game he wants to try again in other ways, but take no notice
and go ahead calmly, with your ordinations as I have told you verbally.’126
To one already a priest he wrote: ‘I am happy that after taking your perpetual vows you have
more peace of heart. It is a sign that God is blessing you and that his divine will is fulfilled in what
you do. So, si Deus pro nobis quis contra nos?’127
He gave a final push to a twenty–four year old priest not yet perpetually professed: ‘Since you
have no difficulties or thoughts against your vocation, you can take perpetual vows with all
tranquillity.’128 The priest made his profession on 23 April 1872. ‘Your letter’ he wrote to cleric
Tamietti ‘removes a thorn from my heart that was stopping me from doing you the good I have
been unable to do up till now. Good. You are in Don Bosco’s hands and he will know how to use
you for the greater glory of God and the good of your soul.’129
Don Bosco was more flexible in particular cases in questions of obedience, though not in stating
the principles. He showed some latitude in asking this of Tamietti: ‘I don’t want you at Valsalice by
force, on the other hand I need to test your obedience, especially before ordination. Therefore I am
sending you to Alassio and I will call on someone there to go [to Valsalice] to replace you: Be in
touch with Fr Dalmazzo and let him know in good time; try to finish up with good grace.’130
He replied to an unequivocal request from cleric Cesare Cagliero confirming the authorisation
he had already given in an earlier letter which never arrived. He summed up its contents for him: ‘I
said you could go to the university so long as you also remained my friend and became a model
cleric of ours, the most zealous of our teachers.’131 He sent a gracious little letter in Latin to cleric
Luigi Piscetta, whose intelligence was in inverse proportion to his height: ‘Now you are small so
fish for little fish – there are many among us. When you are an adult, the Lord will make you a
fisher of men.’132
His way of asking obedience of one young cleric was affectionate: he was promoted from
assistant to teacher at the Oratory. ‘Do not worry about what you have to do. Just come with good
125 Letter of 13 September 1870, Em III 250.
126 To G. Ronchail, 5 March 1872, Em III 405.
127 Letter of 15 January 1875, Em IV 395.
128 Letter to G. Garino, 21 March 1872, Em III 410.
129 Letter of 25 April 1872, Em III 428.
130 Letter of 18 November 1872, Em III 493.
131 Letter from Rome, 16 February 1874, Em IV 229. There is a touching letter of condolence written by him
on 8 September after the death in Mornese of his brother, a young Salesian priest (1847–1874) (Em IV
314).
132 Letter from Rome, 22 February 1874, Em IV 233: “Nunc parvulus es, ideo collige pisciculos: multi enim
sunt apud nos. Cum autem vir factus fueris, Dominus faciet te piscatorem hominum”.

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will and we will decide together how much you can do and no more. Always remember you are with
a friend who wants nothing else but your spiritual and temporal benefit. We will obtain this with the
Lord’s help and by always keeping an open heart.’133
One intelligent and lively cleric, Luigi Nai (1855–1932) who was hesitant in professing vows,
was invited to lift up his thoughts: ‘Crickets are above and below the ground and the vows you
intend to take fly to God’s throne, therefore the former cannot disturb the latter. So fear nothing and
go ahead. If observations are needed, we can speak of them soon, God bless you. Age viriliter ut
coroneris feliciter.’134
He replied to a witty request from a reflective rector with a witty reply: ‘As soon as the Argentine
Republic asks me for a clever poet, your venerable person will be set in motion.’135 One note to a
very young novice who was to move from Borgo S. Martino to Ariccia stands out: ‘Your destination
has been altered. You will go to Rome with Fr Gallo, make a visit to the Holy Father, kiss his feet
for me, ask him for his holy Blessing, then leave to go and sanctify those living in Albano and
Ariccia. You will sanctify yourself by exact observance of our Rules, your monthly “rendiconto” and
the monthly exercise for a happy death. Whenever there are difficulties write to me often and tell
me about your life, virtue and miracles.’136
To the more mature cleric, Giovanni Battista Rinaldl (1855– 1924), who was writing from Albano
asking for more helpers, Don Bosco replied with five quatrains. We offer the first and final ones
here:
Datti pace e sta tranquillo
Che S. Bosco pensa a voi,
Proto aita apportera;
Ma voi sitta tutti buoni
Sempre allegri, veri amici
Ricordando che felici
Rende solo il bnuon oprar
Turin – from the reservoir of my Masses 27 – 11 – 76137
An English version may run along these lines:
Be at peace and do not worry
‘cause Don Bosco thinks of you.
All your troubles he will carry
And will soon bring help that’s due.
But you all are very good
Always cheerful. Always friends.
Please remember as you should
The happiness to good work tends.
133 To Cl. G. Cinzano, 19 October 1874, Em IV 341.
134 Letter of 24 May 1875, Em IV 466.
135 To Fr G. B. Lemoyne, 3 March 1876, E III 22.
136 To Cl. F. Piccollo (1861–1930), between October–November 1876, E III 106.
137 E III 119. Don Bosco, a member of the Arcadia, knows that his Source is the archives of the roman
Literary Academy.

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The poet was a member of the Arcadia! Two days later he encouraged a cleric with resolute
words in good Latin that produced a positive effect: ‘No one who has put his hand to the plough
and looks back is fit for the Kingdom of God. But do you want to look back? Absolutely not.
Continue on as you have begun: persevere in the vocation to which you have been called?’138
His intuition did not fail. They concerned men with a sure future, some of them especially rich in
initiative and capacity to work: Fr Guidazio, founder of Salesian work in Sicily, Fr Ronchail in Nice
and Paris in France,Fr Garino an excellent scholar, Fr Tamietti who started up the college at Este,
Fr Cesare Cagliero who ended up in Rome as Procuratur General and Provincial, Fr Nai,
Provincial in Palestine and Chile, Fr Piccollo, Rector of Colleges in Sicily for thirty years, Fr G.B.
Rinaldi, founder of the challenging work at Faenze.
Instead, Don Bosco was extremely severe with two brothers, both priests, Frs Francesco and
Giacomo Cuffia, who abandoned the colleges at Varazze and Alassio, and the Congregation:
‘Prevent Fr Franscesia and Fr Cerruti’ (their respective rectors) ‘from freeing the Cuffias; give them
only their personal items, whatever is needed to cover their journey or what comes from their
family. Write no reference, good or bad; pull out their old account and ask them to pay for it.’139
5. ‘To Salesian Confreres’ (1875–1885)
With the publication of the Constitutions, Don Bosco dreamt of putting together a ‘Directory’ or
handbook for the specific religious formation of the Salesian educator. It was one of the ideas that
had moved him to petition members of the Special Congregation for final approval of the
Constitutions,140 It remained an idea. But he replaced it with a significant text that was considerably
enriched over the time that elapsed between the first edition in 1875 and those that followed in
1877 and 1885. This is the Ai soci salesiani (To the Salesian Confreres) which introduced the
various Italian editions of the Constitutions and other language editions dependent on them.
5.1 The first edition (1875)
The unexpected introduction to the Constitutions could be thought of as a small summa, a very
complete one, of what could be described as Don Bosco’s theology of religious life. Ideas come
together in it that had been maturing since he had written a Church history, the lives of the Popes,
and began later to draw up the Constitutions and documents for their approval. His thinking was
ultimately enriched through local and general conferences, instructions given at retreats in the late
1860s and early 70s, and as expressed in individual letters, circulars and private advice.141 Classic
topics were to be found in this introduction: entry into religious life, its temporal and spiritual
advantages, the vows of obedience, poverty, and chastity, the practices of piety. Five special
reminders came next: avoiding ‘itch for reform’ solidarity with confreres and superiors by doing
one’s duty, duties of office and in the spirit of consecration to God. It concluded with some brief
pointers on doubts in one’s vocation and how to resolve them. The text of the first edition was
written entirely by Don Bosco, achieving it, as we can see from the manuscripts, thanks to a
considerable effort of rethinking, correction, improvement. It was the expression of a founder, by
now the expert, with personal touches of demanding ascesis. The prevailing literary source was St
Alphonsus Rodriguez. This had already been noted in reference to instructions given at the
138 To Cl. F. Toselli (1857–1918), 29 November 1876, E III 119–120.
139To Fr M. Rua, from S. Ignatius above Lanzo, 5 August 1874, Em IV 305.
140 Memo of 18 March 1874, Em IV 263.
141 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Tratti di vita religiosa salesiana nello scritto “Ai Soci Salesiani” di don Bosco del 1875,
RSS 13 (1994) 361–448; ID., Tratti di vita religiosa salesiana... del 1877/1885, RSS 14 (1995) 91–154.

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retreats at Trofarello in 1867 and 1869.142 By comparison with these, the Alphonsian material in To
Salesian confreres had increased, and underwent a further increase in the extended 1877
edition.143
The first element came from the desire to give the Salesian Society a well–defined religious
character. It sought ‘to be a structurally compact Congregation ad intra and ad extra, guaranteed in
stability and continuity by papal authority and firmly gathered around its superior, general or local,
with a certain easing of external ecclesiastical dependence and a leaning towards exemption and
privilege.144
The vows play a decisive role, conferring a strong stability and compact operational unity on
religious incorporation. ‘Our vows’ he writes ‘could also be called spiritual ties by which we
consecrate ourselves to the Lord and place our will, belongings, our physical and moral energies in
the power of the superior so that we are all one heart and soul in promoting the greater glory of
God, according to our Constitutions. The legal and functional obligations of the vows and their
theological and spiritual value are both emphasised, while complete fidelity to the religious
community and its aims guarantees members financial and social reassurance and the certainty of
eternal salvation. The community then finds its compactness and greatest operational potential in
the rapport between everyone, each individual, with the head, the superior in obedience ‘the sum
of all virtues’ and privileged way of being conformed to Christ who factus oboediens usque ad
mortem, and as a consequence, through rigorous observance of the Constitutions.
Don Bosco returned to this point in the public conferences on 3 February 1876: ‘It is now no
longer the time to do things as we used do them, that is, to continue with traditional, almost
patriarchal government. No. We need to hold fast to our code, study it in all its details. Understand
it, explain it, practise it, do things according to its rules.’ ‘The only way to propagate the new spirit
is by observance of the rules.’ ‘The good that must be expected from Religious Orders comes
precisely from what they do collectively: if that were not the case they could no longer do great
work.’145
Obedience in To Salesian Confreres, other than its ascetic importance, has a decidedly
pragmatic value for apostolic and educational work demanding compact unity of direction and total
consensus. ‘In individual selfishness’ must give way to seeking the ‘common good’ which is the
good of the young people we work for. In essence the community is a well–ordered ‘militia’ not
caught up in internal and external ties, made up of free members who can function in an agile
manner. Such a situation if favoured by poverty and chastity that free us from unnecessary things
and help us achieve the ultimate goal, the glory of God and the temporal and eternal good of one’s
neighbour, in particular the young.
From this came a denunciation of the dangers that can threaten the vitality of the mission. (Five
important reminders), the stability of those dedicated to it (On doubting one’s vocation). This
comes from Don Bosco’s passionate concern for a society of spiritually rich religious educators
who are inwardly vital and intensely supportive of one another, able to tackle even greater and
more demanding tasks; a Congregation in rapid expansion, having entered France and landed in
South America in 1875, needed to be able to depend on the greater number possible of effective
men and be sure of their fidelity.
142 Cf. Chap. 15, § 11.
143 Cf. E. VALENTINI, Sant’Alfonso negli insegnamenti di don Bosco, in his essay Don Bosco e Sant’Alfonso.
Pagani (Salerno), Casa Editrice Sant’Alfonso 1972, pp. 43–46.
144 P. BRAIDO, Tratti di vita religiosa salesiana... del 1875, RSS 13 (1994) 393 and 394.
145 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14, pp. 31–32.

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5.2 The 1877/1885 editions
The reprinting of the Italian Constitutions in 1877 could have been due simply to depleted stocks of
the 1875 edition. But the expanded version of the introduction To Salesian Confreres was not just
by chance. It revealed Don Bosco’s greater concern for a more markedly religious structure for his
Society of consecrated individuals, by ‘strengthening the spirit’ and ‘observing the rules,’146 while
preparing to improve the overall organisation with the first General Chapter. There was also the
matter of being consistent with what he was doing for the Concettini.147
The text was a summary of considerable work by the novice master, Fr Barberis, and Don
Bosco’s own drastic editorial intervention. Fr Barberis introduced many complementary elements to
points in the earlier edition and provided material for enriching the text with five new sections: The
importance of following one’s vocation, Following a vocation promptly, Ways for conserving a
vocation, Manisfestations (rediconto) and their importance, Fraternal charity. Don Bosco selected,
thinned out and reworked the suggested texts, correcting and modifying them.148 The Letter of St
Vincent de Paul addressed to his religious on all rising at the same hour from 15 January 1650,
was relegated to the appendix to the Constitutions. In the more carefully prepared 1885 edition, the
Letter was placed as an appendix to the text of the Constitutions along with six letters of St
Alphonsus to his religious. This appendix was called: Some circulars letters of St Vincent de Paul
and St Alphonsus Maria Liguori to their religious and very useful also for Salesians.149
The authors Fr Barberis had abundantly drawn from were above all St Alphonsus Liguori’s
(1696–1787) Avvisi spettanti alla vocazione religiosa of 1750 for the section on vocation, and La
vera sposa di Gesu Cristo. 1760, for the one on fraternal charity; and Jesuit Alphonsus Rodriguez’s
(1541–1616) Esercizio di perfezione e di virtù religiose for the manifestations or rendiconti. Don
Bosco made use of the practical reflections and aspects rather than their theological arguments.
Also included in the paragraph relating to ‘following one’s vocation’ was an except from St Francis
de Sales in the Avvisi by St Alphonsus and already drawn from the Jesuit Girolama Piatti’s (1545–
91) Del bene de lo stato de’ religiosi.
With this new text there was a considerable expansion in the range of topics qualifying Don
Bosco’s concept of religious life. It was consolidated and presented in greater depth, especially in
its evangelical roots. In fact, content and motivations which could be put before all Christian faithful
had clear prevalence over specifically religious considerations, especially regarding obedience,
poverty, chastity, these being virtues before vows. Playing its part, too, was the experience of the
diocesan priest shaped as a religious together with his younger disciples, growing with them and
also improving the forms and manner of community living with them.
Finally, the added paragraph on vocation responded especially to the desire he had to bring
together the greatest number of lay and clerical co–workers, given the expansion of his social and
educational works for youth. Just the same, and his desire notwithstanding, one gains the distinct
impression from the texts as a whole that Don Bosco intended to soften a certain rigidity in the
original source material concerning the obligatory nature of the choice of a religious vocation, its
requirements for perfection and ways of making it definitive. For example the road one ‘must
pursue in order to be saved’ if one felt called, becomes, in Don Bosco’s corrected version, ‘the road
by which one can more easily achieve one’s eternal salvation if it is taken.’
146 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 14, 2° verso, p. 32 (general public conference on 3 February 1876): “Tje
only way to propagate the spirit is through observance of the Rules”.
147 Cf. Chap. 25, § 2.
148 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Tratti di vita religiosa salesiana... del 1877/1885, RSS 14 (1995) 97–106.
149 They remained in the appendix to the Italian text of the Constitutions until the 1903 edition; they were
removed from the 1907 text onwards.

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The topic of the rendiconto or manifestation, aimed at strengthening the bonds between
subjects and their superior, while always a family style relationship, was intended to generate trust
and confidence. Therefore, unlimited openness to the superior was softened in the 1885 edition
and the discussion on fraternal charity internalised the relationship between superior and subjects
in a more familiar and agile way than in its Alphonsian source.
The introduction to the Constitutions was something Don Bosco felt was so important, that in his
significant letter on the preventive system, understood as an essential dimension of the Salesian
spirit, which he sent Fr Costamagna on 10 August 1885, he recommended: ‘Read, and encourage
the reading and knowledge of our rules, especially the chapter that speaks of the practices of piety,
the introduction I have written to our rules and the decisions taken in our General or Special
Chapters.’150
150 E IV 333.

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Chapter 25
Don Bosco as Founder in a very busy 1877
1876
1877
29 October: a letter from Cardinal Bilio entrusts the matter of the Concettini to Don
Bosco;
17 November: Pius IX approves of Don Bosco’s and Mons. Fiorani’s plan;
28; Cardinal Ferrieri’s letter on testimonials;
12 December: Pius IX perplexed at the plan Don Bosco now wants to act on
regarding the Concettini;
16: reply to Cardinal Ferrier with clarifications.
1 January – 14 February: Don Bosco in Rome;
6 February: Pius IX’s Brief on Don Bosco as Visitor in spiritualibus of the Concettini.
8: The Archbishop of Turin and the Congregation of St Francis de Sales in Turin;
12 March: opening of new site for Patronage Saint–Pierre in Nice.
17/19 May: Archbishop’s letter regarding publication of favours/graces;
1–26 June: Don Bosco in Rome;
20: Memorandum on the Concettini to the Vicar and Pope;
July: General Chapter of Salesian Congregation to be called together at Lanzo for
next September;
August: Text of the Preventive System made public;
1st edition of the Bibliofilo Cattolico o Bollettino Salelsiano mensuale (Catholic
booklovers or Monthly Salesian Bulletin);
26: Mass service incident suspended;
October: Printed edition of the Regulations for oratories and colleges.
Centralised government of people and youth institutions and the Religious Institutes dedicated to
them required Don Bosco’s full–time ongoing personal care. It was a task that underpinned all the
other tasks which were by no means unimportant ones, but he managed to hold it together. The
huge workload that resulted seemed to manifest itself more visibly and consistently in 1877, both
within the works and in civil and Church relations.
Don Bosco was tenacious in pursuing the privileges and careful to ensure good relations with
the Holy See. There were the ongoing quarrels with the diocesan Ordinary and now he had to give
new attention to careful personal relations with the Archbishop of Buenos Aires who had arrived in
Europe. The passing role he played in the Concettini Institute was unexpected and of an
extraordinary nature, but he was much more dedicated to the internal consolidation of the Salesian
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documents that would then pass into history, prepare for the First General Chapter and publish the
Salesian Bulletin.
1. A packed calendar
At the commencement of 1877, the founder had 361 Salesians for 17 works: 163 perpetually
professed of whom 82 were priests, 41 clerics, 40 coadjutors. There were 78 triennally professed,
of whom 4 were priests, 50 clerics, 24 coadjutors. And there were 120 novices of whom 3 were
priests, 82 clerics and 35 coadjutors. Added to this were 79 aspirants, 2 of whom were clerics, 25
students for priesthood and 32 coadjutors.1
Although assisted by a Vice director, Fr Rua until 1875, Fr Lazzero from 1876, Don Bosco was
above all the Director of the Oratory, an institute of instruction and education for trade and
academic students and for this latter group also a junior seminary. It was a novitiate for a steady
influx of novices, a postnovitiate and studentate of philosophy. Along with this he was also Superior
General or Rector Major of a Congregation running colleges or hospices at Borgo S. Martino,
Lanzo Torinese, Alassio, Varazze, Sampierdarena, Valsalice (Turin), Nice, San Nicolás de los
Arroyos (Argentina), Villa Colón (Montevideo); secondary schools at Albano and Magliano Sabina;
elementary schools at Mornese, Vallecrosia and Trinità di Mondovì with an oratory, and Arricia; an
oratory and public church in Buenos Aires.
1877 was characterised by more than fleeting trips through Italy and into France, two to Rome
from 2 January to 4 February and from 1–26 June, and a third beginning 18 December, which
lasted until the end of March 1878. Don Bosco began the year in Rome where he had arrived on
the 2nd with his secretary Fr Berto, and Fr Giuseppe Scappini, appointed to take up the role of
spiritual director of the Concettini, a group of Religious who were lending assistance in the male
section of the Holy Spirit Hospital. Don Bosco had personally been assigned by the Pope in
precise terms which he had accepted in November, as visitor of the lay Religious Congregation of
the Immaculate Conception. This appointment was formalised in a Brief issued on 6 February.
Don Bosco was in Valdocco from 5–8 February for the final St Francis de Sales Conferences.
On the 6th, as earlier indicated, he spoke there of the decision ‘to print a newspaper for the
Congregation’ and this came into being as the Bibliofilo Cattolico o Bollettino Salesiano mensuale
(Catholic Booklover or Monthly Salesian Buletin).2
On 21 February, he left for a long trip to Liguria then went to Nice and Marseilles, and back to
Nice for the opening on 12 March of the new mother house for works in France. He gave an
important address there in the style of the Sermons de charité. He departed the following day,
stopping over at houses in Liguria, and arrive in Turin around 16–18 March. The days that followed
were spent completing the written version of his talk in Nice and in putting together the pages on
the preventive system and the ten General Articles of the introduction to the Regulations for the
Houses. These became printed booklets between August and October.
In April, given that in reforming the Concettini he was insisting so much on the need for a
novitiate house, Don Bosco spoke expressly to Fr Barberis about the need and possibility of
‘opening a house for clerical novices separate from everything else.’ He had the Sanctuary of
Mellea at Farigliano (Cuneo) in mind for this purpose.3
His time at Valdocco in April and May allowed him to put his hand to the preparatory document
for the First General Chapter which he had spoken of to Fr Barberis for the first time on Saturday
1 “Aspirants” appear for the first time in the 1875 list of Salesians.
2 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 11, pp. 38–39.
3 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 12, pp. VII–VIII and 2–3.

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21 April. ‘Some evenings later,’ he told him that he was drawing up ‘a sheet with matters to be dealt
with.’4 As we know already in a letter on 31 March, he had asked Fr Cagliero: ‘Will it possible for
you to come to the General Chapter which should start at the beginning of September next? It
should deal with and resolve some very important matters; so take a look and let me know si fieri
potest.’5 The foolscap pages of matters to be dealt with was soon replaced by a printed booklet. He
also prepared a second, larger edition but it was not printed, perhaps for want of time.
Over spring and summer he also drew up a second and larger version of the introductory item
To Salesian Confreres for the reprinted Constitutions. This was certainly compiled in the first half of
September, since the head of Andrea Pelazzo Press, obviously with the text already typeset, asked
Don Bosco at the end of the month how many copies he wanted printed. We can deduce this from
Don Bosco’s reply: ‘I believe a thousand copies of our Rules will be enough.’6
He was also expending considerable energy preparing the third expedition to South America,
involving the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians for the first time. He was also working at giving
structure to the Salesian Cooperators Union. Despite the commitments, Don Bosco was intensely
involved with the Argentine delegation led by Archbishop Anieros, who was in Rome, to pay
homage to Pius IX during his episcopal jubilee. Don Bosco met them at Sampierdarena on 1 June,
travelled with them to Rome on 23 June went with them to Loretto, then accompanied them to
Valdocco on the 26th where they triumphantly welcomed and sumptuously feted, during the
festivities for St Peter on 29 June, the Archbishop, Don Bosco’s name day – with Fr Lemoyne’s
imaginative hymns.
On the days that followed, he accompanied Fr Ceccarelli on a visit to the colleges at Borgo S.
Martino and Alassio, where he met Archbishop Aneiros again who was with him on a visit to Nice.
The delegation then set sail from Marseilles on 17 July.
Don Bosco would have been exhausted by this stage. At the end of July, Fr Barberis recorded
that the Superior had not been well for some time.7 Moreover, Don Bosco himself had written to Fr
Rua from Marseilles: ‘I am tired non plus ultra.’8 He confirmed this a few days later: I am at Alassio
and somewhat worse for wear … probably on the morning of the 25th I will set sail for Turin. In the
P.S. he added ‘Alimonda is Bishop of Albenga. Excellent choice for us.’ 9 Despite it all, over the
same days he let himself be caught up in the first steps for the Salesians to go to La Spezia, after
buying a paper mill at Mathi Torinese in April.10 In the second half of the year he felt overcome not
only by physical fatigue but also by the anguish he felt at new misunderstandings with Archbishop
Gastaldi, due to clumsy decisions by other individuals.
In July and August, Don Bosco saw to the printing of the booklet for the Opening of the
Patronage St. Pierre at Nice. From 5 September to 5 October his residence was at the college at
Lanzo with members of the First General Chapter. During a break in proceedings he spent part of
Sunday 30 September writing a series of letters to individuals involved or whom he wanted to
involve in the South American undertaking.11 When the General Chapter was over, and having at
the same time interrupted his role as Visitor to the Concettini, he presided at meetings of the
Superior Chapter dedicated to re–reading of the minutes of the General Chapter in order to
prepare the text for the Acts which had to be sent to Rome in due course. This was held over until
4 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 12, pp. VIII–IX.
5 Letter of 31 March 1877, E III 162.
6 Letter from Lanzo 28 settembre 1877, E III 219.
7 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 12, p. 28.
8 Letter 10/15 luglio 1877, E III 198.
9 To Fr Rua, E III 201.
10 Cf. Chap. 27, § 11 and 12.
11 Cf. E III 220–226.

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after 18 October ‘Since [Don Bosco] was absent from Turin for around a week.’12 In fact he went
looking for money in the area around Saluzzo–Cuneo. Meetings resumed on 29 October then
again in November until the final one on 6 December. The chronicler wrote: ‘D. Bosco needs to
leave immediately for Rome.’13
The Regolamento degli esterni (Regulations for day boys) and the Regulations for the Houses
were typeset and printed over September–October. In the third session of the First General
Chapter on the morning of 7 September they discussed the ‘rules for the colleges’ which still
needed to be printed and Don Bosco stated: ‘There is a set of regulations almost ready.’14 In the
15th session on 14 September, in reference to the regulations for teatrino, it was said that ‘there is
already a chapter regarding teatrino in the Regulations for the Houses (already typeset and ready
to have proofs in hand for any appropriate observations.’)15 On 4 and 5 November, they were
publicly read out at the Valdocco Oratory.16
Don Bosco also spent October in resuming high level relations: with Cardinal Ferrieri in
response to matters from Archbishop Gastaldi,17 with the Italian and French Foreign Affairs
Ministers on behalf of Salesian missionaries18 and with Cardinal Franchi, Prefect of the
Propaganda Congregation.19
In November all was in expectation of the third missionary expedition already months in the
preparation. Concern over the difficult relationship with the Archbishop continued, Don Bosco wrote
him a letter on a number of pending issues, with disastrous results.20He received two replies that
could have led him to have to suffer a latae sententiae suspension from the ministry of
confession.21 On 29 November, in a letter to Cardinal Bilio, he concluded his mission on behalf of
the Concettini, reaffirming his personal point of view. On 18 December, he left for Rome where he
spent more than three months. The year ended with a further memorandum on the missions sent
to Cardinal Alessandro Franchi.22
2. A unilateral plan for the Concettini (November 1876–November 1877)
From autumn 1876 to autumn 1877, Don Bosco was asked by Pius IX to be involved with the lay
Religious Congregation, the Hospitaller Brothers of the Immaculate Conception’ or Conceptionists
or Concettini).23 Founded on 8 September 1857, the Congregation had obtained the decretum
laudis on 4 October 1862 and papal recognition on 10 May 1865. On 5 June 1875, the
Constitutions were approved ad quinquennium. Pius IX followed the Congregation with particular
kindness, concerned at the many difficulties hindering its existence in both religious and
12 Conferenze del Capitolo superiore a compimento delle cose trattate nel Capitolo Generale, G. BARBERIS,
Verbali III 63–77.
13 Conferenze del Capitolo superiore..., G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 78–101.
14 First General Chapter, G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 32 and 34.
15 G. BARBERIS, Verbali II 191.
16 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 60.
17 Letter of 12 October 1877, E III 227–229.
18 Letter of October, E III 229–230.
19 Letter of October, E III 230–233.
20 Letter of 21 November 1877, E III 240–242.
21 Cf. Chap. 26, § 3.
22 Letter from Rome 31 December 1877, E III 256–261.
23 The best documented and most authoritative reconstruction of this affair is presented in the extensive
study by E. Perniola on the Conceptionists, Luigi Monti fondatore dei Figli dell’Immacolata Concezione, 2
vols. Saronno, Editrice Padre Monti 1883: Cf. especially Vol. I, pp. 513–572 (I Concezionisti e Don
Bosco).

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organisational terms. He wanted to provide the spiritual and material means for them to overcome
these problems.
The Pope gave Done Bosco an express mandate to bring his contribution to all this as an expert
in religious foundation but wanted it done in agreement and collaboration with Monsignor Luigi
Fiorani, a Roman domestic prelate who was Protector of the Institute and Administrator of the Holy
Spirit Hospital, where the Concettini had most of their members involved in assisting the sick in the
men’s wards. Until November 1876 the Concettini depended on the Capuchins and were
considered to be Tertiaries of the Order. The Superior General from 1875 to 1976 was Brother
Gregorio Coriddi, the majority of members preferring to keep their distance from the founder
Brother Luigi Monti. But persuaded by the Capuchins and others (Fiorani among them) that the
Institute was incapable of self–government, Pius IX decided that the Capuchin Minister General
would be ‘Director of the Brother Superior of the Institute.’ He did this by Rescript on 30 April, 1875,
followed by a ‘Declaration’ from the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars on 4 August 1875.
However, Coriddi was succeeded by Brother Giuseppe Maria Petrolli, and a decree of the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars on 31 January 1876 decided that this decision would be
valid for three years only, despite the fact that the concerns of the members of the Institute were
not yet resolved. On 10 November 1876, the Brothers appealed to the Pope, asking that what he
had originally determined be carried out when he had approved the new Constitutions ad
quinquennium on 30 April 1875. They were promulgated on 5 June by decree of the Congregation
of Bishops and Regulars, The Constitutions established that the Institute would have its own
Superior equal to other lay Religious Congregations of the kind.24
At this point, the Pope’s thinking turned to Don Bosco. However, Don Bosco soon agreed with
the previous ‘external’ superior and with Mons. Fiorani himself that the Brothers were incapable of
self–government, and that Brother Monti was not up to being the Superior General. The Pope’s
wish was passed on to Don Bosco through Barnabite Cardinal Luigi Bilio, already dealing with him
over the foundation at Magliano Sabina in his surburbicarian diocese. The letter was dated 29
October 1876. For it to reach its addressee, Bilio used Francesco Faà di Bruno, returning from
Rome on 30 October following his priestly ordination on the 22nd.25
The task was put in general terms: ‘This Institute … Was directed by the Capuchins. They no
longer seem best suited to such direction and since the Institute is in need of being set up in a
better way, the Holy Father has considered that the man for this is D. Bosco.’26 On the evening of 7
November, Don Bosco left for Rome with Salesians destined for America, Ariccia and Albano. They
were received in audience as a group on the 9th. The following day Don Bosco had a private
audience which was crucial for the role involving the Concettini. We do not know exactly what was
agreed but probably the audience dealt with general issues involving the task on the one hand and
more defined guidelines on the other. It is to be presumed that the Pope did not go into legal and
technical aspects of the problem.
Don Bosco came away from the audience, again presumably, with a very simple idea:
aggregating or affiliating the Concettini to the Salesian Society. That the main individuals involved
were unclear about the precise task from the outset seems demonstrated by what happened later
and the exchange of correspondence between Rome and Turin during the final phase of this
complicated scenario. It is more than natural that in carrying out his mandate, Don Bosco would
24 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, pp. 479–509.
25 Cf. M. CECCHETTO, Vocazione e ordinazione sacerdotale di Francesco Faà di Bruno..., in Francesco Faà
di Bruno (1825–1888). Miscellanea, pp. 136–172.
26 Letter of Card. L. Bilio del 29 October 1876, Documenti XVII 527–528; MB XII 692–693. Don Bosco
referred to it in the Superior chapter on Sunday 5 November: G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia
verbali..., quad. 1, fol. 16r.

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have believed it essential not to shift away from the terms he had received, even when very soon a
more radical solution came under discussion.
On the other hand, in a year packed with other commitments, it seems he could not have found
the time and ways to give a sufficiently flexible, shared organisational and juridical shape to the
project; even less so in order to be able to follow the various twists and turns in development in the
circumstances, their interpretation, the sensitivities of the Roman world and within the Concettini
Institute itself. But the guidelines he very soon passed on to members of his Superior Chapter were
very clear and were faithfully recorded by the minutes taker and chronicler, Fr Guilio Barberis. In
order to reorganise the Institute it is probable that Don Bosco intended to draw his inspiration from
a similar formula to the one controlling relationships between the Society of St Francis de Sales
and the FMA Institute, recognised a few months previously by the Bishop of Acqui. In this he was
establishing precise legal and spiritual connections associated with relative functional autonomy.
However, following his Report on the state of the Salesian Society in 1879, the Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars had not been overly convinced of this arrangement.27 Nevertheless, in the
case of an Institute of women, he was able to think more obviously of separation, while with the
Concettini he was able to open himself to the possibility of a strict link, one which excluded a
Superior General of their own.28 At any rate, his efforts were intended to bring about a well–
ordered, vigorous Religious Institute even though for a moment an invasive form of protectors and
integration was more visible. A number of letters over these days, confirm this. He wrote to Fr Rua:
‘Today I must visit the house [intended for the Concettini in Piazza Mastai in Trastevere] which the
Holy Father wishes to make available to us.’29 He wrote to Fr Cagliero in even more daring
anticipation: ‘The Holy Father wants us to go to Rome for his work and in moving ahead to a point
where it is nearly decided, with a house where we can begin [the house in Piazza Mastai]. The
missionaries will give you the details.’30 Later he wrote to Cagliero once more: ‘The Holy Father, by
appropriate decree, has placed the whole armada of Concettini under our authority to make
Salesians out of them. This is a new undertaking for the Church. We will see what becomes of it.’31
The Concettini house in Rome was included in the List of houses and members for 1877: ‘Spiritual
Director of the Concettini Religious, Fr Scappini Gius, Novice Rossi Pietro, coad.’32 On the other
hand, writing to Fr Lemoyne to ask him to make Fr Scappini available, he still seemed uncertain as
to ‘what to do … the Holy Father will tell us what to do and with God’s help we will do it. This is the
ongoing business of the Concettini.’33
What happened then removed all uncertainty and ambiguity. Information on the Institute which
Mons. Fiorani gave Don Bosco was added to his reading of their Constitutions. On the basis of
this, and subsequent to an audience with the Holy Father, Don Bosco agreed personally with
Mons. Fiorani, on 10 November 1876, on certain faculties to ask of the Pope as the basis for action
aimed at giving the Hospitaller Brothers Institute ‘a new impulse in its spirit and works of charity.’
This had been the wish of the Holy Father who had ‘deigned to entrust it to the direction of the
priests of the Salesian Congregation in Turin and aggregate it to them.’ These were the words
Mons. Fiorani used at the beginning of the Report he submitted to the Pope for approval on 14
November, at the same time requesting the faculties Don Bosco had asked for. They were as
follows: ‘1. To modify and adapt the current Constitutions of the Hospitaller Brothers, the
Concettini, according to the spirit of the Constitutions of the Salesian Congregation, always
27 Cf. Chap. 29, § 3.
28 On the wording of the Constitutions of the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians in 1876
regarding the general arrangements for the Institute and its internal management, Cf. Chap. 20, § 5.
29 Letter from Rome ’11 November 1876, E III 111.
30 Letter from S. Pierdarena 14 November 1876, E III 112.
31 Letter of 30 November 1876, E III 121.
32 Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Anno 1877. Turin, tip. Salesiana 1877, p. 19.
33 Letter of 18 December 1876, E III 127–128.

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excepting the purpose and aim which the Concettini Institute is directed to. 2. To establish common
life as prescribed in article 1 of Chap. V. 3. To establish a regular novitiate. 4. To be able to
organise the Brother’s life in such a way that while engaged in their charitable work on behalf of
the sick they can also constantly fulfil the practices of piety according to Chapter III of the same
Constitutions. 5. To apply these faculties always with an understanding with a person whom Your
Holiness trusts, and the request is that such person be appointed.’ Fiorani encouraged the granting
of these faculties. The Pope did so immediately by rescript. In it, he prescribed that Don Bosco
should use them ‘in an understanding with the Commendatore [administrator] of the Holy Spirit
[Hospital] as the Institute’s Protector.’34
On 16 November, Fiorani passed on the Report and Rescript to Cardinal Ferrieri, Pro–prefect of
the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars ‘informing him that the Pope, by motu proprio, had
decided to substantially change the Institute by aggregating it to the Salesian Society in Turin.’ At
the bottom of the document, someone from the Congregation had added: ‘The Institute of the
Hospitaller Brothers of Mary Immaculate known as the Concettini, by will of the Holy Father, Pius
IX, is aggregated to the Salesian Congregation in Turin, whose Superior General is Father John
Bosco.’35
However, the binding clause connected with the first faculty granted still applied: ‘Always
excepting the purpose and aim to which the Concettini Institute is directed.’ Also there had been no
clarification as to whether entrustment to the Salesian Society, could be understood by the Pope,
or at least interpreted by him as a temporary measure aimed at revitalising the Institute in its spirit
and work and making it capable of autonomy and self–government, or otherwise. Subsequent
events revolved around the alternatives.
Don Bosco’s interpretation could have given rise to greater concerns when it was finally
specified in his letter to the Pope on 18 November, and even more so in the attached document.
He stated that he found the Concettini rule to be ‘very similar’ to the Salesian Rule and expressed
the opinion that ‘with few adjustments’ the rules could be ‘identified with one another.’ Perhaps it
would not be easy ‘to lead the Concettini to practise the vow of poverty and common life’ but it was
hopeful that with patience this would be achieved. What was of key importance, at any rate, was
the solution to the problem of the novitiate since, he claimed, although they have good will, without
a novitiate where their students practise the Constitutions and how to observe then, ‘those
Religious will carry out a work that they either do not know about or will have learned imperfectly.’
Finally, he asked that Mons. Fiorani give him ‘an indication of the number of Concettini, the houses
offering service and anything else concerning their moral and material state.’36
In the attached memorandum, he interpreted the Report agreed on in Rome with Fiorani and
added ‘8 articles to be placed as an appendix to the Hospitaller Brothers’ Constitution’ preceded by
five operational guidelines. The eight articles presented the outline of his reform based on the
precise configuration of the relationship between the Concettini and the Salesians: ‘1. The Institute
is perpetually affiliated to the Society of St Francis de Sales. 2. The spiritual direction of the
Concettini Brothers, professed and novices, is perpetually affiliated to the priests of the said
Congregation. 3. The office of Superior General of the Concettini will be held by the Rector Major
of the Salesian Congregation who can also appoint his representative from among the Salesians
resident in Rome. 4. The Superior of the Salesian Congregation will provide everything needed by
the Concettini both for their state of health and in case of illness. 5. All Concettini are considered to
be, as they are in fact, Salesian Co–operators. 6. In any case the material and disciplinary side of
things will always be entrusted to a Concettini Brother who will be chosen and will be assistant to
34 Documenti XVII 571–572; MB XII 496–497; E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, pp. 516–517.
35 Cited by E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, p. 518.
36 Letter to Pius IX, 18 November 1876, E III 116–117.

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the novices. 8. Distribution of tasks, acceptance for first trial, admission to the novitiate and
religious profession is up to the Superior of the Salesian Congregation but always with the opinion
of the Concettini Director and Prefect or Bursar of the house the postulants resides in.’
He asked for the Holy Father’s sanction of all eight, and meanwhile set about ‘getting the
Concettini Constitutions to conform to those of the Salesians.’ He would have presented this work
to the Holy See, promising once again to carry out such ‘conformation of the two Institutes … in full
agreement and with the consent of His Excellency, Mons. Fiorani.’37
Fiorani, however, had not been previously informed by Don Bosco of the eight articles added to
the agreed plan. But supporting Don Bosco’s wish and being unable to send him the Concettini
Superior who was ill, on 23 November he announced the arrival in Turin of the former Superior
General, Brother Gregorio Coriddi.38 It was the only way of involving the Concettini in the work
being done on their behalf, and which affected them. He was an envoy of the Protector sent not to
negotiate but simply to inform and be informed.
Brother Gregorio arrived in Turin on the evening of 26 November, a guest of the Oratory until 10
December. He brought with him a long letter of presentation from Fiorani with a brief report on the
state of the Concettini Institute.39The following was recorded in Frs Chialo’s and Lazzero’s Diario, a
reflection of what they thought in Valdocco of the mission entrusted to Don Bosco: [27 November],
the Procurator of the Concettini [Hospitallers]’ came from Rome to talk with Don Bosco about the
takeover of the administration 0f this Institute by the Salesians. It is the Holy Father, Pius IX, who
wants it.’ ‘[11 December, Bro Gregorio, Procurator of the Concettini, left the Oratory.’40
On the evening of 22 November, Brother Gregorio found himself in discussion with Don Bosco
as members of the Superior Chapter were about to commence their meeting. In their presence,
Don Bosco addressed intentionally soothing words to the Concettini: ‘The point is this, that they be
convinced that we will most gladly do what we can for their benefit; that we are not seeking to
destroy their Institute but to leave it as is, improve it and make it grow, and then whatever the Holy
Father does in this regard, let then be convinced that we have no other aim than to support their
intentions. Since it is not about us wanting to impose new things, it is a matter of setting up the
Institute in such a way that its preservation and improvement can be assured.’ Brother Gregorio left
at this point but he would have been profoundly disturbed had he been able to hear the summary
presentation of the plan Don Bosco presented Chapter members with: ‘The memo given me by His
Holiness’ he declared ‘was the execution of this principle, that the Concettini accept our rules and
observe them in their entirety: the Superior General of the Salesians will be their Superior. An
appendix will be given them with our Rule in which rules for good management of the hospitals will
be included.’ That was all for the evening since at that point they could not arrive ‘at any
conclusion.’41
Don Bosco’s plan was even more radical if we consider the use of the word ‘merger’ in the
earlier–mentioned letter to Fr Cagliero on 30 November. Perhaps it should be understood as
incorporation of their work into Salesian work except for their specific mission: ‘8. At the moment I
have the Superior General of the Concettini in my room, sent by the Pope to negotiate the difficult
undertaking of the merger. Let’s see.’42 The idea must have been widespread at Valdocco. Fr
Barberis, referring to a small academy prepared by the novices on 10 December, and after
37 Documenti XVII 572–573, 573–576; MB XII 499–500.
38 Documenti XVII 576.
39 Documenti XVII 578–579.
40 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 50, 52.
41 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali..., 27 November1876, quad. 1, fol. 21r–22r; Documenti XVII
582–584.
42 E III 121.

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mentioning the blessing of the statue of Our Lady in their classroom and study hall, wrote in the
chronicle: ‘It would be good to note that a Concettini was also present. He has been with us for
some days, sent by his confreres to deal with the unification of their order with ours. He will leave
tomorrow.’43
The validity of the plan was perhaps compromised by an inadequate appreciation of the history
of the real religious, moral and disciplinary state of the Institute at the time and especially of the
painful period it had gone through, partly due to outside superiors, protectors, guarantors.44
However, the exchange of information and discussions with Brother Gregorio had to have
produced some benefits if Don Bosco then revised the eight articles in minor fashion. The first two
remain altered. Then came nine articles preceded by the following note: ‘Other than these ongoing
arrangements, until there are new ones from the Holy See, what follows will be observed.’ The
article regarding the Superior General and his representative was altered. There was no longer
mention of the ‘Salesian Co–operators.’ The presence of Salesian priests at the Holy Spirit Hospital
and novitiate was specified as having an exclusively spiritual function. Concettini were assigned
roles in the mother house, particularly as superior of the house in Rome, Orte, Civita Castellana,
and of the novitiate. Nevertheless it said: ‘All these Concettini office holders have a consultative
vote where they are called to give their opinion.’ There was no word of a central Concettini
superior.45 On 4 December, Mons. Fiorani acknowledged receipt of Don Bosco’s letter ‘along with
the memorandum containing other new bases for the Concettini Institute and reasons’ motivating
them. He gave them all to the Pope on Tuesday 12 December.46
The interpretation that was given to the Report and Rescript of 14 November, with the additional
articles, did not find Pius IX fully accepting of Don Bosco’s ‘new outlook.’ Mons. Fiorani wrote to
Turin about this in controlled and respectful terms. The Pope was satisfied with Don Bosco’s ‘kind
efforts’ ‘no less with the fact that he spontaneously submitted his new perspectives to his Supreme
Will.’ He appreciated the reasons for the additions of ‘some new articles’ however, he would have
liked ‘them to be somewhat modified in places, because as he currently sees them, they do not
correspond perfectly to his way of seeing things.’ He has ‘explained his mind’ to Fiorani ‘and since
there were some matters for discussion’ there was need for ‘an exchange of ideas about them.’
Therefore he was inviting him to Rome where ‘in a couple of days at most’ he wrote ‘we will
combine our perspectives and will be fully clear on what we intend.’47
Don Bosco gave Superior Chapter members an extremely summary version on 17 December,
noting some concern. In essence, Mons Fiorani had written: ‘I was with His Holiness and he told
me he is very happy with your plans regarding the Concettini. Nevertheless, he has his own ideas
on some points’ which he had explained to the Monsignor and needed to deal with in person. This
is why ‘to bring it all to a conclusion’ the Pope was inviting him to Rome with ‘a priest, to
immediately take up the administration of the Holy Spirit Hospital.’ ‘I have already given it much
thought, reflection, prayer,’ Don Bosco said ‘and now it is only a question of carrying matters out …
We are not going there to propose but to do what has been suggested … since here it is a case
not of discussion or suggestion but of listening, then acting.’48 The same day, 17 December, an
upset Brother Gregorio had written to Brother Monti, the director of the house at Orte: ‘I believe
that Don Bosco will soon come to Rome to conclude our business with Fiorani and then with the
Holy Father. The Concettini have nothing to do with it. All they have to do is await their fate.
43 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 10, p. 35.
44 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, pp. 522–524.
45 The text in Documenti XVII 574; MB XII 505–506; Cf. also E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., I, pp.
527, 529.
46 Documenti XVII 590.
47 Documenti XVII 595–596.
48 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali..., 17 December 1876, quad. 1, fol. 27r–v, 29r.

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Enough … Confidence in Mary. We do not tire of praying; indeed let our prayer to Mary be
persevering and persistent. Toto ratio spei mease.’49 He was right. In the letter to Don Bosco on 4
December, when Brother Gregorio was in Turin still, Fiorani had written: ‘Concerning Bro. Gregorio,
he need not await the conclusion [=he will play no part in the conclusion] of the matter we are
dealing with, and he is not asked to intervene in it and discuss it.’50
However, not only the Pope, Mons. Fiorani and Don Bosco were interested in the Concettini; in
Rome there were also some convinced supporters of theirs. Other than Pius IX himself, a great
supporter perplexed about Don Bosco’s most recent executive plan was and would continue to be
Cardinal Innocenzo Ferrieri (1810–87), who from July 1876 was Pro–prefect and then from July
1877 Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. From the end of November 1878 until
1884 he was President of the Concettini Institute and from 1884 until his death, their Cardinal
Protector. There was also a good consensus among clerics in contact with the Brothers in Rome,
and at Orte, (where Brother Monti lived and had the support of the Bishop and Vicar General), and
at Civita Castellana, who appreciated their valuable and generous service. Mons. Fiorani himself,
probably preoccupied with quietening widespread concerns, amongst them Brother Gregorio’s, had
decided to inform the Brothers about what was happening. The Institute’s Super General, Brother
Giuseppe Petrolli and his Council, thanked the Pope on 29 December on behalf of the Concettini
for what he was doing for them, promising to accept ‘with the greatest respect’ the solutions that
would be adopted, but they also begged him ‘as one’ that their Pious Institute could ‘preserve its
integrity in its own charitable purpose of assisting poor sick people in hospitals,’ and they nurtured
the ‘firm hope’ that ‘their institution’ would ‘fully preserve its autonomy.’51
Meanwhile, without losing time, Don Bosco had prepared the fragile Salesian establishment in
Rome. On 18 December he had written to Fr Lemoyne, asking him to make Fr Giuseppe Scappini
available to transfer from Lanzo to the capital: ‘At the latest’ he specified ‘by 1 January next, as we
will set sail by train for Rome.’52 There is an entry for 1 January 1877 in Chiala and Lazzero’s
Diario: ‘D. Bosco leaves for Rome accompanied by Fr Berto and Fr Scappini. The latter is going to
Rome to take up the administration of the Concettini.’53 They arrived on the 2nd. Don Bosco wrote to
Fr Rua from the capital: ‘Frs Scappini and Berto are sleeping and eating at the Holy Spirit; I am
with Mr Sigismondi and working at settling the difficult position of the Concettini with the
Salesians.’54
The scrupulous secretary had noted with his customary brevity, but this time more detailed and
precise, the movements of his Superior and his frequent presence among the Concettini at Holy
Spirit Hospital.55 Don Bosco met many people of importance: The Cardinal Vicar, La Valletta and
manager Mons. Lenti, Cardinals Sacconi, Oreglia, Berardi, Morichini, Bilio, Consolini, Archbishops
Simeoni, Vannutelli, the substitute for the Secretary of State, Jacobini, Kirby, the new
representative of the Holy Spirit Hospital, Prince Paolo Borghese. We do not find, among the
names the one most interested in the negotiations underway, viz., Cardinal Ferrieri. Most of the
scant information on the content of these audiences, naturally, could only come from Don Bosco.56
There was a first meeting with Mons. Fiorani on 3 January. The following day he sent Don
Bosco ‘the agreed bases’ to reflect on, setting up an appointment at his own home for the
49 Cited by E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, p. 528.
50 Documenti XVII 590.
51 Letter to Pius IX 29 December 1876, cited by E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., Vol. I, pp. 530–531.
52 Letter of 18 December 1876, E III 127.
53 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 50, 52, 53.
54 Letter of January 1877, E III 139.
55 Cf. G. BERTO, Appunti pel viaggio di D. Bosco a Roma 1877, 49 pp. (small pocket diary).
56 Some useful critical notes on information from the Salesian side can be found in E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti
fondatore..., Vol. I, pp. 534–537 (Dalla fusione al governo bicipite).

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afternoon of Sunday, 7 January.57 As we see from a memorandum on 14 January, after a further
meeting with Fiorani the day before, and recalling ‘the Holy Father’s thoughts,’ Don Bosco (he
believed he had found the Pope in agreement at the two audiences on 9 and 11 January) did not
essentially desist from the ‘first plan’ he had considered necessary for the Institute.58 He concluded
with the forced offer of a temporary collaboration which was limited for the time being but a
valuable one. It was gladly accepted: ‘There is now such disparity and opposition of wills that there
is nothing left for me to do other than offer a purely religious service, so long as it meets the
Sovereign’s pleasure.’59
On 20 January, Mons. Fiorani referred matters to the Pope, who received Don Bosco the
following day, expressing the wish that he keep the task entrusted to him, but in a more precise
and limited way compared to what he had originally requested. At a meeting at the Holy Spirit with
Mons. Fiorani, the Concettini, and another representative of the hospital, according to the
chronicler, Don Bosco himself ‘presented the Holy Father’s view, viz., that Mons. Fiorani would
look after the material side and D. Bosco the spiritual.’60 During lunch on the 24th with the
Sigismondi family where he was staying, Don Bosco gave his own interpretation of what he
thought was a damaging but hopefully temporary change to the Pope’s original plan: ‘The Roman
clergy sent a representation to the Holy Father to protest that he had called on D. Bosco, an
outsider, to take over the Concettini.’61 At any rate, on 28 January, Mons Fiorani and Don Bosco, in
agreement, appointed a new ‘Chapter of the Religious Institute: Brother Luigi Monti, Superior,
Brother Giuseppe Maria Petrolli, Bursar, Pietro da Palestrina for the Wards, Girolamo da Spino
d’Adda for the novices.’62
Don Bosco left for Turin on 29 January, stopping over at Magliano Sabina and Florence, arriving
at the Oratory on the morning of 4 February, the external Feast of St Francis de Sales. In Rome,
the agreed on interventions were given official sanction in the first week of February. A decree of
the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars appointed the two visitors to the Concettini
Institute on 6 February 1877, describing their respective tasks. It was aimed at ‘establishing the
discipline of the Institute and promoting observance of the Constitutions,’ ‘eliminating possible
abuses.’ The ‘Apostolic Visitor in spiritualibus’ would be for the term of his natural life, the priest
Don Bosco, and his successors at the Holy See’s pleasure; the Apostolic Visitor in temporalibus.
The priest Luigi Fiorani, Commendatore of the Holy Spirit Hospital and Protector of the Institute
and his successors in the stipended role at the Holy See’s pleasure. The jurisdiction of the
Superior General of the Institute remained suspended. Both Visitors could delegate a suitable
person of probity to act on their behalf, the first a Salesian priest, the second a member of the
diocesan or religious clergy [including, as would happen, a Concettino]. The Visitor in spiritualibus
had to appoint two Salesian priests for ‘spiritual government’, one for the professed, the other for
the novices, ‘according to the Constitutions still in force.’ The Visitor in temporalibus ‘in agreement
with the Visitor in spiritualibus could ‘renew and regulate the offices of the Institute,’ ‘admit
postulants to clothing and novices to profession, and send them away.’ Every three years the
Visitors had to give the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars a report on their Visit.63
The result was a clear reshaping of Don Bosco’s role and extent of action. What he thought
about this at the time he would explain two months later to Pius IX and Cardinal Lorenzo Randi.
57 Lett. To Fr Bosco, 5 January 1877, in MB XIII 905.
58 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., Vol. I, pp. 532–533.
59 Letter of 14 January with attached Memo on His Holiness’ thoughts about merging the Concettini
Constitutions with the Salesians, E III 143–145.
60 G. BERTO, Appunti..., pp. 21–22.
61 G. BERTO, Appunti..., p. 24.
62 G. BERTO, Appunti..., p. 28.
63 Documenti XVIII 69–70; MB XIII 905–907.

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For him it was a change dictated by the desire ‘not to clash with the principle’ of the absolute wish
for ‘autonomy and independence’ of the Institute which could not eliminate the ‘many causes’
preventing ‘a stable organisation of the Concettini.’ To obtain this, it would have been necessary to
keep firmly to the papal Rescript back in mid–November,64obviously meaning the rescript as he
had interpreted and included it. It was a twin visitation: in spiritualibus, his, with weak juridical
impact, while the in temporalibus by Mons. Fiorani was the one that clearly dominated. ‘It seems
difficult to me’ he had written to Cardinal Randi on 7 August ‘for the two heads of the same family
to arrive at a uniform type of command that will please everyone. But since they said this was the
Holy Father’s wish, I kept quiet and accepted the trial, though one I have seen from the outset to
pose many difficulties.’ In his view, the right solution had already been provided and remained
such: it was in the memorandum agreed on in Rome with Mons. Fiorani and presented by him to
the Pontiff on 14 December, then approved by him.65
Don Bosco never abandoned the notion of aggregation or affiliation or merger. At one of the St
Francis de Sales Conferences, on the morning of 6 February, he told Chapter members and
rectors that he had found ‘matters extremely tangled’ in Rome. ‘A number of delegations had gone
to the Pope, one led by a Cardinal and they said, ‘Are there no priests or Religious Orders in Rome
such that there is a need to call on an outside priest to fix things up in this Congregation?’ ‘Now,
many things need to be established, but the idea is to go slowly, a little at a time.’ He reported the
Pope’s reply to the Cardinal: ‘Go and tell D. Bosco yourself that I am happy that they [Salesians}
are administrating this Institute and that yours can also come.’66 Despite the 6 February decree he
wrote to Fr Cagliero in mid–February: ‘The Holy Father is enthusiastic about our Congregation.
Other than the house in Rome, the Concettini’s, he wants us to accept another, the Consolation
Hospital.’67 His temperament was showing here as it did in any defence of his Society against
undue interference, and in defending the secondary classes at the Oratory against threat of
closure. And here it was again in the case of the Concettini: tenacious fidelity to his own plans,
tactical, temporary acquiescence to commitments he did not share, while hoping for ultimate
success for the only valid solution – the initial one.
But another key player entered the Roman mission in 1877. He was humble and determined, a
man of great faith and no less tenacious than Don Bosco. Blessed Luigi Monti (1825–1900).
Success could not fail, and came via the route that was the normal one and most pleasing to Pius
IX and Leo XIII, thanks to an Institute which discovered its own inner energy to regenerate itself in
a vital way.68 On 4 March, in fact, using his powers as Visitor in temporalibus, Mons. Fiorani
appointed Bro Monti as his delegate in governing the Institute. The following day, Bro. Monti moved
from Orte to Rome to commence his vigorous, patient and prudent work of reform.69
From 17 April, Brother Monti was able to make use of the building in Piazza Mastai as the
novitiate, furnished at the Pope’s expense. On 11 March and 22 May, he sent Don Bosco two
beautiful letters which revealed extraordinary humility, total dedication to the work of reform and
reorganisation and heartfelt acknowledgement of the work of the Visitor in spiritualibus, as well as
of Salesian Fr Giuseppe Scappini.70 Although the sender dearly wanted a reply and Fr Scappini
suggested one, Don Bosco never replied, firm in his belief that the Superior of the Concettini
should be the Rector Major of the Salesians. He saw in Monti, then, more of an obstacle than a
collaborator in setting the Institute on the path to an authentic autonomy, and to being religiously
64 To Pius IX, 20 June 1877, E III 188–191.
65 E III 205.
66 G. BARBERIS, Cronaca, quad. 13, pp. 12–14.
67 Letter of 13 February 1877, E III 149. Emphasis ours.
68 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., Vol. I, pp. 541–543.
69 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., Vol. I, pp. 540–541.
70 Documenti XVIII 111, 149–150; MB XIII 907–909.

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fruitful.71 He did not manage to see the genuine will of the Pope in the 6 February decree, only the
result of obscure Roman plotting.
On 19 May, speaking with Fr Barberis who had to go to Rome with Fr Lazzero to preach the
retreat to the Concettini, he again showed his unwillingness to budge: ‘When there was first talk of
the Concettini, I immediately told Rome that what was needed for progress was for the Concettini
to be merged with the Salesians, keeping only their purpose as hospitallers. Since the Pope
approved of my thinking in general terms I sent him a memorandum, and the Pope approved it.
Then various intrigues arose, various plots, and things had to be modified; but these modifications
were only written to adjust things for the moment. Nevertheless, my initial plan as approved by the
Pope still stands … Now the effort is to reduce it [i.e. the Concettini] to this: that the Concettini be
true Salesians and observe our rules. Then, as to the practical way of carrying out these rules,
their own can serve as a guide. They all want to preserve their autonomy, supported and urged on
by a thousand voices … Now, there is nothing new regarding this but the need to move toward this
goal and recommend obedience to the superiors through discussion, as Fr Scappini wrote to the
Concettini Superior.’72
June came without anything appreciably new happening. Moreover, in the preceding months
Don Bosco had been overburdened. He had been in Rome for the entire month (June) for
festivities in honour of Pius IX who was celebrating his golden jubilee of episcopal consecration,
yet he had not succeeded in gaining a private audience with the Pope. He wrote to Fr Rua over
that period: ‘The Holy Father has often complained that D. Bosco has not come to talk about the
Concettini, but how can I approach him?’73
Nothing had changed by the 16th: ‘I have still not have a special audience and the Holy Father
does not want me to leave yet. I hope it happens as soon as possible, then I will fly ad Lares.’74
Finally, being unable to reach the Pope in person, on 20 June, he gave the Cardinal Vicar for Pius
IX a memorandum on regularising the religious life of the Concettini, speaking of the work carried
out by the Salesian priests – without ever naming the involvement of Brother Monti. After listing the
‘many clauses’ preventing the Institute’s ‘stable organisation’ and its current state, he indicated five
clear and decisive ‘measures’ with a Salesian flavour: 1. Setting up a separate novitiate house. 2.
Profession of vows made after a year’s novitiate during which the novice must also ‘try out his
vocation’ by spending ‘some time with the sick.’3. Rejection of hospitals where the religious would
need to depend on or ‘live cheek by jowl in their work with people of the other sex,’ unless these
latter ‘lived and worked entirely and strictly separated from the Concettini.’ 4. Accepting a hospital
only if the Concettini were ‘sufficient in numbers’ to do what was prescribed ‘without have recourse
to lay helpers’ or, where necessary, making use of ‘paid servants, but of known morality.’ 5.
‘Absolute unity of command’ with the Supreme Pontiff as ‘absolute Superior’ and, more
immediately, ‘the Salesian Superior’ who would make use of a Director appointed by him [the only
new item] and on whom ‘all the directors of Concettini houses’ would depend.’75
‘It was necessary’ he said, persisting with his original idea, ‘to reduce matters to the first plan
already approved by the Pope’ as Fr Barberis noted on 20 June while in Rome preaching the
retreat to the Concettini.76 So the meeting that Monti succeeded in having over those days could
hardly lead to any substantial common understanding. If anything, the distance between them
grew.77
71 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., Vol. I, pp. 543–549.
72 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 12, pp. 5–7.
73 Letter of 8 June 1877, E III 182.
74 To Fr M. Rua, 16 June 1877, E III 187.
75 E III 188–191.
76 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 12, p. 8.
77 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, pp. 551–553.

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Another solution was floated further on which he did not accept. It would have depended on a
single Visitor without a Religious Congregation behind him.78 Meanwhile, many other tasks and
problems were absorbing Don Bosco’s time and would involve him more seriously and completely
in the coming months.
3. Preparation for the First General Chapter of the Salesian Society
Don Bosco attributed special importance to the First General Chapter. He considered it to be the
most authoritative place for defining the concrete ways of practising the Constitutions, a decisive
event for the future of the Salesian Society. General Chapters held over the eighty years that have
followed have taken the same eminently practical approach, while the doctrinal guidelines were
entrusted to the Constitutions themselves and, in particular, the introduction To Salesian Confreres,
which Don Bosco had prefaced the Constitutions with as theological and ascetic guidelines of a
kind.
He wrote to his secretary from Alassio on 7 July: ‘As soon as there are copies of the Work of
Mary Help of Christians, send some quickly to Nice, but do not forget to send some copies to
Mons. Ceccarelli with a dozen or so copies of the General Chapter for Montevideo, Buenos Aires,
San Nicolás.’79 The 24–page printed booklet was sent over those days80 ‘in multiple copies to
rectors of each house so they can be distributed to members of their own chapter, recommending
and making it easy for each one to study the matters proposed.’81 The printed version had been
based on a handwritten manuscript of Don Bosco’s, ten foolscap sheets numbered from 2 to 20 by
Don Bosco himself,82 with very many corrections. The handwriting in the first draft was irregular,
untidy, nervous and its content somewhat meagre. The style was shabby and the many changes
reveal a man who has just too much to do, is in a hurry and subject to distractions that sometimes
led him to erase useful features. But he was by no means tempted by new insights or unexpected
flights of fancy. Naturally, between this tormented manuscript and the eventual printed text, there
had been an abundantly corrected and enriched manuscript. It offered a list of discussion topics to
be translated into norms completely in function of behaviour and individual actions synchronised
with the whole: ‘Without common life everything becomes confused.’ The 21 topics followed one
another without any logical order: common life, health and associated matters, study [for Salesian
clerics], study for pupils, text books, morality among Salesian confreres, morality among the pupils,
clothing and linen, economy of provisions, economy in lighting, economy in the kitchen and with
timber, economy in travel, economy in repairs and buildings, respect for superiors, inspectorates or
provinces, hospitality, invitations and dinners, religious customs, habits, almsgiving, novices,
holidays.83 Each heading, in general, ended with explicit questions or considerations on particular
matters, suitable for encouraging reflection in the chapter in each house.
In a second step, Don Bosco probably intended to prepare a new edition for the use of
members of the General Chapter, taking advantage to some degree of the collaboration of his
secretary Fr Berto and less so, Fr Barberis. Some documents remain: 1) A copy of the already
78 Cf. Chap. 26, § 3
79 To Fr G. Berto, 7 July 1877, E III 197.
80 Capitolo generale della Congregazione salesiana da convocarsi in Lanzo nel prossimo settembre 1877.
Turin, Tipografia salesiana 1877, 24 p., OE XXVIII 313–336.
81 Brief pre–Chapter chronicle drawn up by Fr Barberis as an introduction to the Verbali of the Chapter, fol.
1r–2v.
82 Pages 1, 17, 19. not numbered.
83 The printed order was identical to that of the manuscript except for inserting Libri di testo immediately
after Studio degli allievi, while in the original it appeared between Ospitalità inviti e pranzi and Usanze
religiose.

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printed booklet with additions to headings written and corrected by Don Bosco,: Associations,
Election of the Provincial, and others. 2) Two different handwritten manuscripts of Don Bosco’s on
The press and teatrino, with corrections. 3) A handwritten manuscript of Fr Berto’s with its own
further changes, and others by Fr Barberis. 4) Other interventions by Don Bosco and Fr Berto on
another printed booklet. 5) On two final pages of the booklet, the appointments to five commissions
for studying different groups of topics. In conclusion a further 8 items were added to the earlier 21:
Association [=subscriptions to booklets or books]’ Disseminating books, Association of Mary and
the Salesian Cooperators, Press, Election of the Provincial, Provincial Visitation, Teatrino, Adapted
material and Things to be excluded. More than half the earlier headings underwent varying
degrees of addition. The General Chapter made specific reference to the new Teatrino heading.
The minutes of the tenth session on the afternoon of 11 September read: ‘D. Bosco had
presented some rules in one of his manuscripts; it has been noted that other instructions were
printed in the regulations for the colleges, another on a separate sheet. A commission was set up
to examine the three items, pull them together and make a set of regulations for teatrino, which
could then be adopted in all the colleges.’84
The printed text of the Deliberations also included the unpublished text of Don Bosco’s, with
modifications and considerable additions.
4. Revealing the preventive system and ‘our regulations’ (August–November1877)
The Sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù (Preventive system in the education of
youth) appeared in 1877. It was the first time Don Bosco had used the formulas which then
became classic, ‘preventive system’ and ‘repressive system’. They were certainly not the most
felicitous formulas for summing up the entire history of education and pedagogy, infinitely richer
and more varied. However ‘Preventive system’ was not an expression he invented, nor were its
contents new.85 All his social and educational activity had, from the outset, been essentially on
behalf of the young and adults, especially to prevent the worst possible misfortune in Christian
terms, the loss of one’s soul, eternal damnation, and personal and social ruin in the here and now.
He sought recovery and avoiding falling back into sin or better still, that they, the young, be
radically protected from it.
At the level of reflection, then, in more or less intentional form, the preventive mentality had
been expressed since his earliest writings addressed to young people and workers in the social
sector, in education, in ministry, which in turn reflected charitable activity of extremely varied kinds
of preservation.86 We have already mentioned, for example, the Confidential Reminders for
Rectors and the classic principle: ‘Make yourself loved if you wish to be feared’ or ‘rather than
making yourself feared.’ ‘The educator among the pupils seeks to make himself loved if he wishes
to make himself feared’ is also found in the pages on punishments in 1877, punishments which the
author encourages the educator to exclude in principle.87
84 G. BARBERIS, Verbali II 148.
85 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Prevenire non reprimere. Il sistema educativo di don Bosco. Roma, LAS 1999, pp. 23–
124.
86 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco alle origini (1841–1862), pp. 255–320; ID., Breve storia
del “sistema preventivo”. Piccola Biblioteca dell’ISS, 13. Rome, LAS 1993, pp. 59–105.
87 Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù, in G. BOSCO, Inaugurazione del Patronato di S.
Pietro in Nizza a Mare. Scopo del medesimo esposto dal Sacerdote Giovanni Bosco con appendice sul
sistema preventivo della educazione della gioventù. Turin, tip. e libr. Salesiana 1877, pp. 44–67, OE
XXVIII 442–445 (bilingual French and Italian edition), p. 64, OE XXVIII 442.

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The 1877 document did not seek to be a ‘treatise’ as we sometimes find written, not even a
‘small treatise,’ terms which Don Bosco never used. As he said in the introductory lines, he was
proposing to present a series of ‘thoughts,’ and ‘indications’ which he hoped would be a pointer to
what he had ‘in mind to publish in an appropriately prepared small work … to help in the difficult art
of educating the young.’88 They were occasional pages, paying attention chiefly to the hospice, but
they spelt out principles regarding ends and methods of education such that they became
guidelines for an exemplary system of Catholic education.
The Preventive System text appeared in August as an appendix to the pamphlet prepared for
the opening of the new site for the Patronage in Nice, first of all in a bilingual Italian and French
edition89 then immediately followed by separate editions for the two languages. The central part of
the pamphlet was a sermon de charité developed around an outline that would become habitual for
Don Bosco in the years to follow: origins and early development of the Patronage, its purpose, the
reward God has in store for its benefactors. The three editions, all produced in Turin,90 carried the
nulla osta for printing, issued on 3 August by the Vicar General of the Archdiocese, Canon
Giuseppe Zappata.91 Publication of the booklet with news of the opening and the text of the
address given for the occasion had been decided on by Don Bosco in agreement with the Rector,
Fr Joseph Ronchail. Back in Turin, Don Bosco was putting final shape to the text of the speech
when it suddenly occurred to him to include the pages on the preventive system adopted in his
institutes, as an appendix. In the author’s intentions, the added pedagogical material had a
propaganda purpose, especially for the French. In his own words they were more open to ‘new
things’ and to taking the practical side of things to the level of theoretical discussion. ‘Now we need
to get them to know us more closely. The preventive system, especially, will be received and
spread by their newspapers. It will make noise.’92
The printed document had nothing new in it by comparison with the original details on
educational and social experiences in the youth institutions he had run for decades. Without
naming it as such, the preventive system was already there and complete in its basic dimensions:
anticipating wrongdoing, regenerating, protecting, preparing for the future, being constructive.
Much has been written about the pedagogical content of these few pages. We know how it was
laid out: In what the preventive system consists and why it should be preferred – Application of the
preventive system – Advantages of the preventive system – A word on punishments. Some of its
arguments were seen as new in pedagogical terms, beginning with the opposition (which did not
exclude either interaction or contamination) between two systems, the repressive and the
preventive.
The definition of the preventive system did limit its impact to an all–embracing institutional
setting such as a college or hospice, boarding institutions: ‘It consists in making the laws and
regulations of an institute known, and then watching carefully so that the pupils may at all times be
under the vigilant eye of the Rector or the assistants, who like loving fathers can converse with
them, take the lead in every movement and in a kindly way give advice and correction: in other
words, this system places the pupils in the impossibility of committing faults.’ Yet there were many
statements of universal import running through the document. The foundation was established:
‘This system is based entirely on reason and religion and above all on kindness.’ The reasons for it
were specified: the pupil is encouraged by the educator’s ‘friendly preventive warning, which
88 Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù, in G. BOSCO, Inaugurazione del Patronato di S.
Pietro in Nizza a Mare..., p. 44, OE XXVIII 422.
89 Photocopy in OE XXVIII 380–446.
90 Tipografia e libreria salesiana 1877.
91 Cf. GIOVANNI (S.) BOSCO, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù,ed. P. BRAIDO, RSS 4
(1985) 171–321; the text of the “system” on pp. 82–91.
92 Conversation on 21 April 1877 with Fr Giulio BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 12, p. XI.

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appeals to his reason.’ ‘The primary reason for this system is the thoughtlessness of the young.’
‘The repressive system may stop a disorder but can hardly make the offenders better.’ ‘In the
preventive system … The pupil becomes a friend and the assistant a benefactor who advises him,
has his good at heart and wishes to spare him vexation, punishment and perhaps dishonour.’
In the Catholic world, difficult as it is to determine how far it extends, this view found favourable
acceptance especially for its strong Christian and Catholic quality: ‘The practice of this system is
wholly based on the words of St Paul who says: Caritas patiens est, benigna est. Omnia suffert,
Omnia sperat, omnia sustinet … Reason and religion are the means an educator must constantly
apply: he must teach them and himself practise them if he wishes to be obeyed and to attain his
end.’ Sacramental life needs to be intense, made likeable by attractive rites, never boring and
formal; the setting became more effective if it was suited to allowing the young person to give rein
to his vital energy in study, work, leisure activities.93
Don Bosco admitted that the system could be demanding and difficult for the educator but
undoubtedly, ‘easier, more satisfactory and advantageous’ for the pupils. On the other hand,
educating is a mission: ‘An educator is one who is consecrated to the welfare of his pupils and
therefore he should be ready to face every difficulty and fatigue in order to attain his object, which
is the civic, moral and intellectual education of his pupils.’ Punishments in the ‘system’ are an
extreme measure, rare and based on decidedly psychological and reasonable factors. The
principle Don Bosco had always employed came into play here: ‘An educator should seek to win
the love of his pupils if he wishes to inspire fear in them.’ The written document, then, went well
beyond mere propaganda.
At the same time he was putting together these pages on the preventive system, after nearly
thirty years of experimentation the moment had come for finalising a printed version of the
Regulations for the Houses94 thanks to the work, as we have seen, of those taking part in the St
Francis de Sales Conferences. Perhaps encouraged by one of his closest collaborators it seemed
to be the right moment to include what he had written on the preventive system as a kind of entry
point to the Regulations, a lex fundamentalis to inspire the Salesian activity of educators and
pupils.95 He had already prepared an entry point with the ten General Articles, which now took
second place. They became almost a minor summary of the system.96 The second article spelt out
the principle that ‘each one should make himself loved rather than feared’ with the comment: ‘He
will achieve this great end if he makes it known by words and more so by deeds that his concerns
are exclusively aimed at the spiritual and temporal benefit of his pupils.’ Most articles gave a
summary indication of a differential pedagogy adapted to ‘different characters: good, ordinary,
difficult and bad–natured.’ The Preventive System with the General Articles included gave the
Regulations a much more profound significance. Don Bosco saw them not simply as a code of
community discipline but as an expression of the sum total of duties young people and adults had
towards God, neighbour and self: in essence they were a rule and program for a complete, integral
human and Christian life.
93 Cf. Chap. 7, § 4 and 16, § 7.
94 Cf. Chap. 24, § 2.
95 Regolamento per le case della Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Turin, Tipografia salesiana 1877, 100
p., OE XXIX 97–196: Il Sistema Preventivo nella educazione della gioventù, pp. 3–13, OE XXIX 99–109;
Articoli generali, pp. 15–17, OE XXIX 11–113; Parte prima. Regolamento particolare [degli educatori], pp.
19–57, OE XXIX 115–153; Parte seconda. Regolamento per le case della congregazione di S. Franc. di
Sales, pp. 59–89, OE XXIX 155–185; Appendice al Regolamento della Casa. Sul modo di scrivere
lettere, pp. 91–98, OE XXIX 187–194.
96 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Il “sistema preventivo” in un “decalogo” per educatori, RSS 4 (1985) 131–148.

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We have already said as much of the early manuscripts of regulations drawn up in the 1850s.97
These new Regulations were divided into two: the first part offered rules for superiors and
educators; the second part was for pupils. He thought it especially educational for the boys to know
their superiors duties too, through a public reading of them each year, just as it was important for
the educators to be au fait with their responsibilities and what they should and could ask of their
pupils. There was frequent insistence, in Chapter Conferences, Meetings of leaders and monthly
Conferences for teachers and assistants at the Valdocco Oratory on the need to know and read the
regulations pertaining to their office, even when these were still in manuscript form.98
A few days after the printed text of the Regulations for the Houses appeared, Fr Lazzero
recorded in his diary: ‘The regulations of the houses were given a somewhat solemn reading.
Almost all the superiors of the house were present. The reading was done in the study from 5.30 to
6.30 over two evenings.’99 The authority–freedom connection was based above all on rationality,
the reasonableness of the law which everybody had to obey. The other two ‘tools’, religion and
loving–kindness, could constructively support this solid basis. The regulations focused attention on
the college form of education: They were, moreover, for the houses. The first paragraph in the
second part was significant: ‘The general purpose of the Houses of the Congregation is to help and
benefit our neighbour, especially through the education of youth, raising them in their most difficult
years, instructing them in sciences and arts and setting them on the path of Religion and virtue.
The Congregation does not reject any social level of individual but prefers to deal with the middle
and poor classes, they being the ones most in need of support and assistance. Among the youths
of the city and towns, not a few youngsters find themselves in such a condition that it makes any
moral means futile without material help. Some of the already somewhat advanced [in the age],
orphans, or lacking assistance because their parents cannot and do not want to look after them,
and without a trade, without instruction, are exposed to the risk of a sad future if they do not find
someone to accept them, prepare them for work, order, religion. For such young people the
Congregation of St Francis de Sales opens hospices, oratories, and school, especially in the more
populated centres where the need is usually greater.’100
Nevertheless, it seems that Don Bosco was not fully satisfied with the regulations, finding them
narrow and unilateral. In the third session of the First General Chapter on Friday 7 September, he
hinted at many kinds of works to follow; agricultural schools had not yet been taken into
consideration. He went on: ‘It is true that my wish would have been to have separate sets of
regulations, one for colleges, another for houses with trade students as well. Instead they were all
merged together and I do not see that this is good. But now a set of regulations is drawn up and
many of the problems have been eliminated. Let us see that they are observed well, each for his
own part.’101
The regulations, sometimes dry, were already the result of preventive pedagogical intentions
aimed at forming a young man who was diligent in fulfilling his duties, hardworking in gaining
knowledge and professional skills which gave him a chance to earn his living through his own
work, a disciplined young man capable of an orderly, active social life, a believer actively involved
with the Church, inspired by eternal truths, in possession of a concept of the world where he
constantly has the ‘salvation of his soul’ before him as the final goal of life, along with reflective,
joyful hope founded on faith made active in charity.
97 Cf. Chap. 10, §§ 2–3.
98 Cf. J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 154, 166, 174, 242, 244, 248, 256, 258.
99 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 60.
100 Regolamento per le case..., pp. 59–60, OE XXIX 155–156.
101 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 33–34.

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The educational task was further reinforced by the General Articles, a small focused version of
the preventive system, and even more so by the pages dedicated to this latter, a synthesis of
Christian pedagogy oriented more to prevention than repression. It was to this whole complex of
elements, not just to the regulations or the few pages on the preventive system, that Don Bosco
and his closest collaborators were referring in the years that followed whenever they mentioned
‘our system of education,’ ‘our system,’ ‘our regulations,’102 all consisting of a living well–articulated
practice long before they were texts, a tradition guaranteed by individuals and communities who
kept not only to its precepts but also the founder’s life experience and the experience of the
communities he animated.
By contrast, the Regolamento dell’Oratorio di S. Francesca di Sales (Regulations …for externs
[meaning mainly day students])103 was not given any special attention prior to printing. It was
faithful to the original model as already illustrated, reworked and enriched by a handful of
innovative elements drawn from Don Bosco’s and his collaborators’ experience.104
To contextualise it in the actual history of Don Bosco’s works, the 1877 document with its
college emphasis almost disappeared in its material sense, becoming a symbol of a much broader
reality, no longer just the embryonic form of a handbook for educators in a boarding school context,
but a Christian approach to recovery if boys were poor and abandoned. It took on unlimited
pedagogical, pastoral and social import. Seen this way, it ended up being accepted in much
broader settings closely associated with the world of admirers, friends, co–operators in Salesian
work, and an approach to activity among the young which was capable of responding to social and
pedagogical demands that were absolutely relevant. It was taken up, therefore, not only as
pedagogy but with far more complex social dimensions to the point where it became a manifesto of
a working system able to resolve the emerging social question. It was even seen as an anti–
socialist response: there were notions that found easy consensus especially in the world of
Catholic conservatism open to charitable initiatives rather than reforms inspired by the demands of
justice.105
Yet both could be considered legitimate when one considers the profound potential of the
system. Its acceptance by Catholic pedagogy was justified by the text itself. The extension of its
significance to social and social welfare contexts found its legitimacy in the Nice text which pointed
to its Patronage as one of the many incarnations of Don Bosco’s overall preventive way of working
on behalf of poor and abandoned youth.
As already indicated, this text, was developed in three points: the history of the Nice Patronage,
the purpose of activities carried out there, the reward which benefactors could expect in the
assurance that their donations were well placed.
The history of the hospice had its beginnings in the suffering of a group of members of the St
Vincent de Paul Conference in Nice at seeing boys in the city, ‘roaming the streets on weekends,
wandering through squares, fighting, swearing, stealing.’ The members were unhappy that ‘after a
life of vagabondage, disturbing public authorities, most ended up populating the prisons.’ Yet, they
reflected, ‘so many youngsters … can be called unfortunate not because they are perverse but just
102 Cf. P. BRAIDO, L’esperienza pedagogica di don Bosco nel suo “divenire”, “Orientamenti Pedagogici” 36
(1989), no. 1, January, pp. 30–40.
103 Turin, Tipografia Salesiana 1877, 63 p., OE XXIX 31–93. The work records the “Visto, nulla Osta alla
Stampa. Turin, 2 November 1877. Zappata Vic. Gen.” on the last page. It is absent from the text of the
Regolamento per le case.
104 Cf. Chap. 10, § 2.
105 Cf. P. BRAIDO, “Poveri e abbandonati, pericolanti e pericolosi”: pedagogia, assistenza, socialità
nell’esperienza “preventiva” di don Bosco, “Annali di storia dell’educazione e delle istituzioni educative”,
3 (1996) 183–236.

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because they are abandoned.’ It was then that the inspiration to turn to Don Bosco came to them.
Agreement was soon reached ‘on the need for a house where workshops can be opened and the
most abandoned youth brought together, instructed and prepared for a trade.’106 The search for a
new location was determined by the need for a larger ‘shelter’ and a ‘garden’ [=oratory–
playground] able to keep boys coming for weekdays and weekends occupied in pleasant and
honest recreation.’107 Hence the twofold nature of the patronage: the classic oratory or ‘recreation
park’ for outsiders who came ‘to spend the Lord’s day there and attend night classes during the
week,’ and also a hospice whose moral, educational and political status was that it existed for boys
who were abandoned and in need of everything.108 All this meant huge financial resources, but it
was not something to be afraid of since Providence was watching over and providing. There was a
well–founded hope that his listeners would not fail to put ‘the generosity we have so often
experienced from you’ into action. This came from the nobility of their hearts and relied on the
‘great reward’ God himself had promised for ‘works of charity’ which the Gospel asked of believers
in its demanding words on the serious duty of almsgiving.109
In this way, Don Bosco’s address integrated the preventive system with more radical social and
welfare forms of prevention. It preceded education, required it and, in a certain sense included it. In
fact, the first step for abandoned, at–risk youth was to give them a place where they could come
together, have a roof over their heads, food clothing, sustenance, a living community of peers and
adults. Secondly there was a stated need not to stop at offering these emergency responses but to
go beyond this and work at facilitating their ability to look after themselves: ‘in due course earning a
living through cultural and vocational formation, educating them to a moral, religious and social life
that would strengthen their inner faculties for leading a dignified, socially productive and joyful life
as human beings.’ The pages on the preventive system also responded to the question of method
and style when educating.
The Nice address, delivered in confident French and Italian, became the prototype of dozens of
charity sermons Don Bosco gave over the ensuing years, and was the basis and motivation for
them. We can see the conferences he gave French Cooperators at Marseilles on 12 February,
1881 which he delivered in French. It was along the same lines: a list of work done in the
educational works established in southern France, the special need for the St Leo Oratory at
Marseilles – it was a theatre of relevant works in expansion and an impressive pile of accumulated
debts. However, more serious and of extraordinary moral and social importance were the problems
yet to be resolved: ‘Getting so many unfortunate boys off the streets and out of the piazzas,’ ‘poor
boys going to perdition without knowing it.’ ‘How many there are who could be removed from
prison waiting rooms and relocated at the Oratory!’ ‘So we can make good citizens on earth out of
them and good Christians for heaven, and also prepare an auspicious future for civil society.’
Almsgiving was the means, Quod superest date eleemosynam, a superfluity which was not to be
limited or tamed.110
5. A salutary episode, harbingers of a harsher conflict
Along with the intense work to consolidate the Salesian Society culminating with the First General
Chapter in 1877 which kept Don Bosco and his most important European collaborators busy, came
106 G. BOSCO, Inaugurazione del Patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare. Scopo del medesimo..., (separate
Italian edition), pp. 7–8.
107 G. BOSCO, Inaugurazione del Patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare..., pp. 10–11.
108 G. BOSCO, Inaugurazione del Patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare..., pp. 13–15.
109 G. BOSCO, Inaugurazione del Patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare..., pp. 16–21.
110 The French text of the conference written by Fr Bologna, with additions by Don Bosco has been
preserved; MB XV 691–695.

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episodes of serious disturbance: disagreements over the religious essence of the Salesian Society
and its legal setup, different points of view regarding the privileges and faculties obtained by the
Society’s Superior, and repercussions which, though insignificant in themselves, gave rise to
painful misunderstandings and further mutual distrust.
From the end of 1876, other than matters of jurisdiction, the different events touched more on
the character and sensitivity of key players who were at times unwittingly thrust into that role and
who originally did not bear direct responsibility. Other than roles and symbols they were real
individuals for whom these incidents were the source of astonishment, disorientation, frustration,
and passions.
We cannot ignore the health circumstances of the two chief antagonists, with Archbishop
Gastaldi subject to more physical and moral suffering. ‘After his illness in 1871 [from June to
September] his niece, Lorenzina Mazé de la Roche, who was fond of both her uncle and Don
Bosco wrote: ‘He did not fully recover. He was often tormented by liver pains and gout.’111 There
was also acute moral suffering at crucial moments (the sudden death of his sister Marianna at
Pianezza on 21 November 1876, and of his brother Bartolomeo on 5 January 1879, a professor at
Turin University) which could only but have an impact on a very emotional temperament even if he
was strongly given to making hidden sacrifices. As a demanding and unaccommodating Pastor
‘inclined to demand unconditional obedience rather than facile consent,’ his loneliness in the
archdiocese, Church and society only increased.
Don Bosco, instead, was widely known at many levels of civic and ecclesial life, as well as being
an admired and loved father and teacher at home in Valdocco in the growing Salesian community
and the great family of Cooperators, benefactors, admirers and supporters.
The different kinds of loneliness they both felt as a result of their painful misunderstanding could
have been counter–productive for them both, though in different ways. Reasons for friction could
have been complicated, and difficulties in understanding increased by some of the people around
them. On one side there was the fidelity of the Archbishop’s closest collaborators such as his
secretary, Fr Chiuso, his lawyer Colomiatti and Vicar General Zappata, all supported by a secure
legal culture. On the other side was the compulsive Fr Bonetti, the meticulous Fr Berto who
collected gossip from Rome and Turin, the narrow–minded views of Fr Lazzero who featured in the
case of the Masses denied on 26 August 1877. And then there were the free–wheeling tasteless
types, Salesian past pupils coming to the defence of their ‘father’, and decidedly anti–Gastaldi.
Men like Frs. Turchi and Anfossi who ended up compromising the very cause they sought to
defend, among them Don Bosco.
The irreverent, anonymous anti–Gastaldi ‘slander’ – from February 1878 to March 1879 – apart
from its authors’ intentions, was certainly not a sign of a particular Church Culture and sensitivity
as was the case for similar items in books and magazines found in ecclesiastical settings of the
time in Milan, Piacenza, Cremona, Rome. Fr Cagliero, in South America for almost two years,
appeared to stay out of the matter and only Fr Rua was able to occasionally attempt some
thankless mediation.
111 Di monsignor Lorenzo Gastaldi (memorie intime), in the commemorative number In memoria e ad onore
di S. E. Rev.ma Mons. Lorenzo Gastaldi Arcivescovo di Torino nel Centenario della sua nascita 1815–
1915. Turin, tip. Anfossi 1915, p. 10. Fr Paul Albera, Rector Major of the Salesian Society, was also a
member of the honorary presidency, and Salesian Fr Felice Cane also stood out among the executive
committee, as well as Archbishop John Cagliero, Apostolic Delegate in Central America. 43): the
commemorative number contained interesting contributions on Gastaldi’s "spirituality", which, while it
cannot compete with the many studies dedicated to Don Bosco, nevertheless throw some light on the
historiography, psychological or otherwise, dedicated to their relationship, with desirable therapeutic
effects. On the general health conditions of the archbishop, Cf. G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815–
1883, Vol. II..., pp. 341–342.

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There is no evidence that Don Bosco and the Archbishop, both of similar age and both with
strong and tenacious characters, attempted to meet and clarify matters, or reconcile. Perhaps they
were already compromised by mutually disappointed expectations, frustrated hopes, prejudices,
mistrust. We have two pen portraits from 1877, depicting two men in contention. One is by one of
these men, the other by a friend of one of them close to them both and it highlights their
consolidated lack of readiness to accept mediation.
Archbishop Gastaldi, in days of grace and peace, described Don Bosco to Bishop Pozzi of
Mondovì in a way which might also be a self–portrait. The bishop had asked him for his opinion on
the establishment of a Salesian house in his diocese. This was the proposed novitiate at the
Mellea Sanctuary at Farigliano, for which Don Bosco had sought authorisation. In his letter of reply
on 24 May 1877, Gastaldi wrote of his former friend: ‘In some ways he is like a sun, but like the
sun, he has his spots. The spirit of autonomy and independence is very much alive in him and he
presents himself as equal to the bishop of a diocese. If the bishop does not give him complete
freedom to say, print whatever he likes, then he goes on a war–footing … Nonetheless, how can
one oppose him? He has the backing of many cardinals and is in favour with the Holy Father. In
any conflict between the bishop and that good soul it is him they believe rather than the other.’ ‘We
are dealing with someone who wants to do good and does so, but he wants to do it his way and
shouts and struggles furiously against anyone who does not approve of his way of operating. I am
proof of it and will be usque ad ultimum despite all the good I have shown him and still do.’112
Towards the end of 1877, a Jesuit from Piedmont, Fr Luigi Testa, unwittingly echoed these
thoughts in a letter to Don Bosco. He had attempted an impossible mediation between the two at
the suggestion of Fr Felice Carpignano (1810–88), Gastaldi’s confessor. He attested that he had
heard it said – and he added a personal note – ‘I see that your and my thinking on this matter are
in agreement. The big question is the practical way to make it work, because, as you know, we are
dealing with two saints who cannot be shifted from their way of thinking (I interrupted: stubborn
types [testardi]. I mean, like all Piedmontese). He laughed and then continued: ’However, let’s do it
this way. We will pray to the Lord a lot, asking him to give us a hand and, wonder of wonders, both
believe they are working according to God’s will and intentions, and maybe both are partly right
and partly wrong. What can we do in this case?’ The Jesuit conclude his letter by encouraging Don
Bosco in his battles, indicating Fr Rostagno as the man to turn to for tackling the canonical
processes in Rome.113
The situation worried people who felt it was inconceivable for there to be such division in the
Church in Turin and who respected both the individuals involved. Some tried unsuccessfully to
reconcile them. ‘If you can reach agreement,’ his friend and peer Fr Roberto Murialdo wrote to the
Archbishop ‘I am convinced that all good people will rejoice and even the Supreme Pontiff will be
pleased to hear that the unpleasantness between the Archbishop of Turin and Don Bosco and
whoever else, have entirely ceased, thanks be to God. And would it not remove a large and painful
thorn from the Archbishop’s heart?’114
Fr Testa stated that he had intervened with Fr Carpignano because the ‘matter’ seemed to be a
scandal to him, ‘a cause of astonishment and maybe scandal even for good people.’115 A Catholic
militant, a magistrate, Count Cesare Trabucco di Castagnetto (1802–88), Senator from 1848 and in
1877 Minister of State, had expressed the same opinion to the Archbishop. He wrote to Don
Bosco: ‘I told His Grace that he should reflect on the difficulty of the time and the desire that some
sad types had to sow dissension among the clergy. I told him that unity had never been more
112 M. F. MELLANO, Don Bosco e i vescovi di Mondovì (1842–1897), in Don Bosco nella storia, pp. 487–488.
113 To Fr Bosco, 1877 [September], text in MB XIII 345–348.
114 Letter of 18 September 1877, in MB XIII 345.
115 Cited letter to Don Bosco in 1877, in MB XIII 347.

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necessary and that conflict between the Archbishop and such a worthy cleric in the Church as the
Very Reverend D. Bosco could only encourage the irreligious press and produce sad
consequences.’116
In such a context, it was not difficult for certain events of limited importance in thesmelves to
degenerate, given the different interpretation the two contenders gave them, as disenchanted and
distrustful as they now were: insubordination from one perspective, further exacerbated by recent
favours from Rome,117 and a feeling of being persecuted on the other side. These things could also
have different resonances in Rome in an especially delicate year for Don Bosco when, as well as
having to respond to problems relating to his Society, he was also called to weave between
opposing parties in the matter of the Concettini. As we have seen, he could count on certain allies
such as Cardinals Nina and Randi and Monsignor Fiorani, but there was no lack of reservation and
perplexity, especially in the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars and with Cardinal Innocenzo
Ferrieri as Pro–prefect then Prefect.
It was the latter who asked Don Bosco by letter on 28 November 1876 if he had obtained ‘some
special dispensation’ from observing the Romani Pontifices decree from 25 January 1848, which
obliged him to request testimonials from the respective bishops for accepting someone into the
Congregation. Some complaints had arrived relating to a certain young man ‘who had been sent
away from the seminary for immoral conduct’ and who had nevertheless been accepted into the
Salesian Society and presented for holy orders without the proper testimonials.118 Don Bosco
replied on 16 December, appealing to faculties granted vivae vocis oraculo from the Pope on 3
May and 10 November 1876.119 He then denied any blame regarding young men who had left the
seminary in Turin and been accepted by him. Finally, he took advantage of the occasion to beg the
Cardinal to please ask the Archbishop ‘to show reasons for certain severe measures he had taken
with regard to the Salesians.’ He was not ‘complaining’ but hoped that he could be told ‘clearly and
precisely’ about things and then he would promise ‘faithful execution.’ He was referring to well–
circumstanciated episodes, though not without dramatising them a little, such as his presumed
suspension on organising a retreat for the laity, the refusal to give preaching faculties to some
Salesian priests, the negative response to the request for the Archbishop to come and celebrate
events at Valdocco and administer Confirmation.120 It was unthinkable that such a grab–bag of
justifications and counter–accusations could have the effect he desired. They would have benefited
the Archbishop.
The first part of the New Year, 1877, went by peacefully for the most part. Halfway through
January, Don Bosco provided and in turn asked Fr Rua for news of the Archbishop’s health: ‘Our
Archbishop wrote a long letter in which he provided news on his health.’ ‘Give me some news on
the Archbishop’s health.’121 The Archbishop had been seriously ill in the preceding weeks. In Rome,
dealing with the Concettini matter, in reply to a letter in which the Archbishop informed him of his
improved health, Don Bosco rejoiced at the ‘news of this health which he had prayed for’ and took
the occasion to express a thought of deferential respect for his ecclesiastical superior: ‘As for
Chieri, I will do what I can to establish an oratory for girls and another for boys; it is of the greatest
encouragement to have the approval and support of the ecclesiastical authority.’122
116 Letter to Don Bosco, 23 December 1877, in MB XIII 383–384: he brought to the archbishop the text of
Don Bosco’s condemnation of the anti–Gastaldi letter of December 1877, unsuccessfully asking him to
approve of it being published in L’Unità Cattolica.
117 Cf. Chap. 20, § 5.2.
118 Letter of 28 November 1876, MB XII 394.
119 Cf. Chap. 20, § 4.
120 To Card. I. Ferrieri, 16 December 1876, E III 125–127.
121 Cf. Letter from Rome 14 January 1877, E III 138–139.
122 Letter of 14 January 1877, E III 142–143.

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On 24 January, the Archbishop went to Rome with the Rector of the seminary, Canon Giuseppe
Soldati (1839–86) He described his stay in the capital in a Report to the clergy and people written
immediately on his return.123 He referred to two audiences with Pius IX, one on 1 February, the
other prior to his departure on the 11th, and he described some of the holy places he had visited.
At the end he stated: ‘While we are consoled at seeing these dear and holy memories, once more
you can easily imagine how the odd, false comments of a few newspapers with opposite leanings
to ours affected us, publishing comments on our visit to the Holy City to our disadvantage.’ He
summed up his position as an unshakeable combatant adverse to double dealing and compromise
in a statement of principles and reassurance: ‘Today, whoever wishes to be a man of character and
reach paradise must resign himself to choosing the path where he hears the roar of the lion and
the mastiff’s bark. Therefore dear sons and daughters, heartened by the Holy Father’s authoritative
word and blessing, we shall remain in your midst, intent as we always have been in the past on the
great, principal work of meriting the grace of Jesus Christ on this earth and the enjoyment of his
glory in heaven for ourselves and all of you. We have been following in the glorious footsteps of the
perfect model of all bishops, St Charles Borromeo, Archbishop of Milan, and we intend to keep
following him, asking God to help us so the deed corresponds to the intention.’124
So, heartened by his trip to Rome, he had a brief memo printed entitled: L’Arcivescovo di Torino
e la Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales (The Archbishop of Turin and the Congregation of St
Francis de Sales). His secretary, Fr Chiuso, signed it and dated it for ‘28 February 1877’. It was
then sent to all cardinals and other personalities. He meant it to give the lie to ‘the presumption that
the Archbishop of Turin was not benevolent towards the new Congregation of St Francis de Sales,’
recalling a long series of actions and gestures of benevolence and support from him since 1848
until 1875, first at the Oratory then for the Congregation.125 Among other things, he quoted a line
from a letter [not found] that Don Bosco had written him on 2 July 1873, thanking him for the letter
of recommendation he had issued for the approval of the Congregation: ‘You could not have said
more or said it better.’ In reality, the letter was written on 10 February and contained several
reservations that Don Bosco certainly would not have approved of. It could have been a ‘thank you’
for just the first part of the letter of recommendation.126
Writing to the Archbishop, who had just returned from Rome, Don Bosco expressed ‘sentiments
of esteem and veneration’: he aligned himself with the acts of homage offered the Archbishop by
the Metropolitan Chapter and clergy of the city in protest at what certain newspapers had spread
during his time in Rome, that he had offered his resignation to the Pope, with some references to
the difficult relationship he had with Don Bosco. La Libertà, a Roman paper, had spoken of ‘a
bishop resigning’ on 30 January 1877, and the Gazzetta del popolo in Turin, even spoke of ‘sede
vacante’ on the 31st.127 Don Bosco promised to pray for his ecclesiastical superior, ‘asking the
Lord’s kindness.’ He wrote ‘that he may deign to keep you in good health so you can continue your
labours for the good of the Church and our Congregation, which I respectfully recommend to you.
Please accept these cordial thoughts both to refute the gossip of certain newspapers, presuming
things for which there is no foundation, and to assure you that the Salesians will always be there in
anything that can serve you. In the name of them all I have the great honour of professing that I am
your most obliged servant.’128
123 Lettere pastorali commemorazioni funebri e panegirici of Bishop Lorenzo Gastaldi Bishop of Saluzzo
then Archbishop of Turin. Turin, Tip. Canonica 1883, pp. 353–362.
124 L. GASTALDI, Lettere pastorali..., pp. 360–361.
125 Text found in Documenti XVIII 86–88.
126 Cf. Chap. 19, § 6.
127 Documenti XVIII 50.
128 Letter of 28 March 1877, E III 161.

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On 1 May, Archbishop Gastaldi invited Don Bosco to a meal at his residence where Bishop
Dupanloup of Orleans was his guest, L’Unità Cattolica also had a news item on the Bishop’s visit to
Turin and his departure the following day for an important vote in the French Senate, of which he
was a member.129 The Archbishop wanted it to be a sign of reconciliation and friendship. On 19/28
September he then wrote to Cardinal Ferrieri: ‘Last May, in order to show Don Bosco that … I
nurtured no ill will towards him, I wrote him a letter in my own hand inviting him to lunch with me
while Bishop Dupanloup, along with another outstanding cleric, was our guest. He accepted the
invitation and sat at table with me and the Bishop of Orleans. I was hoping D. Bosco and his
priests would not have given me any further grief nor cause for serious distress, but unfortunately I
was deceived.’130
It came about over a misunderstanding which arose over an event where Don Bosco acted in
good faith and the Archbishop was equally upright in following his own austere concept of Catholic
piety. Reference has already been made to the publication of graces attributed to the intercession
of Mary Help of Christians on the occasion of the seventh anniversary of the consecration of the
Church at Valdocco.131The first part had a brief history of the devotion to Mary Help of Christians
and her sanctuary in Turin. The remaining two–thirds of the booklet were dedicated to a report on a
hundred and thirty graces attributed to her intercession, and to an outline of the Archconfraternity
of devotees of Mary Help of Christians erected in the church dedicated to her in Turin.
This item was reprinted in 1877.132Then, in the May Letture Cattoliche, another booklet followed,
fully dedicated to a report on 37 graces under the title: La nuvoletta del Carmelo ossia la divozione
a Maria Ausiliatrice premiate di nuove grazie (The cloud of Carmel, or devotion to Mary Help of
Christians rewarded with new graces).133 On the basis of a strict interpretation of a decree of the
Council of Trent’s 15th session, De invocatio Sanctorum (on invoking the Saints), the Archbishop
‘officially’ asked Don Bosco to tell him ‘whether these [graces] were supported by witnesses such
that a mature examination of them could be made by my Curia.’134 Don Bosco replied, explaining
the matter and contents of the two publications in their correct dimensions, noting that the first item
had been printed at Sampierdarena with the relevant nulla osta and that he had obtained the
second nulla osta from the Archbishop’s Curia in Turin.135 In reality, even though the 1877 reprint
carried the wording ‘With permission of the Ecclesiastical Authority’ it had simply been a
declaration by Fr Saraceno, the synodal reviewer in Turin, who had found no impediment to its
being printed. No one from the Curia had issued the nulla osta. On 19 May, the Archbishop
insisted: ‘I consider it a serious obligation of mine to examine the accounts of supernatural deeds
said to have taken place in my diocese.’136 Don Bosco, who was leaving for Genoa, replied: ‘As
soon as I am back I will satisfy what you asked for in your earlier letter and will indicate some facts
that seem to me to be suited to a regular examination.’137 For the moment he did nothing. But the
question, which seemed to have been smoothed over, re–appeared in 1878 and, more significantly
in 1879.138
129 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 104, Tuesday 3 May 1877, p. 413.
130 Documenti XVIII 236–237, 241–243.
131 Cf. Chap. 16, § 3.
132 Cf. G. BOSCO, Maria Ausiliatrice col racconto di alcune grazie ottenute nel primo settennio dalla
consacrazione della chiesa a Lei dedicata in Torino per cura del sacerdote Giovanni Bosco. Turin, tip. e
libr. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1877, 320 p.
133 Ed. Fr Giovanni Bosco. San Pier d’Arena, Tipografia e Libreria di S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1877, 117 p.,
“Letture Cattoliche” a. XXV, n° 5, OE XXVIII 449–565.
134 Letter of 17 May 1877, cit. in E III 175.
135 Letter of 18 May 1877, E III 175–176.
136 Cit. in E III 178.
137 Letter of 31 May 1877, E III 178–179.
138 Cf. Chap. 28, § 4.

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6. A turn for the worse in disagreements with the Archbishop
The previously quoted letter of the Archbishop to Cardinal Ferrieri, bearing two different dates,
beginning on 19 September and concluding on 28 September 1877, which was abundantly
documented by letters over the ten days ensuing between the dates, referred above all to two
episodes that took place at Valdocco in August 1877.
In the second half of the month, Fr Perenchio, a priest from Ivrea diocese, presented himself at
the Oratory asking to be accepted as an aspirant to the Salesian Society. He was accepted on the
basis of a certificate from the parish priest and allowed to celebrate Mass. Probably some less than
favourable information from Ivrea had reached the Archbishop. On 22 August the Curia in Turin
through its secretary, Fr Chiaverotti, put some precise questions to the Director at the Oratory [Fr
Rua] or his Vice–director, Fr Lazzero, on the exact situation of the priest with regard to the
Salesian Congregation. The reply was that Fr Perenchio had made a request to be admitted to the
Congregation and that Ivrea was being asked for testimonials. By letter on Friday 4 August, Fr
Chiaverotti communicated the fact that the priest did not have the faculties to celebrate because he
had been suspended by his bishop and could not yet be considered as belonging to the
Congregation, not even as a novice. ‘On the other hand,’ he specified ‘not even a professed
member can celebrate Mass in churches not strictly belonging to the Religious Order without the
Ordinary’s permission.’ This was the ‘warning’ as worded in the 1877diocesan calendar which
clearly did not concern Religious, including the Salesians who went to celebrate Mass in public
churches or religious and educational communities for years and even in recent months around
Turin and other dioceses regardless of such a monitum.
In the sender’s mind, the letter obviously concerned the particular case of a diocesan priest
suspended by his bishop or of other religious priests without faculties as contemplated by Monitum
XII in the Calendarium liturgicum 1877: ‘We also advise all Regulars that without our faculties they
cannot celebrate Mass, not even once, in any church or oratory, even a private one, in our diocese
except for churches and oratories belonging to their Order.’139 The Vice–director of the Oratory, Fr
Lazzero, gave a completely different interpretation in his Diario, writing in an oversimplified way:
‘August 1877.24. Letter from the Curia in Turin suspending priests of the Oratory from saying Mass
outside of churches of their own order. 25. Fr Lazzero asks for an explanation of the preceding
item by letter and meanwhile sends a note to all places where we go to say Mass, putting it off for
tomorrow unless they present written permission from the ecclesiastical authority. 26. Around thirty
choir boys went to Strambino for a sacred ceremony [Fr Lazzero who had a strong voice went with
them] …. When they arrived in Turin a bit late in the evening, Fr Lazzero found a letter suspending
him from hearing confessions for 20 days – it was written by the Archbishop. Deo gratias!’140
In his letter of Saturday the 25th, Fr Lazzero had argued with the curial secretary over the
decision regarding the priest from Ivrea, now declared to be a ‘novice’ in the Congregation, while
assuring him of full acquiescence of the prohibition on Masses, ‘outside churches not strictly
belonging to the Congregation’ and that some people had already been forewarned of this. The
Salesians at Valsalice and Lanzo Torinese were also invited to comply. His own permission, which
he requested on the same day, did not arrive because the office was about to close and the
Archbishop was away from Turin. Not receiving a reply, Fr Lazzero sent the rectors of churches a
note: ‘Due to a severe instruction from His Grace the Archbishop we are prohibited from
celebrating Mass outside of churches of our own Congregation. Therefore if you need one of our
priests he will gladly be sent if he has written permission from the ecclesiastical authority.’ One can
139 Calendarium liturgicum... servandum Anno MDCCCLXXVII. Turin, Marietti 1877, p. XIII.
140 J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., p. 59.

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imagine the chaos this caused on Sunday, 26 August, and the ire of the Archbishop who ended up
looking like the author of an absurd and extravagant decree, with serious and undeserved loss of
face. His reaction was swift: suspension of faculties to hear confessions until 14 September, which
was extended indefinitely on the 19th. Fr Lazzero was considered to be lacking the balance
required for such a delicate ministry.141
Don Bosco was not directly affected, but inevitably involved in any misfortunes that placed his
Salesians’ common sense or good faith in doubt. No initiative was taken to follow up the two
incidents, avoiding their being bound up with more serious questions of principle. In fact, the
problem of the testimonials was bound up with Fr Perenchio’s personal issues and his legally
indefinable temporary belonging to the Congregation. He was later appointed as an elementary
teacher at Costigliole di Saluzzo and left the Oratory. The two episodes ended up rekindling
tensions between Turin and Rome, not only with regard to testimonials but also other faculties the
Pope granted Don Bosco.
Archbishop Gastaldi sent Cardinal Innocenzo Ferrieri two letters over these issues, one on 26
September, the other on the 30th. The first was on the matter of testimonials not being requested
and the Perenchio case which only confirmed this. The second focused on the episode on 26
August: ‘Unfortunately,’ as Archbishop Gastaldi interpreted the behaviour of those responsible for
the incident, ‘their aim was to present the bishop in a bad light before his diocesans, causing him
concern and unpleasantness’ out of spite for prohibiting Perenchio from celebrating Mass.142
On 9 September, Pro–secretary, Francesco Maffei, wrote to Fr Rua: before replying to the
certificate signed by Don Bosco on Fr Pernechio’s belonging to the Congregation, the Archbishop
‘would like to know if Fr Lazzero and the other superiors involved in the serious disturbance on 26
August, and which obviously was the result of a very serious error, are sorry for it and ask
forgiveness.’ When the Archbishop is assured of this by a letter signed by Fr Lazzero or yourself,
or Don Bosco, he will consider the matter dealt with. Otherwise he will do whatever he feels is
appropriate to maintain and retain the decorum of the authority he has been invested with by
God.’143
Informed of the Archbishop’s letters to Ferrieri by Cardinal Oreglia on 14 September, during the
First General Chapter, Don Bosco sent the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars a letter in which
he gave the same interpretation as Fr Lazzero’s to the 26 August episode. He illustrated some
facts and asked some questions. The Archbishop was not admitting Salesians to Orders or the
exam for the faculty to hear confessions unless testimonials for admission to the novitiate were
presented. ‘He indicated’ to the Director of the Mother house, that he should forbid Fr Perenchio
from celebrating Mass and that Salesians were not to celebrate in churches not belonging to the
Salesian Society without the Archbishop’s permission. Fr Lazzero had asked why, assuring his
‘complete submission to the Archbishop’s orders’, and the ‘only reply’ he received was to be
deprived of the ‘faculty to hear confessions for twenty days.’ He asked if Archbishop Gastaldi was
able to pass judgement on Perenchio’s admission to the novitiate. Was the punishment inflicted on
Fr Lazzero legitimate? Could he forbid celebration of Masses as had happened on 26 August?
Were not testimonials from the Superior with the Curia’s signature sufficient for admission? Could
the Archbishop ask for testimonials used for acceptance to the novitiate for admitting people to
Orders or the confession exam?144
141 Cf. Latin decrees on 26 August and 19 September 1877, Documenti XVIII 350–351.
142 Documenti XVIII 218.
143 Documenti XVIII 230–231. Emphasis ours.
144 Letter of 14 September 1877, E III 215–216.

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Fr Roberto Murialdo’s ‘offer to mediate’ in the earlier cited letter to the Archbishop had no hope
of success in such a climate of opposition.145 Especially since the Archbishop had followed up the
other letter of 19/28 September with one that began by reminding the reader that Monitum XII
published the 1877 diocesan calendar, had not caused any difficulties for celebration of Masses
over seven months’ He noted other things: ‘no satisfactory reply’ had reached him regarding the
‘graces’ booklet in May; boys from Don Bosco’s colleges were discouraged from entering the
seminary and encouraged to prefer entry to the Salesian Society; lack of observance of Canon
Law in the Perenchio case; insubordination and the mischievous interpretation of Chiaverotti’s 24
August letter; ‘I received an order that no priest of the Salesian Congregation may go to
celebrate ... We regret this severe measure but will abide by it’ Fr Lazzero had replied; ‘any
opportunity is taken to present me in a bad light in front of my clergy’ was the Archbishop’s
interpretation. ‘It seems to me that some Religious, vowed to God and striving for Christian
perfection in humility, need the basic humility to recognise here that they have made a mistake.’ He
asked Ferrieri to inform His Holiness of these matters: ‘because unfortunately the insinuation has
been made to him that I am the adversary or almost an enemy blocking D. Bosco.’146
For his part, the Cardinal urged Don Bosco by letter on 10 October to understand the
Archbishop’s instructions on celebrating Masses in churches outside the Congregation in their true
sense and reminded him to keep to Canon Law with regard to testimonials. 147 Don Bosco reacted
with a letter insisting on what he had written on 14 September, with some more precise detailed
references: in particular he renewed his defence of Fr Lazzero’s actions. ‘Despite the Archbishop
saying the prohibition was imagined, it still continues to be in force.’148 It did seem to be so, as he
supported it with an example not quite ad rem, where a Salesian, Fr Giovanni Cinzano, visiting his
home town Pecetto Torinese, was not permitted by the parish priest to celebrate Mass149because
(though Don Bosco only found out later from the same parish priest) the instruction from the
Ecclesiastical Superior in relation to Fr Cinzano had been clear: ‘Remember the warning in the
calendar, observe it and see that it is observed.’150 Fr Cinzano had not asked the Curia for the
authorisation demanded by the Monitum.
For his part, the Archbishop resurrected the incident and the unresolved argument that followed,
on 15 October 1877 in a ‘document reserved for the eminent cardinals and some archbishops and
bishops’ with the title The Archbishop of Turin and the Congregation of St Francis de Sales, (known
as Salesians, therefore).151 Once more Gastaldi took up the motives in his letter to Ferrieri of
September 19/28, repeating the two cases – Perenchio and the 26 August episode. He recalled the
request for acknowledgement of the error committed which he made by letter on 9 September and
complained: ‘There has been no reply up to this point … Even just Christian humility, without which
there is no religious spirit, and in which the life of any regular Congregation and any member of
such a Congregation essentially consists, should be enough to recognise that serious mistakes
were made in what happened on 26 August and what preceded it. If they were not wilful, they
certainly involved intelligence and imagination, and since divine episcopal authority, the
Archbishop’s authority, was seriously compromised there is a strict duty to make reparation for the
offence at least by acknowledging the error and asking forgiveness.’152
145 Letter of 18 September 1877, in MB XIII 344–345; Cf. § 5.
146 Documenti XVIII 241–243.
147 Cf. text in MB XIII 349.
148 Letter of 12 October 1877, E III 227–229.
149 Letter of 12 October 1877, E III 228.
150 Letter of Fr Giuseppe Perlo to Don Bosco, 22 November 1877, in MB XIII 363.
151 Tip. C. Marietti 1877, 12 p., in Documenti XVIII 337–348.
152 L’Arcivescovo di Torino e la Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales..., p. 12.

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Finally, to re–establish better relations with the local Ecclesiastical Authority, on 4 November Fr
Rua felt it was his duty to reply to the request passed on by Fr Maffei on 9 September. ‘Firstly’ Fr
Rua wrote ‘I would ask you to notify His Grace, the Archbishop, that we are very sorry for the
unpleasantness His Grace has had to put up with since the problem regarding the Masses
occurred last August.153 This wording seemed to be evading the issue as far as Gastaldi was
concerned, and perhaps he had reason to believe this. It did not correspond to what was asked as
well as being deplorably late in coming. Fr Maffei passed this opinion onto Fr Rua on 25 November
citing the precise wording of the statement required by the Archbishop: that they say they are sorry
for the serious disturbance caused on 26 August last and ask for forgiveness. ‘What your
Reverence said 56 days later in no way corresponds to that statement.’ ‘Anyone with a heart is
always sorry for causing displeasure, however deserving it may have been, that tests the one who
is justly condemned to suffer for his faults. So it is evident that your Reverence’s statement says
nothing.’154
Even more worrying, and leading to negative developments was Cardinal Ferrieri’s laconic
request of Don Bosco, occasioned by ‘some complaints’ the Archbishop had presented to the Pope
and submitted for examination by the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. ‘It has become
necessary’ he notified him ‘for you to make known distinctly and precisely the faculties and
privileges you have received and enjoy by kind concession of the Holy See so that this knowledge
can help guide the careful examination the eminent Fathers will make of this dispute.155 From
Borgo S. Martino, Don Bosco asked Fr Berto to get someone to help him write out in legible
handwriting ‘in chronological order’ in a ‘new exercise book’ decrees relating to ‘all the privileges
granted the Congregation … beginning from 1864 until today, including Rescripts and Briefs.’ ‘For
the rest’ he advised him, ‘tell Fr R [ostagno]’ his legal consultant ‘we will see each other on
Friday.’156 On 6 December, he sent Cardinal Ferrieri ‘a genuine copy of all the spiritual favours and
privileges of the Holy See’ granted the Salesian Congregation. He asked pardon if he need disturb
the Cardinal once again since the Archbishop, who ‘had already admitted our clerics to the coming
round of ordinations,’ ‘has made it known today that he will not admit any Salesian, but without
giving any reason for this.’157 Legitimately fearing the request could be a prelude to suspension of
favours and privileges granted, Don Bosco asked six months later for Leo XIII to confirm them,
especially the privilege of exemption from testimonials for pupils who were aspirants to the
Congregation. It had been granted vivae vocis oraculo by Pius IX.158 The request was passed on to
the competent Congregation which was certainly not favourable to this and other privileges.
It could have been the earlier complaints or others from a letter of the Archbishop’s Pro–
secretary Fr Maffei on 15 November which were the subject of a letter of clarification from Don
Bosco to Archbishop Gastaldi on 22 November: complaints about Fr Angelo Rocco celebrating
Mass in the private family oratory at Rivara Canavese, and the publication of indulgences for Co–
operators; testimonials requested regarding cleric Angelo Rocca, by now a priest and never
received by the Curia. But over and above these complaints, Don Bosco himself posed a disturbing
question which maybe the Archbishop would also have liked to put to him: would it not have been
better to avoid direct confrontation over matters referred to the Roman Congregations? From the
perspective he expressed in all sincerity his own request ‘that the matter of prohibiting Masses
would not have been dealt with this way and that a printed item [on 15 October], bearing the word
‘reserved’ had prejudiced the decision. He felt obliged to respond to this item, asking ‘pardon in
153 Letter to Fr Maffei, 4 November 1877, MB XIII 356. Emphasis ours.
154 Documenti XVIII 385; MB XIII 370.
155 Letter of Card. I. Ferrieri to Don Bosco, 14 November 1877, MB XIII 360.
156 Letter of 21 November 1877, E III 239–240.
157 Letter to Card. I. Ferrieri, 6 December 1877, E III 248.
158 Cf. Letter of 7 June 1878, E III 360–361.

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advance’ and if some exaggeration was noted he hoped it would be attributed ‘to the need for
defence and the real displeasure’ he felt. He added: ‘But why not deal with these problems with
paternal measures and the indulgence a nascent Congregation deserves? It certainly wants what
is good but it could err through ignorance though certainly not through malice. God will judge Your
Grace and his poor servant on our right intentions, the Christian charity and humility with which we
have acted, the efforts we have made to find proportionate means for defending and promoting the
interests of his holy religion: in Him I trust.’159 The Archbishop replied: ’The best you can do is to
present your Archbishop with no other spirit than one of humility and charity, because then,
obstacles to peace for the good of yourself, your Congregation and the Archdiocese could probably
be smoothed over.’ 160
The following day, Don Bosco confided in the Bishop of Vigevano, his friend from Vercelli,
Bishop De Gaudenzi: ‘Why can’t we have a bishop in Turin like in yours? Matters for us are always
like straw on the fire, so in the first half of December I will have to make a trip to Rome.’161
The following day marked the beginning of a tempestuous period measured no longer in days or
months but years.
159 Letter of 22 November 1877, E III 240–241.
160 Letter of 23 November 1877, in MB XIII 366.
161 Letter of 24 November 1877, E III 242.

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Chapter 26
The First General Chapter amid old and new problems
(1877–79)
1877
1878
1881
20 June: Cardinal Randi, reference point for the Concettini affair;
20 July: Redefinition of the Visitor in spiritualibus;
7 August: Don Bosco re–proposes a single Visitor;
18: re–proposes aggregation to the Salesian Society;
1 October: Cardinal Randi’s letter exonerating Don Bosco from role as Visitor;
5: First General Chapter closes;
25 November–1 December: Latae sententiae suspension from hearing confessions;
29 November: Don Bosco’s letter to Cardinal Bilio;
18 December: trip to Rome.
9 January: death of Victor Emmanuel II;
7 February: death of Pius IX;
20: election of Leo XIII;
21: memorandum to F. Crispi on the preventive system;
First biography of Don Bosco by Dr Charles Espiney.
The first part of 1877 had been full of promise and initiative, both within and outside the Salesian
Society. The success of the honorary role with the Concettini Congregation, as difficult and resisted
as it was from the outset, had given Don Bosco and the Society prestige at the very heart of
Catholicism, where he so much wanted to establish his work. It could also have created
opportunities for new relationships with Curia members, and possibilities for lowering tensions in
Turin. But his efforts to provide internal consistency for his own Society had also been very
positive. This came together with the First General Chapter which took place from 5 September to
5 October.
1. First General Chapter of the Salesian Society
In line with the practical spirit of the Congregation and its Chapters, followed by the relevant
deliberations on general and particular regulations, Don Bosco’s words addressed to the Chapter
members during the afternoon session on 7 September were entirely true to style – precise,

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emphatic, significant: ‘I want things to move ahead swiftly but calmly. We should not rush anything,
because these meetings will create history for our Congregation and its smooth running in the
future will depend on them to a large extent. I am not saying that the existence or otherwise of the
Congregation depends on them, but that they will be a very firm basis for things going well, and the
salvation of so many souls depends on how we can regulate matters over these days.’1
He drew a suggestion from this for a practical approach: ‘Without taking other books to study,
we will produce our own on the scheme, rules, regulations for the colleges, circulars sent to all our
houses in recent years, and decisions already taken at conferences held both here at Lanzo and
in Turin. In a word, these are matters adapted to our needs. The importance of this Chapter lies in
the fact that the rules which are only general at the moment [the Constitutions] become practical,
that is, that we use very means to indicate how to turn the rules into practice.’2
It followed that the discussions and results – established for the most part as Deliberations
printed the following year – did not present much that was original by comparison with the tradition
created by circulars, the Conferences of St Francis de Sales, the ‘To the Salesian Confreres’
introduction to the Constitutions. This is evidenced by the sessions and topics dealt with. The most
interesting items were the complementary impromptu considerations Don Bosco offered, revealing
salient aspects of his thinking and mentality.
1.1 Chapter discussions
There were 26 General Chapter sessions in total, of which two (Saturday, 22 September and
Friday morning, 2 October) should be considered as being Superior Chapter meetings: they were
dedicated to proposals for some foundations, and determining retreat dates for Salesians in 1878,
respectively. Effectively, there were 16 working days, 10 of which had a morning and afternoon
session. These were interspersed with two weeks suspension of work, from 15–20 September and
23 September–1 October.
Attendance can be determined from the Minutes, though no names were indicated for some
sessions, and ranged from a minimum of 14 to a maximum of 22. Among members reported as
present from 7–12 September was Fr Pagani, spiritual director of the seminary at Magliano
Sabina.3 Two ‘experts’ in religious life were present for a handful of sessions, Jesuits Fr Giovanni
Battista Rostagno (1816–83) and Fr Secondo Franco (1817–93). The former was there for the
sixth to tenth sessions from the afternoon of Sunday, 9 September to Tuesday afternoon of the
11th, and the latter for the sixth to ninth sessions from Monday afternoon to the following day. Their
consultation was generally requested for particular practical problems inherent to the daily life of
the communities. Questions on essential aspects of the religious state were never posed.
Work proceeded in a scattered order depending on the stage of finality reached in the various
issues, thanks to the work of the commissions. The calendar of events is evidence for this.
Wednesday, 5 September, afternoon: organisation of Chapter work.
Thursday, 6 September, afternoon: 5th Commission on Sacred Studies and preaching, sacred
studies for the Salesians and preparation for preaching, religious customs.
1 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 37; the three exercise books of Minutes written by Fr Giulio Barberis are kept in
the ASC D 578.
2 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 5–6.
3 He had been accepted into the Congregation, with Can. Francesco Rebaudi, on Thursday 16 February
1877: cf. G. BARBERIS, Capitoli Superiori ossia verbali..., quad. 1, 10 December–17 August, fol. 30v.

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Friday, 7 September, morning: 4th Commission on Studies for pupils in colleges; textbooks and
book prizes, publication of book collections, subscriptions; the press and Salesian Cooperators.
Saturday, 8 September, afternoon: 5th Commission on Studies and preaching completely
dedicated to aspirants, novices, first admission to vows.
Sunday, 9 September, afternoon: 1st Commission on Common life, ownership of personal
goods; ownership, administration and use of material goods (books, clothing, drink, comestibles,
furnishings, looking after one’s health).
Monday, 10 September, morning: 1st Commission on Common life: use of material goods (as
above); journeys.
Monday, 10 September, afternoon: 1st Commission on Common life: hospitality, celebrations
and invitations. 2nd Commission on Morality among Salesians – meditation – jurisdiction for
confession.
Tuesday, 11 September, afternoon: 2nd Commission on Morality among Salesians and among
pupils – Teatrino and setting up a special commission for it – Respect for Superiors – Provinces
and setting up a commission for the provincial.
Wednesday, 12 September, morning: 3rd Commission on Economy in provisions and
collaboration between providers for provinces to be established at this Chapter.
Wednesday, 12 September, afternoon: 3rd Commission on Economy in provisions and use of
lighting.
Thursday, 13 September, morning: 3rd Commission on Economy in provisions, use of lights,
kitchen, bread for the poor, beef, broth, coffee.
Thursday, 13 September, afternoon: 3rd Commission on Economy in new buildings, repairs,
works, elastic ball, tambourine – the ‘monograph’ or house chronicle and the Congregation’s
chronicle – forming a special commission on the topic of the Nuns or Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians – Ordinary matters: personnel for missions and other houses.
Friday, 14 September, morning: Special Commissions: Confreres’ holidays and Teatrino – 2nd
Commission on Morality – good habits.
Friday, 14 September, afternoon: 2nd Commission on Morality: bad habits – Formation of Special
Commission on Deliberations taken in previous years – Particular Commission on Provinces and
Provincial’s roles: inspectorates or provinces, appointment of provincial, provincial’s relationship
with the Rector Major – Observations on minutes, proceedings (Acts), decree of closure of the
Chapter.
Friday,21 September, morning: Special Commission on Provinces and Provincial’s roles.
Division of the Congregation into Provinces – rules for the Provincial.
Friday, 21 September, afternoon: Special Commission on Provinces and Provincial’s roles,
duties of the Provincial and other things pertaining to him.
Saturday, 22 September, morning: Impediments to entering the Congregation – Special
Commission on Nuns or Sisters of Mary Help of Christians, the relationship between the Sisters
and Salesian Houses.
Saturday, 22 September, afternoon: (with appendix on Sunday, 23 September, afternoon):
addition to confreres’ studies – donations and accepting new works – how to reply to letters of
request.

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Tuesday, 2 October, morning: Special Commission on Decisions taken over previous years to
be kept and added to deliberations of the General Chapter.
Wednesday, 3 October, morning: reading of the Minutes, Confreres’ studies, Press, Association
[= subscriptions to periodical publications], Books.
Thursday, 4 October, morning: reading of Minutes, Pupils’ studies, – the name ‘Salesian’ and
the role of the Salesian Bulletin in spreading its true identity – reading of the Minutes – Common
life.
Friday, 5 October, morning: ordinary matters, Salesian retreats for the coming year given the
division into provinces.
Friday, 5 October, afternoon: closing formalities – Don Bosco’s brief consideration on the
‘preventive system’, closure of the Chapter.
In terms of quantity, most time was spent on Economy, Morality, Confreres’ and pupils’ studies,
provinces.
Of particular interest and perhaps also an echo of Don Bosco’s temporary involvement with the
Concettini, was the attention given in the 5th session on 8 September to specifying the category of
‘aspirants’, and giving greater visibility to the coadjutors and their novitiate period, and to a more
solid structuring of the formation of clerical novices.4
After receiving the mandate, the Superior Chapter spent several sessions in October and some
in November and December reviewing and improving the Minutes to turn them into Acts
(Proceedings), intending to send them to Rome for official approval. It was then thought to be
unnecessary and unwise to do so. Work continued on them in 1878 until their publication in a
volume called Deliberations, reserved to the Salesian Congregation.
1.2 Don Bosco’s most significant interventions
Chapter members had great freedom to speak at the Chapter, and this was especially guaranteed
in the work of the Commission referred to in the general assembly through discussions which kept
to the prepared texts, without unduly altering their content. The tendency rather was to make them
more specific and integrate them. Just the same, Don Bosco acted as teacher for his pupils, not
only in discussion of individual texts and concluding articles, but also and especially through
complementary interventions, calling on them to appropriate his more significant thinking on new
and old subjects.
One of his first interventions concerned centralising the management of the Cooperators and
the Salesian Bulletin, which had just come out a few weeks earlier. The centralisation would be at
the Oratory. ‘The great effort I have made for these Cooperators,’ he explained ‘was precisely to
find a way to unify everyone around the head, so the head’s thinking can reach everyone. For now,
we do not have any idea how this work will expand, but when there are many thousands, and I am
convinced that in two or three years there will be at least 5 thousand, then great work can be done,
and the Holy Father himself, when he sees this bond between the head and them all, them with the
head, will say with surprise: “But this is a kind of Catholic Masonry.”’
He went on to list the publicity and financial benefits of spreading the Bulletin. He stated that
Religious and their Institutes could belong to the Cooperators, even ‘the Franciscan and Dominican
Tertiaries.’ He justified the possibility, emphasising perhaps more than he needed to the specific
difference between the two kinds of tertiaries: the tertiaries of mendicant Orders which were ‘all
4 Fifth session, 8 September, G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 58–74.

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practices of piety, while we are all practices of charity. Together, so much good can be done and
no–one is overburdened with either prayers or good works.’ He said that just as the case was with
the Salesian Congregation, the Cooperators Association was ‘looked upon kindly by everyone
because it takes no political stance for one side or the other.’ He recalled that Rome had not
accepted the Salesians introducing an article into their Constitutions regarding them. Just the
same, ‘we always hold to the general principle that outside cases of necessity, which could very
well happen, we do not enter into political issues and this is of enormous value.’5
The thoughts he expressed on 11 September on the state of conscience of boys entering the
colleges were pessimistic. Don Bosco started from a principle: ‘The key point for being certain to
obtain morality, is frequent confession and communion, but really well done.’ He then continued: ‘It
is a pity to see the state of conscience of perhaps 9/10 boys who come to our houses. Nor does
having every comfort put things right! We need to be convinced that when a young man has the
misfortune to leave his conscience stained, years and years can go by and no solemnity, retreat or
another’s death has an effect on him.’ Still on the question of morality, further on he invited them to
study what ‘I have been reflecting on for some time,’ that the Salesians should sleep in a separate
part of the house reserved for them where nobody else should be allowed: ‘I would almost call it a
kind of cloister,’ he explained ‘that no one else can trespass on.’ ‘Especially and absolutely no
women of any kind should sleep in that part of the house, not even the Rector’s mother or those
good women who mend linen in our colleges or do other similar work.’ He also maintained that a
further look be given to the mixing of people on the occasion of the Feast of Mary Help of
Christians, something which initially could have been reasonable and positive, but that with the
passing of time could have given rise to pernicious abuses. This had also occurred at the Oratory:
when they were without a receptionist/doorkeeper and boys were going outside to work ‘out of
novelty and early fervour,’ ‘a few abuses had taken place.’ Then, ‘with the passing of time we saw
the need to fence off the courtyard and have a doorkeeper.’6
Withe reference to economy, he made a sharp comment on the basis of a clear distinction
between college and hospice regarding those who were in arrears with the agreed upon boarding
fee. They should not be living off money from charity for boys in the hospices. ‘We need to be cruel
in a holy sort of way’ he said ‘with people who are behind in payments. I see no other remedy than
sending the boys home to their parents until they are able to pay and can do so promptly when
asked. If unable to, they can keep the boys at home. There is just one exception – when the boy
shows much promise for the Congregation.’ ‘It would be good for the colleges to have a fixed fee,
and for it to be non–negotiable as far as possible.’7
Then came an intervention opening up vistas, as we have already noted, on the mission of the
FMA Institute and collaborative relationships between Salesians and the Sisters.8
Another intervention which stood out was an impromptu one on the term Salesian, which was
spreading more and more, and on the Bulletin, which he saw as heralding the term’s social identity.
The word was applied somewhat narrowly in the past, but in recent years it had been inevitable
and necessary that also ‘the Congregation have a fixed name.’ St Francis de Sales was ‘a name
dear to the Church and society.’ He was ‘the Saint of meekness’ and our principal patron.
Nevertheless, it was good to be moderate in applying the denomination ‘Salesian’, even though
‘this name had been adopted for the Salesian Cooperators’ Bulletin.’ ‘It was a brave but considered
step. It was necessary to make ourselves known and in our true sense.’
5 Fourth session, 7 September, G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 48–55.
6 Tenth session, 11 September, G. BARBERIS, Verbali II 140–145.
7 Eleventh session, 12 September, G. BARBERIS, Verbali II 158.
8 Cf. Chap. 20, § 8.

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He used this as a launching point for outlining the profile of the Salesian as religious and citizen.
‘Our purpose,’ he clarified ‘is to make it known that one can give to Caesar what is Caesar’s
without ever compromising anyone, and this really takes nothing away from giving to God what is
God’s. These days, it is said that this is a problem and, if you wish, I could say that it is perhaps the
biggest of problems. But it was already solved by our divine Saviour Jesus Christ.’ In practice,
‘great difficulties’ could arise, especially when ‘the Government was bad’ as was the actual case.
But the principle was clear: ‘The Lord commands us to obey and respect our superiors “etiam
discolis”, so long as they do not command things that are directly bad.’ ‘Bad things must not be
done, but we continue to respect Caesar’s authority.’
Don Bosco then went on with a strong historical judgement on the political and religious
situation, probably in special reference to Italy. ‘Probably no one better than I’ he said ‘sees the evil
circumstances the Church and Religion find themselves in during these times. I believe that since
St Peter until now there have never been times as difficult as these. They [evildoers] have refined
skills and enormous resources. Not even the persecutions of Julian the Apostate were as
hypocritical and damaging. Is it not so? Despite all that, we seek to act legally in all we do and if
extras are necessary they are paid, and if collective ownership is no longer allowed, we will own
goods individually, and if they insist on exams, we will sit for them; or if they want certificates or
licences we will do what we can to obtain them, and so on. But this requires effort, expense and
creates problems. None of you can see it as I do. Indeed, the majority of these tricks and troubles I
will not even point out to you, because you would be frightened by them. I sweat and work all day
to try to put things right, to overcome problems. So we need to have patience, to know how to put
up with things, and instead of filling the air with pious statements, work as much as we can so
things proceed well. This is what we want to make known little by little, and in a practical way,
through the Salesian Bulletin. We will see that this principle prevails, and it will be the source of
immense good both for the Church and civil society.’9
Before the closing of the final session, Don Bosco recalled that in one of the first conferences,
there was talk of writing ‘a small treatise of eloquent biblical precepts to be studied in theology
classes.’ He added: ‘The small treatise of precepts should not exclusively concern preaching to
young people. It should also be about the education to be given to the group. Our system of
preventive education should be embodied in them, and it should insist that education be
completely based on that. That is, that it must be love that attracts young people to do good
through continual surveillance and guidance, not by systematically punishing their failings,
something that mostly leads a young man to hate his educator as long as he lives.’10
1.3 Printed deliberation (1878)
Don Bosco presented Salesians with the booklet of Deliberations on 1 November 1878.11 It
contained the following elements: a letter of presentation from the Superior, an introduction with a
very brief historical excursus on the Congregation, what the Chapter was about, its preparation and
opening, a list of participants, the text of the deliberations.12 The substance of the Chapter
discussions and decisions and normative articles that had emerged there remained, but the entire
text was more visibly organised and complete.
9 Twenty fourth session, 4 October, G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 40–44.
10 Twenty sixth session, 5 October afternoon, G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 55.
11 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale della Pia Società Salesiana tenuto in Lanzo Torinese nel September
1877. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1878, pp. 96, OE XXIX 377–472.
12 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 3–5, 6–11, 12–14, 15–95, OE XXIX 379–381,
382–387, 388–390, 391–471.

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The Deliberations became a model for the practical regulation of Salesian religious and active
life that would then extend, similarly structured, identical in style, and more clearly expressed, to
the Regulations added to the Salesian Constitutions until 1972.
Don Bosco write that ‘an unchanging set of regulation’ should, by way of a practical
complement, accompany the ‘general articles’ of the Constitutions and other ‘exhortations’ to help
with their ‘interpretation in practice.’ The General Chapter had been ‘studious and diligent’ to this
end, both in its preparation and celebration, ‘drawing practical applications from the “systematic
articles of the Constitutions” for the various roles of the sacred ministry and material administration
of our public and private matters.’13 The deliberations were divided into groups with appendices:
the third group and a further subsection to it on Teatrino. The groups brought together all the
material dealt with during the work of the Chapter: Study, Common life, Morality, Economy,
Regulations for the Provinces.
Ecclesiastical studies, essentially theological studies in preparation for the priesthood and the
ministry of confession, belonged to the Catechist General. Secular studies, classics and
philosophy, were the School Councillor’s concern. First year philosophy generally coincided with
the novitiate year.14 ‘With regard to admitting people to the theology degree’ the Chapter decided
that ‘it seems to be appropriate, both to silence those who say we study little and because the
degree also serves as a recognition for doing other subjects.’15 With regard to theology studies, it
began from the implicit assumption that there was no study centre for this, and that the time
dedicated to classes could be far less than in a normal seminary course. The best achievable ideal
was that in the various houses, men preparing for Holy Order – over three or four years – would
have ‘no less than 5 hours of class time a week,’ allowing also that they could be ‘admitted to
Orders’ before completing the theology course,’ with the obligation of ‘completing studies
afterwards.’16 I t was logical that not all of this would be included in the official Deliberations. It was
reduced to a few lines in ‘Chapter 1. Studies for Salesians. Priests and clerics of the Pious
Salesian Society will regulate their studies according to Chapter 12 of our Constitutions, and in
accordance with the internal Regulations for houses.’17 What the Regulations for the houses
prescribed for the Catechist was sufficient for this: ‘He will look after the clerics carrying out some
role in the house, seeing that they learn the sacred ceremonies and attend to the study of
theology.’18 At the afternoon session on Thursday 6 September dedicated to discussion of the 5th
Commission’s Sacred studies and preaching, it was established that priests prepare ‘a triduum for
the Forty Hours, a series of meditations and instructions for a triduum and a Retreat series’ all in
writing. Lists of authors to draw from were also provided, different ones for meditations, instruction,
the Forty Hours.19 The Deliberations ignored this part of the discussion, which was taken up again
and became part of the 1880 Chapter, then introduced into those Deliberations promulgated in
1882.20
At least partial reference to the studies of Salesian clerics prior to theology was made in an
article in Chapter 2, Studies for pupils: ‘During the Sacred Pedagogy class established for all our
clerics in first year philosophy, the rules to be followed by teachers and assistants will often be read
and explained.’21 The lengthy discussion by Chapter members on the introduction of Christian
13 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 3–4, OE XXIX 379–380.
14 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 16, 18.
15 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 18.
16 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 10.
17 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, p. 15, OE XXIX 391.
18 Regolamento per le case..., p. 27, OE XXIX 123.
19 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 11–12.
20 Cf. Chap. 29, § 2.
21 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, p. 16, OE XXIX 392; cf. G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 30.

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authors into classical formation was translated by the Deliberations into a rather bloodless article:
‘A way will be studied for introducing Christian classics into our houses. In all lower and upper
secondary classes there will be at least one lesson a week on a text by those authors, and it will be
examination material.’22
The second group on Common life was introduced by a simple theological reference, the cor
unum et anima una of the early Christians.23 There was a mixed bag of prescriptions brought
together here, which Don Bosco wanted to identify with equality in use of material items:
administration of goods. Clothing and linen, food and bedroom. Books, health and associated
matters, hospitality, invitations, dinners, customs, change of personnel, respect for superiors.24
The Morality group in reference especially to sexual matters reflected the content of lengthy
Chapter discussions, including regulating Teatrino. Particularly emphasised was the severe
prohibition on ‘particular friendships be they with confreres or young students’ and absolute
discretion in dealing with pupils (Chap. 1 Morality among Salesian confreres). It insisted on
temperance, human caution and, at length, on religious resources: the practices of piety and the
‘rendiconto’ or friendly talk with the superior (Chap. 2), ‘assistance’ to safeguard morality among
the pupils (Chap. 3), ‘religious customs’ (Chap. 4).25
Chapter members spent time on these at the session on 6 September, passing the chapter
prepared by Don Bosco with just a few modifications and additions. His were ‘Practices of piety not
regulated by our Rules’ such as ‘the brief talk after evening prayer’, ‘reading at table, triduums,
novenas, retreats, solemnities, the altar boys society, the St Aloysius, Blessed Sacrament
sodalities and similar’. They were viewed above all for their ascetic value or to help with
observance of the Constitutions and morality.26 More complete and better structured was the
chapter on Practices of piety which would reappear in a reduced version in the Deliberations of the
Second General Chapter.27
The principle behind observance of the detailed prescriptions on Economy, the fourth group,
was theological and practical: ‘Our life is supported by divine Providence which has never failed us,
and we hope it never will. For our part, however, we must use the greatest diligence to make
savings in what is not necessary, to lessen expenses and seek benefit from what we buy and
sell.’28
In the Regulations for the Provincial, the topic of the fifth group,29 the lengthy ranged of
normative articles here and there is enlivened by qualitative notations revealing Don Bosco’s
touch, and his personal experience as a regular visitor to the houses: ‘By example he fosters exact
22 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, p. 19, OE XXIX 395; G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 41–
43.
23 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 23–25, OE XXIX 399–401.
24 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 28–43, OE XXIX 404–419.
25 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 44–59, OE XXIX 420–437.
26 G. BARBERIS, Verbali I 13–15; cf. Capitolo generale della Congregazione salesiana da convocarsi..., pp.
17–18, OE XXVIII 329–330; Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 53–56, OE XXIX
429–432.
27 Cf. Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 48–50, OE XXIX 424–426; Deliberazioni
del secondo capitolo generale della Pia Società Salesiana tenuto in Lanzo Torinese nel September 1880.
Turin, tip. salesiana 1882, pp. 51–53, OE XXXIII 59–61. On this topic, see the reports with related
discussions by P. STELLA, Le pratiche di pietà dei salesiani dalle origini della congregazione alla morte di
don Bosco; ID., Il manuale “Pratiche di pietà” in uso nelle case salesiane (1916). Momenti della sua
genesi, in AA.VV., La vita di preghiera del religioso salesiano; F. DESRAMAUT, Il capitolo delle “Pratiche di
pietà” nelle Costituzioni salesiane, nel vol. La vita di preghiera del religioso salesiano, “Colloqui sulla vita
salesiana”, 1. Leumann (Turin), Elle Di Ci 1969, pp. 13–32, 185–201, 57–93.
28 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, p. 62, OE XXIX 438.
29 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 76–83, OE XXIX 452–459.

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observance of the Constitutions and makes himself loved rather than feared.’ ‘He is a father, a
friend who visits to help and advise his confreres and deal with the rectors about matters that need
to be provided or renewed for the good of the houses.’ ‘After receiving the person rendiconto of the
Rector, and information on all the confreres of the house, he will listen kindly to the moral and
material needs of the members.’ ‘The Provincial will use the greatest prudence and charity in his
visit in order not to compromise or diminish the authority of the Rector or other Superiors.’30
The Appendices included the Regulations for Rectors, the Regulations for General Chapters,
rules for the Monographs (Chronicles) and the Wardrobe, Various Associations or groups, the
Salesian Cooperators and finally The Sisters.
Among the Rector’s tasks we can highlight in particular the last one indicated, bound up with
related instructions on the Monographs or Chronicles: ‘He will see that the chronicler writes up the
chronicle for the colleges and edifying letters.’31 A chronicler was established ‘for each house of the
Congregation,’32 but the Chapter discussion on this had been much more developed, distinguishing
between the ‘Monograph for each college and one for the Congregation.’ The ‘matter arose per
accidens,’ the Minutes record ‘and took up much of the conference,’ demonstrating the great
interest of Chapter members in remembering the past as advice and a rule for the future. Everyone
admitted that too great a workload had made it impossible up till now, but they were invited to put
‘a real effort into it’ as also into writing up the lives of deceased confreres.33 One note is interesting:
‘Also to be included in the Monograph: where something was done and failed; history must be
faithful but it must also be advice for future occasions.’34
The rules dedicated to Various Associations and the Salesian Cooperators kep to the Chapter
discussions.35 Before ‘proposing, supporting and even more so making known’ the various
Salesian Associations, a rule was to be followed which was very respectful of similar Church
groups: ‘The Pious Associations, Confraternities, Sodalities already existing in places where we
open houses, are always to be encouraged, respected and promoted by us, lending a hand to
make them flourish; any bias on our part in their regard is to be avoided.’36 Most space was then
devoted to the Pious Union of Salesian Cooperators.37
We have already highlighted the extraordinary importance of article 11, the last in the
documents in the fifth appendix On the Sisters.38
2. The unexpected conclusion to the assignment with the Concettini
Don Bosco’s role as Visitor in spiritualibus of the Concettini came to an end over the weeks of the
General Chapter, not without a spot of drama.
Whether or not he received Don Bosco’s memorandum addressed in June to the Pope, who
could not be accessed, or more probably was independent of this, the Secretary of State, Cardinal
Giovanni Simeoni (1816–92) communicated with Don Bosco on 20 June, indicating that the Holy
Father had appointed Cardinal Lorenzo Randi (1812–87), the Prefect of economy for Propaganda
30 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 77, 81–83, OE XXIX 453, 457–459.
31 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, p. 86, OE XXIX 462.
32 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, p. 89, OE XXIX 465.
33 Fourteenth session,13 September, G. BARBERIS, Verbali II 177–184.
34 G. BARBERIS, Verbali II 184.
35 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 91–93, OE XXIX 467–469.
36 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, p. 91, OE XXIX 467.
37 Deliberazioni del capitolo generale... September 1877, pp. 91–93, OE XXIX 467–469; cf. Chap. 22, §§ 2
and 5.
38 Cf. Chap. 20, § 8.

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Fide ‘to establish an examination on agreements to be reached in the individual houses’ between
the two Visitors.39 The final act in this Roman drama was an epistolary duel between the Cardinal
and Don Bosco. The former, on 20 July, informed him that he had read the June memorandum,
had spoken with Mons. Fiorani, and confirmed that validity of what had been established by the
Sacred Congregation’s Decree on 6 February on the role of the two Visitors. Nevertheless, since
the details to be followed by the Visitor in spiritualibus had not been clearly defined, he was asking
Don Bosco to explain what he thought about it and any further observations he intended to make.40
Don Bosco was extremely busy with the Argentine pilgrims, and was then in France and Liguria.
He was exhausted and unwell in the second half of July, so was unable to reply. By letter on 29
July, the Cardinal insisted on a reply and stated that he had not been nor was he still now ‘opposed
to recognising’ Don Bosco’s wish ‘to give the Apostolic Visit broader room to operate,’ if anything by
modifying ‘the 6 February Decree,’ also by varying the terms, insofar as the importance of the
desired outcome requires it.’ Finally, he stressed the need to send a priest to Rome to replace
Father Scappini who was absent, or to see that he quickly returned.41
In his reply on 7 August, after noting the anomaly of the double set of Visitors, two heads for one
body, Don Bosco once more proposed a single administration for the Institute, obviously Salesian.
An alternative could be to adopt ‘another measure.’ ‘Entrust the former administration of the
Concettini to His Excellency, the Commendatore of the Holy Spirit [hospital] while the Salesians, as
chaplains, could look after just the spiritual side of things – catechism, preaching, hearing
confessions, and celebrating Mass for the Institute. ‘But in this case,’ he stressed, ‘the Salesians
will not have any material or moral responsibility: they would live separately from the Concettini
and would go to them only for what concerned their spiritual duties.’42
Mistrust in the ability of the Concettini to self–govern themselves remained – in him, Fiorani and
Randi. This totally ignored Luigi Monti’s work. He had opened a new era in the Institute’s life and
the progress it had made, confirmed by an historic audience granted the Brothers by Pius IX on 15
July.43
In his August letter, Cardinal Randi, in agreement with the Pope, conceded the idea of a single
Visitor, obviously Don Bosco or one of his representatives, ‘holding firm’ however, ‘to the Rule and
distinct existence of the Institute and the continuation of the service the Brothers give to the Holy
Spirit Hospital and other establishments.’ He sent Don Bosco to Rome ‘to negotiate and conclude
the matter under discussion,’ emphasising the urgent need for a priest at the Holy Spirit.44 It was a
misunderstanding. Don Bosco, who was even more physically and mentally removed from the real
course of events, returned to thinking that had inspired him throughout the entire episode, forcing
the interpretation of the papal Rescript of 14 November 1876 which, on the basis of a letter from
Mons. Fiorani on 5 January, he believed was also a view shared by the other Visitor. The idea of a
single, Salesian Visitor was inseparable from his plan to aggregate the Concettini Institute to his
Society. ‘I simply wanted to say’ he declared openly ‘that if we want to take a stable step forward,
the Concettini need to be aggregated to an Institute recognised and approved by the Holy See.
The Concettini can retain their habit, name, purpose and all their Rules needed to achieve it. This
was always my way of seeing things to ensure a secure existence that does not deviate from
observance of their Constitutions. This seems to me to be the opinion of the Rescript of the 17th
[14th?] November 1876,’ or rather, the interpretation he gave it through the additional articles. In
39 Documenti XVIII 156.
40 Documenti XVIII 179–180.
41 Documenti XVIII 199.
42 To Card. L. Randi, 7 August 1877, E III 205–206.
43 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, pp. 559–561.
44 Documenti XVIII 201–202.

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the case where the desire was ‘to hold firm to the Rule and distinct existence of the Institute and
the continuation of service in current establishments’ as Cardinal Randi had written in his 14
August letter, he maintained that a unified spiritual and temporal administration was inseparable
from that, with the Salesians dedicated exclusively to spiritual assistance for the Concettini as he
has proposed in his 7 August letter.45
This dialogue simply highlighted the irreconcilability of the two positions: Don Bosco’s was not
necessarily the most credible, solid or convincing of the two. Moreover, total silence had not
extended over the fate of the Congregation of Hospitaller Brothers of the Immaculate Conception.
Brother Monti was no babe in arms. On 30 August, he sent a petition to Pius IX, supported by Bros
Girolamo Pezzini and Domenico Manetti, asking him ‘to preserve the Institute as it is, putting it in
the same situation as nuns who have a good confessor, which they had been given by Our
Blessed Lady [Jesuit Fr Biolchini] while Don Bosco was not looking after them [over summer].’46 On
9 September, Fr Scappini told Monti he would be returning to Rome on the 17th of that month.
Monti consulted Fiorani who replied some days later, certainly not of his own initiative: ‘Write to Fr
Scappini immediately to delay coming until we receive new instructions, since the Holy Father has
already given them.’ Fr Scappini sent the letter to Don Bosco who passed it on to Cardinal Randi
asking for an explanation.47 Communication of the final solution was now inevitable.
On 1 October, in agreement with Pius IX, Cardinal Randi noted Don Bosco’s firm position, and
notified him that he was relieved of his role as Visitor. ‘The Holy Father,’ he wrote ‘with the intention
of preserving the Institute as it is, has, after mature reflection, resolved to entrust its reform
temporarily to clergy of this capital, dependent on the Eminent Vicar to whom he has given the
relevant assignment.’ He thanked Don Bosco for having ‘acted prudently in suspending the
departure’ from Turin of Fr Scappini, ‘given the current state of things’ and expressed his ‘regret’ for
the missing ‘component which I gave you an inkling of in my recent letter.’48
The principle of a single Visitor had been accepted, and consequently Mons. Fiorani, too, was
relieved of his assignment. On 9 November 1877, Cardinal Simeoni told Luigi Monti of the
appointment ad triennium of Mons. Ambrogio Turricia as Apostolic Visitor, replacing Mons. Fiorani
and Don Bosco. He had exclusive authority over the Institute in direct dependence on the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. The Superior General’s jurisdiction was still suspended.
The latter, however, still Monti, regained it by delegation from the Visitor, who was so authoritative
that he emptied Monti’s role of any real content.
Turriccia chose the house in Piazza Mastai as his residence. A year later, following numerous
interventions on behalf of the Brothers, coming from various sides, Ferrieri was given the task of
definitively freeing the Institute from all external authority. On 21 November 1878, Turriccia
presented his resignation to the Pope. The Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops nad Regulars
became President, in reality guarantor of the Institute, and Luigi Monti was confirmed as Superior
General. Following this, after constant pressure, on 18 January 1879, Mons. Turricia and his
nephew left the building in Piazza Mastai, and the following day, Monti took up residence there with
the novices.49
According to Blessed Luigi Monti’s biography, the Institute gained three great advantages from
Turriccia: ‘It was finally freed of the protection of the Commendatore of the Holy Spirit, from the
persistent interference of chaplains and the so–called Apostolic Auditor’ and, more radically, from
45 To Card. L. Randi, 18 August 1877, E III 209–210.
46 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, p. 566.
47 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. I, p. 569.
48 Letter of 1st October 1877, MB XIII 916–917.
49 Cf. E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. II, pp. 12–13.

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the idea of dependence on the Salesian Society.’50 His resignation had broken the last chains, and
the ship could head out to sea with its captain.
With the Capuchins out of the picture, the Institute’s Constitutions needed to be revised, firstly
undoing the many legal and spiritual ties with a dissimilar Religious Order and with the
Commendatore of the Holy Spirit. On 26 April 1880, Luigi Monti, going back over the past, wrote in
his Diary: ‘To be free, how many vicissitudes the Institute has had to endure! Twenty years with the
Capuchins, nine months with Don Bosco who wanted a merger with the Salesians, just as the
Capuchins wanted to make us their Tertiaries, another nine months with Mons. Turriccia who made
himself an absolute owner as Visitor, so we had to fight with him, Cardinal Randi and Cardinal
Nina, Secretary of State.’51 Just the same, Jesuit Fr Angelini, spiritual director of the Concettini,
was able to tell Cardinal Ferrieri of this testimony of theirs on the position of their Superior with
regard to Don Bosco: ‘With the Concettini, Father Monti was always submissive. He had the
greatest respect for Don Bosco and reached complete agreement with his representative, Fr
Scappini.’52 Traces of Don Bosco’s influence can probably be seen in the 1881 edition of the
Constitutions: for example, being ‘of one heart and mind with the Superior’ and adding ‘education
of orphans’ as the second purpose of the Institute.
On 4 November 1877, Cardinal Bilio wrote to Don Bosco in a way that was less than
encouraging, and not completely well–founded. Don Bosco had asked him to speak to the Pope
about the imminent missionary expedition and his hope for a little financial aid. Bilio said: ‘I am
sorry to have to tell you that the Holy Father does not seem to me to be as well disposed as last
year. The reasons for this, unless I have misunderstood, are principally two: 1. The Concettini
affair, 2. The fact that you take on too many things at once. I tried to disabuse the Pope of any
unfavourable impressions of you. I do not know if I succeeded, but it is certain that a trip to Rome
for you at the moment would be very helpful, if not even essential.’53 Don Bosco did go to Rome,
but was given no opportunity to meet the Pope.
The time for playing games was over, but not entirely, since the resolute negotiator wanted to go
back over the whole business with his Cardinal friend who had first intimated the delicate papal
mandate a year earlier. Therefore he asked Fr Berto to send him a series of documents, since all
he had was a copy of the 6 February Brief.54 In his letter to Cardinal Bilio on 29 November, he
defended his approach, simply recalling the various stages of the affair within the coordinates he
had never shifted away from.55 In reality, Don Bosco had been asked for less than his original plan
and had never abandoned what he had proposed at the end, as an alternative, in his letter of 7
August to Cardinal Randi: that what was needed was a single Visitor in spiritualibus, a collaborator
in the religious reform of an Institute with its own Superior. By fully exercising his authority, this
Superior could work to achieve real autonomy and new vitality.
It had been thought that Don Bosco was the expert in this, because he was involved in
regulating, establishing, empowering his own Congregation: novitiate, religious obedience
combined with active life and piety working together. He did not succeed with it, struggling to
realistically measure up to the evolving intentions of the Pope and other Romens, and the
development of the Concettini situation. They (Concettini) did struggle positively to grow, thanks to
the energetic reforming efforts of Monti, and the healthier side of the Institute. It would have been a
propitious occasion for a more qualified and less costly involvement of physical energies and
50 E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. II, pp. 13–14.
51 Cited by E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. II, p. 41.
52 Cited by E. PERNIOLA, Luigi Monti fondatore..., vol. II, p. 34.
53 Documenti XVIII 362; MB XIII 311.
54 To Fr G. Berto, from Sampierdarena 15 November 1877, E III 238.
55 E III 242–244.

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financial burdens in the Roman world than what it took in the 1880s to build the Church of the
Sacred Heart in stone. Among other things, an action of the kind would have favoured a more
positive encounter with the Curia, and in particular with an important personality for the events that
followed for himself and the Salesian Society – Cardinal Innocenzo Ferrieri, a great admirer and
supporter of the Concettini. On the other hand, busy with a thousand things, Don Bosco did not
seem to have availed himself of the advice of old and new supporters, Cardinals Patrizi, Berardi,
Bilio, Di Pietro, Morichini, or Fr Giuseppe Oreglia, the Jesuits and yet others who could have kept
him better informed of the tangled knot of problems gathered around the Concettini case. Perhaps
he did not find confirmation of his ideas in them: especially from Cardinal Randi and the very
trustworthy Cardinal Nina.
3. Tensions and hopes as a new pontificate begins (December 1877–March 1878)
Two different and prudent interpretations of ‘charity and humility’ clashed in Don Bosco’s invitation
to dialogue on 22 November 1877 and Archbishop Gastaldi’s reply on the 23rd.56 The Archbishop
could not tolerate what Don Bosco was proposing as a possibility, that is, to respond publicly to
what Gastaldi had spread in print on 15 October in his letter The Archbishop of Turin and the
Congregation of St Francis de Sales.
Don Bosco repeated the invitation ‘to present himself to his Archbishop in humility and charity.’
For the Archbishop, just as he had ‘gladly agreed to erect the Salesian Congregation,’ so he was
‘ready to cooperate in maintaining and spreading it,’ asking only that ‘the Archbishop’s authority
and the good of his Diocese be maintained.’ However, ‘should you have any item printed or
lithographed or produced by other means which is unfavourable to the current Archbishop of Turin,
or should you write any letter in your own or through someone else’s hand unfavourable to this
Archbishop, and present it to any individual except the Supreme Pontiff and their Eminences, the
cardinal members of the Sacred Congregations,’ from that moment ‘the faculty to hear sacramental
confessions and absolve’ for Don Bosco would cease forthwith, that is, ipso facto.57
There were even more serious and restrictive conditions attached to this suspension in a further
letter on 1 December, ‘in addition to and correcting’ what was written in the earlier letter. ‘I am
telling you,’ Gastaldi explained ‘that if you present or have presented any written item unfavourable
to the current Archbishop of Turin, be it in your own hand or through others, printed, lithographed or
photographed and sent to any individual except the Supreme Pontiff, the Cardinal Secretary of
State, the Cardinal Prefects of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars and the Council,
from that instant I declare that in such a case you cease to have the faculty of absolving
sacramentally, and therefore of hearing confessions in this Archdiocese. It ceases ipso facto
without need for any other declaration. As I have stated, it has already ceased should you have
ever done this, in view of which it is my intention to revoke the above–mentioned faculty.’58
It was in this oppressive atmosphere of repressive prevention that, a few days later, a three
page printed item came out, the Letter on the Archbishop of Turin and the Congregation of St
Francis de Sales, addressed to a ‘Vicar’ – such was the pseudonym – who had sent the
Archbishop’s printed letter (with the same title) of 28 February 1877 to the anonymous author.
Beneath the title and off to the right, ‘a little bit of light’ was printed. It sought to be a critical analysis
of the merits advanced by the Archbishop, with ‘things to be rectified and things to adjust.’ It was
signed by ‘A past pupil of the Oratory who is honoured to say he is a Salesian Cooperator.’ The
author showed he was well–informed about the facts and the problems. The description was
56 Cf. Chap. 25, conclusion of § 6.
57 Letter of 25 November 1877, in MB XIII 371.
58 Letter found in MB XIII 371–372.

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precise but would become known only in 1894 from the famous statement on his ‘libellous items’
by Fr Giovanni Turchi, made to the Congregation of Rites. It was Fr Giovanni Battista Anfossi, not
only a pupil of the Oratory but a member of the group that had joined the Society of St Francis de
Sales on 19 December 1859, taking first vows on 14 May 1862, and who then left of his own free
will in July 1864. In the P.S. he thanked the ‘Vicar’ for also sending the booklet which came out on
15 October, assuring him: ‘As soon as possible I will make a response to it.’59
Don Bosco immediately dissociated himself from it with a letter reserved for the Archbishop on 9
December 1877. He gave precise assurances: ‘’1. I did not know and still do not know who wrote it
or disseminated it. 2. I had no part in it, neither the printing, nor by my own hand, nor lithograph. It
was not written by me or by others dependent on me. 3. I very much regret and reject the
indecorous manner with which it speaks of Your Grace. You can be assured you have no enemies
among the Salesians, just poor individuals who do what they can for the good of this diocese
despite often being hindered by the difficulties opposing them.’60
The following day he received a letter of reply from the pro–secretary, Fr Maffei, with the
following injunction from the Archbishop: ‘You are strictly obliged to publish a vigorous protest in
L’Unità Cattolica or the Emporio, and as soon as possible, signed by yourself and in which your
name and that of the entire Salesian Congregation you condemn and reject what was written in
that infamous piece of libel, in the diocese and beyond it.’61
Don Bosco was looking ahead. He replied immediately, making it clear that he would not allow
himself to be drawn into an indiscriminate condemnation of the contents of the printed item.
‘Therefore,’ he asked the Archbishop ‘be kind enough to tell me, other than its indecorous manner,
which things I am strictly obliged to respect and condemn. I repeat once again that I had no part
whatsoever in the notorious printed item, and that neither I nor the Salesian Congregation intend to
accept any responsibility for it. I would very much like to avoid giving new publicity that would seem
to be a provocation for further printed material. Nevertheless, I will obey and and print what you tell
me is in error and thus to be rejected and condemned. I also assure you that I have never had, nor
do I now have any animosity towards you.’62
Before leaving for Rome, Don Bosco wrote to the peace mediator, Count Cesare Trabucco di
Castagnetto, clarifying the reasons for his journey: ‘Finding myself the head of a Congregation
denied sacred ordinations for some and faculties for preaching, hearing confessions and even
celebrating Mass for others, of necessity I must go to the legitimate and absolute Superior to seek
instruction and advice.’ But he wanted the Count to assure the Archbishop that he was going to
Rome not ‘to accuse, but only to respond to complaints that His Grace has decided to present to
the august person of His Holiness.’63
On 18 December, he left for Rome where he arrived on 22 December and remained there for
more than three months. The year ended with a lengthy memorandum on the missions sent to the
Cardinal Prefect of Propaganda, Alessandro Franchi.64 Don Bosco was unable to see the
venerable old Pius XI, who was in poor health and whose decline was irreversible. But Don Bosco
did not leave the city, in the hope of seeing him or, after his death, of establishing initial relations
with the new Pope, Leo XIII.
59 Tip. Camilla e Bertolero, text in Documenti XVIII 405–407.
60 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 9 December 1877, E III 249.
61 Letter of 10 December 1877, in MB XIII 379.
62 Letter of 12 December 1877, E III 250.
63 Letter of 17 December 1877, E III 251–252.
64 Letter from Rome, 31 December 1877, E III 256–261.

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From Rome, on Christmas Day, he thanked a past pupil of the Oratory, Fr Felice Reviglio, parish
priest of St Augustine’s in Turin, who at a meeting of parish priests in the city, held in protest at the
letter ‘of a past pupil of the Oratory’, had defended Don Bosco: ‘You have spoken on behalf of your
papa and I thank you for that.’65 He came back to the topic with Fr Rua: ‘It is a trial the Lord is
putting our poor Congregation through. He will help us get through it as he has in so many other
matters. Leave it to me to think about it. Silence, prayer, and strict observance of our rules.’ He
then gave him instructions that the January edition of the Salesian Bulletin should have a
supplement with a statement deploring the anonymous letter. He then wanted Fr Cagliero to go to
Canons Nasi and Pelletta to warn them against being involved in brazen accusations: ‘You could
find yourself in no little embarrassment should they have to prove what has been written in Rome:
The anonymous sheet is attributed to D. Bosco.’66 On the question of gestures of solidarity with the
Archbishop, he wrote to Fr Rua again on 3 January: ‘Tell me the day the Cathedral canons met,
then the parish priests, then the canons again, then all the clergy. Our silence and prayers will
achieve what is for the greater glory of God. However, I have not been inactive.’67
But there were also ‘freelance’ wreckers around. Information and news on what Turin thoughts
of the Archbishop was flowing between Turin and Rome, or rather, what those in opposition to him
thought, collecting and sowing rumours and judgements, among other things on the ‘exaggerated
liberalism’ of the Ecclesiastical Superior, sending along Turin–based newspapers, inviting people to
write and denounce abuses.68 Fr Berto, Don Bosco’s secretary, was the point of reference.
The main players in this were two manipulating right wing past pupils of the Oratory, the already
noted Fr Giovanni Battista Anfossi, and Fr Giovanni Turchi, temporarily resident in Rome at the
time with occasional duties as a second secretary for Don Bosco, as Don Bosco told Fr Rua on 3
January: ‘A new secretary has been added.’69 In a long letter to Fr Berto on 10 February, Fr Anfossi
wrote: ‘I have received a letter from Fr Turchi … It would not be out of place to have an article
written by the elegant and pleasant pen of Fr Turchi.’ And in the conclusion: ‘Greet Fr Turchi for
me; let him read this letter. Tell him I anxiously await his publication.’70 ‘New letters from Turin’
writes the one collecting all the documents, ‘bring news on Archbishop Gastaldi to Rome’ and
Anfossi told Turchi in another letter on 13 February: ‘Your article in L’Unità has cheered up good
people.’71
On 7 January 1878, Don Bosco had replied with a very long letter to another very brief one on
21 December 1877 from Cardinal Ferrieri, with whom he had had an audience. In the letter, the
Cardinal told him he had received dossiers relating to disputes with the Archbishop, and
recommended: ‘This Sacred Congregation is keenly interested in you prudently preventing all your
members and Cooperators of the Salesian Congregation dependent on you, even indirectly, from
printing or publishing writings of any kind relating to the disputes which have arisen with the Most
Rev. Archbishop of Turin.’72 Don Bosco thanked him for the kind recommendation and assured him:
‘Neither presently nor in the past, neither by me nor by any of my dependants has anything been
published that in any way could only be interpreted as unfavourable to our Most Revered Ordinary
65 To Fr F. Reviglio, Christmas 1877, E III 253.
66 To Fr M. Rua, from Rome 27 December 1877, E III 254.
67 Letter of 3 January 1878, E III 263.
68 Accusations of tendency to liberalism against Gastaldi had already arrived in Rome on several occasions
in1870, 1871, 1875, and the archbishop had been repeatedly obliged to justify himself with the Vatican
authorities: cf. G. MARTINA, Pio IX (1867–1878)..., p. 265, n. 62.
69 E III 263.
70 Documenti XIX 71–73. The first Strenna pel Clero… scritta da “un Cappellano” [Turchi] was dated “Turin,
February 1878”.
71 Documenti XIX 74–76.
72 Documenti XVIII 430.

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the Archbishop … Would to God that behaviour of this kind had been maintained by our beloved
Archbishop!’
Don Bosco then outlined disputes over 1877 up till the ‘two threatening letters’ of 25 November
and 1 December. He spoke of the two meetings, one of canons and two of parish priests,
attributing authorship of the incriminating pages to the Salesians ‘without any foundation at all’ and
the most ‘mischievous interpretations’ newspapers had put on them. He firmly stated that he did
not want to do what the Archbishop was asking, that is, to declare the ‘falsity’ of matters contained
in the incriminating Letter on the Archbishop. ‘I cannot and do not want to lies, because it presents
the truth’ he said resolutely. He concluded with five sets of complaints about the Archbishop’s
interventions affecting individual Salesians and the Congregation, causing great spiritual, moral
and material harm.’73
Victor Emmanuel died, after a brief but sudden illness, on 9 January. Don Bosco wrote to Count
Cays about it,74 and on 20 January, in a memorandum he sent to the Secretary of State, Cardinal
Simeoni.75 He also soon set about finding a way to obtain the privileges, entrusting himself on 11
January to the good offices of Dominican Fr Tosa, Consultor for the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars. He sent him a copy of the Rescript with which Leo XIII had granted the Oblates of the
Virgin Mary per communicationem, the privileges of the Redemptorists. ‘Oh, if only these could be
obtained for us too! You would be forever our outstanding benefactor.’ It was a utopian wish under
the circumstances. He concluded with a serious description of the situation in Turin: ‘Meanwhile,
each day brings more confusion. New matters in the newspapers, priests suspended, agitation in
Turin. Do what you can to prevent these evils.’76 He referred to ‘orders’ given in Turin which were
‘onerous’ for ‘religious bodies’ and to an exceptional degree for the Salesian Congregation. Since
Ferrieri was still ill, he wrote of these matters to the Secretary of the Congregation, Mons. Bianchi.
He believed he had found two negative references to the Salesians in the recent pastoral letter on
12 January On Seminaries: the reference to moral violence applied to young men who sought a
religious vocation, and the omission of Salesian colleges in a list of colleges recommended as
encouraging clerical vocations.77 He wrote to Fr Rua the following day: ‘Cardinal Ferrieri has
returned to work, and I hope to leave Rome halfway through the month with matters fixed up, at
least hic et nunc.’78
The Declaration on non–involvement with the anti–Gastaldi Letter appeared on the final page of
a section added to the normal 8 page Salesian Bulletin, but it only appeared in a certain number of
copies, probably those destined for Turin and surrounds. But in cauda venenum. To Don Bosco’s
faultless text,79 the editor, Fr Bonetti, had added something of his own initiative: ‘For our part, we
thank the good will of the unknown author who decided to come to our defence in the face of the
facts, spoken and in print, that have been circulating for some time to the disadvantage of his
benefactor. But while it saddens us that the sentiments of his gratitude have been thus provoked,
we strongly disapprove of his methods.’80
Perhaps this was another reason why Don Bosco reminded him from Rome in February to be
calm and prudent: ‘Stop fighting, and write pacific words as I have recommended to you so many
times.’81 Bonetti also published an article in the Salesian Bulletin on The Salesian Congregation
73 To Card. I. Ferrieri, 7 January 1878, E III 264–266.
74 Letter of 12 January 1878, E III 269–270.
75 E III 274–276.
76 Letter of 11 January 1878, E III 268.
77 Letter of 4 February 1877, E III 289–291; cf. L. GASTALDI, Lettere pastorali..., pp. 405–406.
78 Letter of 5 February 1878, E III 291.
79 Cf. MB XIII 384–385.
80 Cf. BS 2 (1878) n. 1, January, p. 12.
81 Letter of 14 February 1878, E III 296.

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and clerical vocations in which he highlighted the number of priestly vocations from the Oratory for
the dioceses, especially Turin Archdiocese.82 For his part, the Archbishop remained firmly
convinced that the libel or slander was a Salesian initiative, as he stated decisively in his Relatio
seconda status archiodiocesi Taurinensis presented to Rome on his ad limina visit on 18 March
1878: ‘This Congregation, towards the end of November 1877, saw to the printing of an infamous
item of slander against the Archbishop, disseminated throughout the diocese of Turin and also in
Rome and other dioceses.’83
However, the Roman ecclesiastical world had not been the same as before for some weeks.
Pius IX had died on 7 February. On 12 February, Fr Berto told Turin: ‘We entered St Peter’s to visit
the Holy Father’s body. We were able to kiss his feet and touch various items to him. I went with D.
Bosco.’ The same day, Don Bosco received a letter from Archbishop Pietro Lasagni, Secretary of
the Sacred College, with the Brief thanks to which, on 29 January, the Pope had appointed
Cavaliere Giovanni Frisetti and Ing (Engineer) Emanuele Campanella as Commendatori
(Commanders) of St Gregory the Great, on presentation by the founder of the Salesian Society.84
On 20 February, Pope Leo XIII was elected by the Conclave. Don Bosco’s first contact with him
was through a number of petitions and a memorandum,85 then personally on 16 March 1878,
thanks to an historic audience.86 He also met with the new Secretary of State, Cardinal Alessandro
Franchi.87
Cardinal Gioacchino Pecci’s arrival on the papal throne could have created some new problems
both for Don Bosco and Archbishop Gastaldi. If the former had lost his most valuable and valid
support, the latter too, of Rosminian leanings, could have found more than a few difficulties in the
ascent of a convinced Thomist and restorer of a renewed Scholasticism to the papacy. In concrete,
the more penalised of the two was Don Bosco, more so because of unforeseen anomalous events
in Turin – the dissemination of anti–Gastaldi material from February 1878 to March 1879, and
again in May 1879, the beginning of Fr Bonetti’s clashes with the parish priest of the Duomo
(Cathedral) in Chieri. Then in June the ‘suspension from hearing confessions’ imposed on Bonetti
by the Archbishop.88 As Superior of the Congregation, Don Bosco willingly allowed himself to be
involved, though he worked strenuously to convince people he had nothing to do with the slander.
But for the moment, none of that was on the horizon.
For the moment, the transition from one Pope to another went ahead tranquilly. L’Unità
Cattolica, which was sympathetic to Don Bosco and not enthusiastically close to Gastaldi, gave
equal positive emphasis to events they were both interested in. it ran in its entirety the fine and
noble Pastoral Letter of the Archbishop of Turin announcing the passing of King Victor Emmanuel II
to eternity.89 It gave plenty of information on Don Bosco’s presence at the first Salesian
Cooperators Conference in Rome at Tor de’ Specchi on 29 January.90 It carried most of the ‘tender
and eloquent’ Pastoral Letter of the Archbishop of Turin on the death of the Holy Father, Pius IX
and the prayers ordered in the parishes for the deceased Pontiff, and the election of his
successor.91 It gave great coverage to the very special treatment reserved for Don Bosco at the
82 BS 2 (1878) n. 2, February, pp. 4–5.
83 Relatio secunda status archidioecesis Taurinensis, p. 19, cited by G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi (1815–
1883), Vol. II..., p. 277, n. 81.
84 Documenti XIX 73–74; cf. sulle Ultime ore di Pio IX, BS 2 (1878) no. 3, March, pp. 7–10.
85 E III 314, 317–318, 318–319, 321, 323.
86 Cf. letter and report on audience to the Cardinal Protector L. Oreglia, 25 March 1878, E III 325–327,
327–332.
87 Letter o 8 March 1878, E III 313–314; cf. MB XIII 501.
88 Cf. 28, § 5.
89 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 13, Tuesday 15 January 1878, p. 50.
90 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 30, Sunday 3 February 1878, p. 118.
91 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 39, Thursday 14 February 1878, p. 154.

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papal audience on 23 February, granted to a ‘crowd of devout and illustrious individuals.’ On the
same page it announced The funeral Mass for Pius IX in the Metropolitan Cathedral in Turin,
adding: ‘The Archbishop of Turin will deliver the funeral eulogy.’ ‘We will speak of this in a coming
issue’ but it seems this did not eventuate.92 Then on 9 March, under the headline The Holy Father
and the Archbishop of Turin, it reported that he ‘was the only bishop in all of upper Italy who, on 3
March, took part in the solemn ceremony of the coronation of the new Pope, Leo XIII, and was
received in private audience by the Holy Father on the evening of the 5th inst.’ The Pope had
recommended ‘with very special warmth’ ‘instruction and doctrine’ for the clergy to be further
explored by ongoing initiatives.93 A ‘special correspondent’ on 18 March gave prominence to ‘the
special audience of almost an hour’ given by the Pope on Saturday 16 March at 6.30 p.m. to a
‘very active worker from Turin’, meaning Don Bosco.94
4. The preventive system as a response to social questions of education
In the days that followed the death of Pius IX, Don Bosco had occasion to meet the Minister for the
Interior, Francesco Crispi (1818–1901), who had no difficulty guaranteeing that the forthcoming
Conclave would find order, security, unconditional freedom in Rome. As part of their discussion
was the possibility of finding a building complex in Rome for the establishment of a youth work. It
was logical that they should move on to speaking about the youth situation, especially of those who
had migrated to the capital in search of their fortune, the inevitable problems deriving from this, and
the most appropriate supportive and educational solutions. In real terms, the situation posed the
problem of young people at risk and of risk to others, and the proposal of the preventive system as
a remedy, with its social and corrective dimensions more strongly emphasised. Moreover, Don
Bosco had already introduced the matter in the address he gave in Rome in January 1878 at the
first Cooperators Conference in the capital.95 The Salesians did not yet have their own work in the
city. But to the large crowd of listeners gathered at the monastery at Tor de’ Specchi, with the
Cardinal Vicar, Raffaele Monaco La Valletta and Cardinal Enea Sbarretti present, surrounded by
archbishops and bishops, he was able to propose more collaboration in the fields of education and
recovery. ‘The work of the Salesians’ he clarified ‘aims at good morals, lessening the number of
delinquents abandoned to themselves and in great danger of ending up filling the prisons. They
instruct them, set them on the path to work, provide the means and, where necessary, also shelter,
sparing nothing to prevent them from ruin, indeed, making good Christians and upright citizens out
of the so that in due course they can earn their living …’ Among other things they were works that
could only but ‘be respected, even desired by any government and any side of politics.96
4.1 Memorandum for Francesco Crispi
In order to consolidate the relationship already begun, the day after Leo XIII’s election, Don Bosco
sent Crispi a memorandum on topics they had touched on verbally. It carried the same title as the
pages in 1877, The Preventive System in the Education of Youth. The content was different,
however. The preventive system in this item was not considered for its pedagogical dimension but
the two stages that come before it: giving youngsters ‘at risk’ concrete references and help in life,
and seeing to providing assistance, meaning appropriate formative and educational institutions,
private rather than public, that the State had a duty to finance. Naturally, Don Bosco did not intend
92 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 50, Wednesday 27 February, p. 199.
93 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 59, Saturday 9 March 1878, p. 234.
94 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 69, Thursday 21 March 1878, p. 275.
95 Cf. Chap. 22, § 6.
96 BS 2 (1878) no. 3, March, p. 12.

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coming to the Minister only to offer him a project of moral and social benefit for youth, ‘presenting
the basis’ he wrote ‘on which one can regulate the preventive system applied to youth at risk in
public streets or in houses and hospices of education.’ He was probably even thinking of an
entirely utopian operation which could favour his primary objective: for the government to give him
a site to use – and possibly grants – for setting himself up in Rome with a youth work ‘exclusively
for poor boys at risk with minor disruption to government finances.’
He stated this in his letter of presentation, also listing some confiscated religious buildings that
the government could have been able to make available to him for educational assistance to poor
boys at risk.97
Some weeks later, in a memorandum to the newly elected Leo XIII, as in the letter and
memorandum to Crispi, he illustrated the situation of youth who were lost and wandering around
Rome, and he could only but appeal for moral rather than material support.98
In the new Government formed by Benedetto Cairoli, which took office on 24 March, Giuseppe
Zanardelli was now Minister for the Interior. Don Bosco had met him on 6 August 1876 at Lanzo. In
order to achieve his objectives, expressed or hidden, further ahead Don Bosco would declare to
Zanardelli that he was ready to resume discussion on the preventive system and ‘the possibility of
providing for boys wo are not yet perverse but only abandoned, and who are thus at risk in the
various cities around Italy, especially Rome.’ With this in mind, he had prepared ‘a practical
memorandum’ for his predecessor ‘which would not cost the Government much and would be easy
to carry out.’99
It is interesting to note that the two politicians found themselves on opposite sides in autumn
1878 when the Italian Parliament was discussing the attitude to adopt regarding internationalists,
nihilists and socialists. Zanardelli agreed with the Prime Minister, Benedetto Cairoli, who stood for
a repressive approach or rather, repression only where public order had been disrupted: ‘Let the
Government’s authority be inexorable in repressing and not arbitrary in preventing.’ The
authoritarian Crispi sided with the preventive approach, meaning preventive repression: ‘Political
authority has the right to prevent, just as the judicial authority has the right to repress crimes.’100
The two positions could highlight the ambiguity of the two statements, given the use of two
adjectives which did not sit happily together in the pedagogical field. ‘The repressive system’ Don
Bosco wrote, ‘consists in making the law known to the subjects, and afterwards watching to
discover the transgressors of these laws, and inflicting, where necessary, the punishment
deserved.’ It was the more liberal system but one adapted to adults.101 But the instant there was
even fleeting reference to the pedagogical and political aspect, Don Bosco preferred to emphasise
the social and institutional aspect as well as the educative and pastoral elements involved in the
youth problem. He would claim this vigorously on two occasions in 1883, certainly reflecting the
climate he found during his trip to France in February–May 1883, and reactions from the press in
Piedmont and the rest of Italy.102
97 Letter of 21 February 1878, E III 298–299.
98 Letter of March 1878, E III 317–318.
99 Letter of 23 July 1878, E III 366–367; cf. Former letter to Comm. G. B. Aluffi, secretary to the Minister for
the Interior, 25 April, E III 335.
100 Cf. Addresses on 15 October and 5 December 1878 respectively, cited byF. CHABOD, Storia della politica
estera italiana dal 1870 al 1896. Bari, Laterza 1962, pp. 435, no. 1 and 436, no. 2.
101 GIOVANNI (S.) BOSCO, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù..., ed. P. Braido, RSS 4
(1985) 300.
102 Conference to Cooperators in Turin 31 May, the evening of the day he arrived back from France: BS 7
(1883) no. 7, July, p. 104; and address to past pupils, the morning of his Name Day, 24 June: BS 7
(1883) no. 8, August, pp. 127–128.

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All we have of the memorandum to Crispi is a handwritten draft with plenty of corrections.
Following a brief preliminary clarification on the distinction between the repressive and the
preventive systems in society, he moved on to a social–moral diagnosis of ‘children who can be
called at risk.’ Don Bosco’s social critique was certainly not that of a nascent positivist or Marxist
sociology which took proper account of the economic, social and cultural structures underlying
abandonment and youth delinquency. He indicated four categories of at risk and of risk youth: 1.
Boys migrating from country areas ‘to other cities and towns in search of work,’ having little money,
and when that was gone, if they were unemployed ‘they run the risk of becoming thieves and
beginning a life that leads them to ruin.’ 2. Orphans lacking assistance – ‘a friendly hand, a kindly
word’ – ‘abandoned to vagabondage and the company of delinquents.’ 3. ‘Those with parents who
cannot or do not want to look after their children, so they push them out of the family and abandon
them entirely.’ 4. ‘Vagabonds’ who are not yet delinquents, ‘who fall into the hands of public
security’ but ‘could certainly be removed from prison and restored to civil society … were they to be
accepted at a hospice where they are instructed and prepared for work.’103
As for Provision for this, the writer proposed typical institutions, but seen from a broader and
more developed perspective, as evidenced by the terms used: 1. ‘Weekend recreational parks –
parks, playgrounds, oratories, recreation areas, youth centres – where a wide variety of leisure
activities went side by side with initiatives for literacy and moral and cultural formation at night,
Sunday and catechism classes. 2. Identifying the unemployed and giving them work placement,
providing assistance ‘at work during the week.’ 3. ‘Hospices and houses for preservation, with arts
and trades and also agricultural schools’ for those ‘who are poor and abandoned, have nothing to
clothe themselves with, nothing to eat and nowhere to sleep at night.’104
Don Bosco also put forward proposals on Government involvement, which in typical liberal style
envisaged that the State did not directly manage works. But according to Don Bosco, without
‘touching the principle of legal charity’ government would need to support them, provide settings,
sites, buildings, equipment and financial aid to maintain shelters.105 Obviously, in the concluding
section which he called Results, Don Bosco referred to their quantity and quality: recovery of youth
who had been in prison, prevention for boys at risk, enabling them for trades, arts, professions at
every level.106
We know of no response from either Crispi or Zanardelli. However, in the case that Crispi did
receive Don Bosco’s memorandum, he certainly would not have been in a situation to reply. The
letter bore the date 21 February, and it was over those days in Rome that the scandal broke
concerning the Minister’s bigamy. This forced his resignation from an already precarious Ministry
on 7 March.107 Already on 22 February, L’Unità Cattolica had published an article on him that had
come from a correspondent in Rome, and another on 2 March, five days before the entire Ministry
resigned.108
However, despite having no real impact on the two Ministers, the document confirms that to fully
appreciate the potential of the preventive system, the pages in 1877 need to be strictly associated
with the social discourse prior to and following them.
103 Cf. text in GIOVANNI (S.) BOSCO, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù..., ed. P. Braido,
RSS 4 (1985) 301–302.
104 GIOVANNI (S.) BOSCO, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù..., ed. P. Braido, RSS 4
(1985) 302.
105 GIOVANNI (S.) BOSCO, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù..., ed. P. Braido, RSS 4
(1985) 303.
106 GIOVANNI (S.) BOSCO, Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù..., ed. P. Braido, RSS 4
(1985) 303–304.
107 On this, cf. Chap. 1, § 10.
108 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 46, 22 February 1878, p. 183; no. 53, Saturday 2 March 1878, p. 210.

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4.2 The preventive system for families and educational institutions
A special extension of the possibility of using the preventive system was suggested by Fr Bonetti in
the Salesian Bulletin. The original text, slightly modified, with headings replaced by brief words of
introduction to each of the four points, was included in a chapter of the History of the Oratory of St
Francis de Sales. Don Bosco certainly knew and approved of it and was in agreement with giving
wider circulation and application to a text that had come out as a limited print run in booklet form
which had little impact in Italy.
The Bulletin editor encouraged practice of the preventive system in all educational institutions
and even in families. After recounting Don Bosco’s original ploys in dealing with boys during the
turbulent 1848 period, he explained them as being resources of the preventive system ante
litteram.109 He assured readers that Salesian houses ‘flourish better and produce results, because
that is where the system is better known and more exactly practised’ and concluded: ‘It would be
desirable for it to be introduced into all Christian families, in all public and private institutes of
education, male and female. Then there would be no delay in having a more moderate and pious
youth, youth who would be the consolation of their families and a good support for civil society.’110
In the next instalment of the series, Fr Bonetti justified adoption of the preventive system as a
response to more modern demands of widespread freedoms in society and culture over the past
40 years. ‘It was in those years,’ he noted ‘that there was a strong outcry throughout Italy and
beyond against absolute governments; complaints arose, especially concerning the measures of
severity used to control the people generally and when administering justice.’ Even rigid Rulers
‘believed it was good to bend to popular demand and introduce radical reforms into their States.’
Pius IX himself granted amnesty and ‘some reforms in governing.’ Charles Albert ‘bestowed a civil
Constitution … thus changing his government from an absolute to a constitutional one.’ ‘Now,
these popular aspirations for a milder form of government, supported by their respective Princes,
meant that even young people demanded a more affectionate and fatherly guidance from their
superiors.’111 He was aligning himself with contemporaries and others who followed who saw in
Don Bosco’s preventive system an educational approach of universal import, one which was
relevant to new times and its beneficiaries at every social and cultural level.
5. Reactions: biographies, pen portraits
Though often mistakenly thought to be Don Bosco’s own creation, the preventive system,
inseparable from his own and the Salesians’ experience, was quickly championed by publicists of a
certain kind for the way it demonstrated the ongoing vitality of Catholic education. This also
reinforced Don Bosco’s own awareness of the universal significance of the system he had
launched. He intended to publicise it through a pamphlet written for benefactors and Cooperators.
Contributing to this were the first biographies and other writings on his institutions.
Even before the 1877 description of the preventive system, it seems that this interest began
with Count Conestabile della Staffa (1854–81) from an ancient noble family in Perugia, known for
his solid Catholic Faith and unconditional fidelity to the papacy. He dedicated the first part of a brief
work written in French112 on Religious and Social works in Italy to presenting Don Bosco in Turin
109 BS 4 (1880) no. 9, September, pp. 6-7.
110 BS 4 (1880) no. 9, September, p. 9.
111 BS 4 (1880) no. 10, October, p. 7.
112 The author knows about the establishment of the Work for adult vocations, foundations in Nice and
Vallecrosia, just begun, the first expedition to America, but does not mention the Cooperators Union, he

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and Fr Lodovico da Casoria in Naples.113 He had met and interviewed Don Bosco at the Oratory in
Turin, the city in which he had met and later in 1876 married young Marchioness Maria di
Bernezzo at the Sclopis home. He described ‘the two men, one a simple priest, the other a
Religious, whose names will live on in the history of the Church and their country.’ Though not
always precise, the author emphasised with obvious admiration and enthusiasm, Don Bosco’s
choice of the young from the beginning of his priestly life. What provoked this, according to
Conestabile, who was then followed by others in the future, was almost exclusively the sight of
young people in Turin’s prisons, ‘drawn into wrongdoing early, sadly locked away and remorseful,
expiating for crimes they were not entirely responsible for.’ According to Don Bosco and Cafasso,
such depravity of youth ‘had two main causes: the alienation of the children of the people from
religious practices on Sundays and Holy Days, and the evil influence of most of their bosses on
work days.’ Don Bosco countered this with his first form of educational assistance, the ‘oratory’,
which was also a ‘patronage’ run with a very special approach. He ‘loved those children of the
people like a tender father, taking the keenest interest in each one’s special needs.’ ‘Not only did
he look after them all day on Sunday’s, amusing his young friends in a pleasant way, nurturing their
souls with the Word of God, but he acted with loving concern to find them work during the week
and to entrust them to upright, Christian bosses.’114 Later came the hospice–cum–boarding house,
‘the early nucleus of the college for the sons of the people’ for apprentices in the city workshops
and stores. These then became boarding schools with their own classrooms and workshops, while
the oratory for boys from outside continued to function alongside.115
Conestabile then gave particular emphasis to the system of preventive assistance – ‘preventing
and avoiding repression’ – adopted in the hospice–college for academic and trade students at
Valdocco, a system the Count had understood well in practice without having had the opportunity
to read the pages on the preventive system that appeared a year later. ‘The government that this
little population made up of such lively youthful elements submits to is a marvellous, almost
incredible thing. It is a government of meekness and kindness. It would not be exact to say that no
one is punished, but it is very rare: the truth is there are no punishments; there is no penal code to
defend the law; the law imposes itself in their consciences and is joyfully accepted because it
conforms to human nature, since obedience is exalted.’ At this point, the author dwells on the
social and re–educational (rehabilitative) capacity of Don Bosco’s system, incomparable by
comparison with the lofty discourse of politicians, jurists, sociologists. ‘Here, we are presented with
a meditation on a serious philosophical and social problem’ he notes. ‘While the more violent
revolutionaries have written volumes on this topic, while law faculties study it keenly … in his
“republic” he has already put in place the ideal which legislators yearn for: instead of repressing the
fault, he prevents it. And while, up till now, this system has been so difficult to apply anywhere else,
in this establishment it produces stupendous results.’116 An extraordinary expression of this was the
excursion of inmates at the Generala in Turin.117 This was the first time this episode, for which no
specific documentation exists, was made public. It found considerable resonance in biographies,
and with publicists, films and history lovers No wonder the author’s belief spread: ‘Presently in
cites “L’Unità Cattolica” until August 1876. A brief necrology of him appeared in “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 2,
Tuesday 3 January 1882, p. 6; cf. Biographical profile by M. Casella in DBI XXXVII 766-768.
113 Opere religiose e sociali in Italia. Memoria by Count Carlo Conestabile. Translation from French.
Padova, Tip. del Seminario 1878, 59 p.: pp. 4-39 are about Don Bosco, and pp. 40-59 about P. Ludovico
Casoria.
114 C. CONESTABILE, Opere religiose e sociali..., pp. 5-7.
115 C. CONESTABILE, Opere religiose e sociali..., pp. 12-14.
116 C. CONESTABILE, Opere religiose e sociali..., pp. 19-20.
117 C. CONESTABILE, Opere religiose e sociali..., pp. 23-26.

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Europe, the value of Don Bosco’s methods has been recognised and very often, in difficult cases,
people have recourse to him.’118
A more concise but similar image of Don Bosco came from the assistant priest at St Joseph’s
parish in Marseilles, Louis Mendre, in his 1879 booklet Don Bosco Prêtre.119 Don Bosco described
it as a ‘classic work of this kind.’120 So he did recognise himself in the portrait drawn by his French
admirer: a priest entirely dedicated ‘to poor boys whose material misery was a pale image of a
much more profound moral misery … of the children of workers and the poor.’ Two paradigmatic
occasions for this writer were the encounter with Bartholomew Garelli (‘poor orphan lad’) in the
sacristy of St Francis Assisi Church, and the excursion with inmates from the Generala.121 His
concerns were directed especially to migrant youngsters ‘far from their place of origin, completely
deprived of family, reduced to turning to strangers, exposed to the sordid speculation of their
supposed benefactors and the total ruin of the beauty of their soul.’122 In this way he gained deeper
understanding of the situation apprentices were in, to the point where he provided them with
‘Ateliers Chrétiens’ (Christian workshops), schools of arts and trades, male and female agricultural
schools, other institutions for working youth in France to complement the Oeuvres de
Persévérance of Jean–Joseph Allemand, and Joseph Timon–David’s Oeuvres de Jeunesse.123
On 16 January 1882, Don Bosco wrote to the Minister for Grace and Justice, Giuseppe
Zanardelli, both thanking and asking him for something. He thanked him for having promoted an
increase in the stipend for ‘poor priests, poor parish priests who will certainly ask God to preserve
you from all evil and bless you abundantly.’ Then in a particularly amicable tone he asked him for a
decoration for ‘one of the benefactors of my houses, lawyer Giacomo Borgonovo from Genoa who,
among other things, has written a fine book in which he writes about me.’ Borgonovo was already
‘an officer of the Corona d’Italia’ Don Bosco continued: ‘I can tell you frankly that I would gladly see
him promoted to a higher level, and I say this in all confidence. If I am being too bold, forgive me,
since even the elderly can make mistakes and out of delicacy, consider that I have said nothing.’124
It was not an entirely disinterested request. In 1879, Borgonovo had published a book of a socio–
legal nature entitled Ammoniti oziosi, traviati. Mali e rimedi. Referring to Don Bosco, he formulated
a flattering judgement on Don Bosco’s activities on behalf of the young which the book dealt with,
‘providing on average for around two hundred thousand boys who without his help would have
ended up where all the others we have been concerned with above finished up.’125
The interpretation responded correctly to the primary meaning Don Bosco gave to his
prevention, and which he tirelessly proposed in his speeches and addresses.
The educational and rehabilitative motives were taken up once more not long afterwards by a
Romen priest, Costantino Leonori, who from 1878 was pursuing Don Bosco’s causes with the
Roman Congregations, replacing Carlo Menghini, who was also looking after Archbishop Gastaldi’s
interest over the same period. His work, the Cenni sulla Società di S. Francesco di Sales istituita
dal sacerdote Giovanni Bosco,126 was written in the final months of 1881, in the fervour of
defending Fr Bonetti’s cause at the Congregation of the Council. There was a wealth of material
118 C. CONESTABILE, Opere religiose e sociali..., p. 29.
119 L. MENORE, Don Bosco Prêtre, Fondateur de la Congrégation des Salésiens (Saint-Françoisde-Sales).
Notice sur son Oeuvre. L’Oratoire de Saint-Léon à Marseille et les Oratoires Salésiens fondés en France.
Marseille, Typ. et Lith. M. Olive 1879, 50 p.
120 A C. Guiol, 29 March 1879, E III 461.
121 L. MENORE, Don Bosco Prêtre..., pp. 3-7, 9-12.
122 L. MENORE, Don Bosco Prêtre..., p. 21.
123 L. MENORE, Don Bosco Prêtre..., pp. 34-37.
124 Letter of 16 January 1882, E IV 118.
125 G. BORGONOVO, Ammoniti, oziosi, traviati. Mali e rimedi. Genova, Stab. tip. del Movimento 1879, p. 166.
126 Rome, Tipografia Tiberina 1881, 63 p.

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provided by Fr Bonetti himself and by Fr Berto. As well as this material, Berto also sent him
Mendre’s booklet, the Regulations for Salesian houses, and the pamphlet on the opening of the
Patronage in Nice. The author sent his work to Fr Berto, chapter by chapter, asking him to read,
correct, modify in complete free Sunday127 He confirmed the analyses that had already appeared in
Conestabile’s and Mendre’s work. Lenori found the roots of delinquency and marginalisation of
‘young workers’ in factors of a religious and moral nature, as did Don Bosco: parental neglect, lack
of religious instruction and alienation from practices of piety, ignorance of duty, negative influence
of employers at work, in other words, the ‘lack of a religious and civic education. Starting with this
diagnosis, ‘D. Bosco, who was aware of his times and circumstances and noting social
transformation’ made his life choice, ‘convinced that the surest way to prevent crimes is to improve
education.’ he directed his efforts ‘in particular to the children of the people,’ urging them ‘to virtue
through religious practices, teaching literacy, involving them in work, removing them from evil by
means of affection and by keeping an eye on the misery and harm that comes to those who are not
put on the right path to virtue in time.’128
He then wrote of the Progress of the Salesian Society in France, a nation in which ‘the worker
question has taken on the greatest of importance, perhaps more than elsewhere.’ He drew
attention to Marseilles in particular from this perspective, ‘where the working class is exceptionally
numerous,’ and to St Leo’s Oratory, which ‘gathers an extraordinary number of boys who are
instructed in arts and trades, thus removing them from the evil influence of bad employers.’129
‘Considered beneficial and humanitarian in Christian terms’ by ‘people at every level of society,’ the
work had succeeded in associating with it a vast crowd of collaborators and cooperators such as to
deserve ‘constant requests from city councils and bishops, the benevolence and support of Pius IX
and Leo XIII, the respect he enjoys from the episcopate, the appreciation of biographers, publicists
and newspapers.’130
Again in France, a work was published in 1881 by a doctor from Nice, Charles d’Espiney (1824–
91), the first actual biography of Don Bosco. The book found particular fortune, being issued in
several editions in its original language, expanded each time towards the end of 1888, and saw a
considerable number of translations into other languages.131 From the outset he indicated the kind
of boy who was the object of Don Bosco’s concerns: ‘Poor and abandoned youth,’ ‘whose neglect,
ignorance, contact with depraved or perverse human beings exposed them without defence to the
assaults of evil.’ ‘Don Bosco went out to gather them up. Give the, shelter, teach them a
respectable trade, make them into men who were useful to their towns. But even more did he
ennoble them, as we ca say, initiating them into the splendour of revealed truth.’132 According to
Espiney, the first things that urged Don Bosco to make this youthful choice was when he met
young prisoners: ‘This early corruption filled him with dismay and pity. The reason was too obvious:
as they started out in life, these poor boys had been left in the most deplorable state of neglect,
with only examples of vice around them. They fell, and society had to lock them up as being
dangerous, but instead of improving them, their stay in prison only made them more corrupt, and
on release, they soon found themselves back in for new misdeeds.’ from this came ‘Don Bosco’s
determination to encourage preventive action, dedicating himself ‘to poor and abandoned boys
crowding districts around Turin.’133 This is how he shaped the preventive method: ‘preventing faults
127 Cf. Letters and information in Documenti XLV 69-70, 95-101.
128 C. LEONORI, Cenni sulla Società di S. Francesco di Sales..., pp. 3-4 e 12-13.
129 C. LEONORI, Cenni sulla Società di S. Francesco di Sales..., p. 27.
130 C. LEONORI, Cenni sulla Società di S. Francesco di Sales..., pp. 39-49.
131 C. D'ESPINEY, Dom Bosco. Nice, Typ. et Librairie Malvano-Mignon 1881, p. 180. An eleventh edition was
translated into Italian, almost twice the size of the first: S. Pier d’Arena, Tipografia S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli
1890, 331 p.
132 C. D'ESPINEY, Dom Bosco..., p. 6.
133 C. D'ESPINEY, Dom Bosco..., pp. 8-9.

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so as not to have to punish them.’ ‘Loving the boys and being loved by them so as to obtain
everything that contributes to their welfare,’ preparing them for skilled work that guarantees them
success in life and ‘contributes to the honour and prosperity of a nation.’134
It was a biography and a kind of festschrift, popular though inclined to numinous and to legend.
It was translated into Italian. Dutch, English, German, Spanish, Polish, Czech, Hungarian, Arabic,
and became an extraordinary tool of awareness across the vast expanse of Europe and beyond,
presenting Don Bosco the social worker and educator of poor and abandoned youth, including
marginalised youth.
After d’Espiney’s death on 13 April 1891, Canon Fabre from Nice recalled in his eulogy ‘the
resonance that the Vie de don Bosco had throughout Europe and beyond.’ ‘Don Bosco’s work, an
eminently humanitarian, social and first of all Christian work, became known and appreciated
mostly thanks to Doctor d’Espiney’s book.’135
Of a somewhat more elevated, ordered level with a wealth of content, also in Don Bosco’s own
view,136 was the biography published in 1884 by French magistrate Albert Du Boÿs (1804–89), Dom
Bosco et la Pieuse Société des Salésiens.137 Don Bosco’s original inspirations were traced back
more correctly to two different sources: his contact with ‘young detainees in Turin’s prisons, and
seeing the moral needs of poor youth left to roam the streets.’ The casual encounter with
Bartholomew Garelli was emblematic of this.138
The narrative followed the development of the Oratory, with specific reference to the ‘classes in
arts and trades’ and ‘agricultural schools.’ Special attention was dedicated to the ‘preventive
system’ which, according to the author, a Catholic conservative, resolved ‘the great pedagogical
problem’ much more concretely than the ‘utopian chimera’ proclaimed by ‘gutless
revolutionaries.’139
Don Bosco likened Du Boÿs to a personal pedagogical encyclopedia which ‘you could call the
moral recovery of desperate cases.’140 It was the ‘correctional system’ that Don Bosco had had
cause to explain to Urban Rattazzi in 1854, stating its applicability to penal and rehabilitative
institutes, then providing a practical demonstration by the amazing excursion to Stupinigi with
hundreds of ‘detainees from a house of rehabilitation,’ the Generala.141 In short, it was as one
chapter of the book said, ‘Don Bosco’s poem.’142
A great admirer of Don Bosco in Spain was Marcelo Spinola (1836–1906) who from 1881 was
the Auxiliary Bishop of Seville (titular of Milo) to Cardinal Joaquim Lluch y Garriga (1816–82) and
an admirer and friend of the Salesians.143 In 1884 he published a large book entitled Don Bosco y
134 C. D'ESPINEY, Dom Bosco..., pp. 61-63, 74.
135 Nécrologie. M. le docteur d’Espiney, in “Bulletin salésien” 13 (1891) no. 5, June, pp. 92-94.
136 Cf. Chap. 33, § 4.
137 Paris, Jules Gervais 1884, VI-378 pp. The Italian edition came out a few months later (S. Benigno
Canavese, tip. e libr. Salesiana 1884, VIII-256 p.). Also in du Boÿs book, however, there are
chronological and historical inaccuracies and exaggerated figures. Concerning the Italian edition with
corrections by Don Bosco, cf P. CAVIGLIÀ, Don Bosco lettore della sua biografia. Osservazioni al volume
di A. Du Boÿs, “Don Bosco e la Pia Società Salesiana (1884)”, “Rivista di Scienze dell’Educazione” 22
(1984), 2, pp. 193-206.
138 A. DU BOŸS, Dom Bosco et la Pieuse Société. Paris, J. Gervais 1884, pp. 7-10.
139 A. DU BOŸS, Dom Bosco et la Pieuse Société..., pp. 90-93.
140 A. DU BOŸS, Dom Bosco et la Pieuse Société..., pp. 93-94.
141 A. DU BOŸS, Dom Bosco et la Pieuse Société ..., pp. 100-106.
142 A. DU BOŸS, Dom Bosco et la Pieuse Société..., pp. 227-229.
143 Then from 1885, he was Bishop of Coria (1885) and from 1886 of Malaga, and finally, from 1896,
Archbishop of Seville and Cardinal. In March 1987 he was beatified: cf. J. BORREGO, Un gran cardenal
hispalense con la Familia Salesiana visto en su correspondencia epistolar a los salesianos, RSS 14

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su obra.144 His material was drawn from the Salesian Bulletin and from d’Espiney, but was written
from a rather dark socio–theological outlook on the modern world and the Church. The modern
world was infected with ‘Naturalism’, alienated from God and man, and the Church was the bearer
of God and Christ and also earthly salvation. According to the author, the thesis of the
incompatibility of Catholicism with the modern world was completely without foundation, since it
meant opposition between faith and science, authority and freedom. Don Bosco was confirmation
of the opposite thesis attested to over the ages by the Fathers, Doctors of the Church, Saints. He
had shown by his religious and social work that love of God is inseparable from love for human
beings, especially if they are poor and needy, affected by ignorance, error, sin.
Spinola was not backward in heaping praise on the priest from Turin, a modest yet extraordinary
magnet for young people, a ‘character’, ‘the most popular man in modern Italy’ whose work as an
educator moved between two poles represented by Bartholomew Garelli and the triumph that was
Paris.145 Don Bosco and the Salesian work were proof against dominant naturalism that ‘the
supernatural exists.’ The tangible signs of this were the army of transformed youngsters, ‘the
creation of the Salesian,’ the schools, trade workshops, agricultural schools where both the
material and spiritual interests of the young were fostered.146
One also needs to bear in mind that already before Spinola, Don Bosco was known in Spain
through articles published in 1850 on Dom Bosco y los Talleres cristianos (Don Bosco and
Christian Workshops) in the widely read Revists Popular, by well–known priest Felix Sardá y
Salvany. The articles were a precursor to the arrival of the Salesians in Spain at Utrera (1881),
while Spinola’s book could be added to the ‘socially aggressive’ journal run by Sardá y Salvany in
encouraging the extension of the work at Sarriá (Barcelona, 1884), and Don Bosco’s triumphant
visit to Catalonia (1886).
Instead, almost exclusively focused on the pedagogical and much less on the social aspects,
were presentations by a Salesian, Fr Francesco Cerruti (1844–1917), the first writer to introduce
Don Bosco’s preventive system in a school text on the Storia della pedagogia (The history of
pedagogy),147 and by Fr Domenico Giordani from Fermo diocese. Fr Cerruti likened Don Bosco the
educator to Quintillian and Vittorino da Feltre, associated in the practice and spelling out of the
preventive system which Don Bosco had brought to its highest expression in the 1877 description
of it. ‘You see brought together here in a few words’ he wrote, not without emphasis, ‘the flourishing
of ancient pagan civilisation and the essence of the new Christian–Catholic civilisation, the
theoretical wisdom of Quintillian, and the practical level–headedness of Vittorino da Feltre, in a
word, the Gospel and what is legitimate in the legacy of the human spirit.’ He did not neglect going
back to the origins, besides just pedagogy, reaching the beginnings of the Oratory and then the
hospice, also highlighting the ‘humanitarian’, moral and social significance of Don Bosco’s work.148
(1995) 391-392.
144 Barcelona, Tipografía Católica 1884, 111 p.: the appendix has the title Talleres cristianos; R. ALBERDI,
Una Ciudad para un Santo. Los orígines de la obra salesiana en Barcelona. Barcelona, Ediciones
Tibidabo 1966, writes about this book, pp. 78-81.
145 M. SPINOLA, Don Bosco y su obra..., pp. 7-34.
146 M. SPINOLA, Don Bosco y su obra..., pp. 83-91, 99-100.
147 F. CERRUTI, Storia della pedagogia in Italia dalle origini a’ tempi nostri. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1883,
320 pp.
148 F. CERRUTI, Storia della pedagogia in Italia..., pp. 269-270. He returned more broadly to the humanistic
and Christian contents of the system in his work Le idee di D. Bosco sull’educazione e sull’insegnamento
e la missione attuale della scuola. Lettere due. S. Benigno Canavese, tip. e libr. salesiana 1886, 49 pp.
He picked up the theme twenty years later: Una trilogia pedagogica ossia Quintiliano, Vittorino da Feltre
e don Bosco. Rome, Scuola tipografica salesiana 1908, 19 p.

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Three years later, the Salesians printed and circulated two books written by Fr Domenico
Giordani, from Cardinal De Angelis’ diocese of Fermo (Ascoli Piceno), a priest since 1870 and
author of books of a religious and pedagogical nature which attest to his involvement in popular
education, and his admiration for Don Bosco.149 In two of these books he included and commented
on the preventive system with a comment more often repeated in the first of them: La carità
nell’educare ed il Sistema Preventivo del più grande educatore vivente D. Giovanni Bosco150 and
La gioventù e Don Bosco di Turin.151 ‘Charity and love’ were the two words by which Giordani
summed up Don Bosco’s educational and social message. He claimed he is ‘the greatest educator
I know in our such difficult times, who has been doing good for our dear Italy and the whole world
for many years, by his immense charity and his famous preventive system.’152 Charity was ‘the only
way that leads to the preventive system’ that ‘made him famous.’153
The relevance of Don Bosco’s action and pronouncements under the twin aspects of the social
and the pedagogical, was recognised with keen interest in the 1850s, also in Catholic Germany.154
The first German to write about it was a member of the Society of the Divine Word (SVD),
Johannes Janssen (1883–98), brother of the founder, St Arnold Janssen (1837–1909). Over 1884–
86, he published a series of articles in the missionary magazine Die heilige Stadt Gottes on Don
Bosko und die Gesellschaft des hl. Franz von Sales,155 for which he drew extensively from
d’Espiney’s biography, which came out in German the same year.156 They were republished in
1855 in a separate work, Don Bosko und das Oratorium vom heiligen Franz von Sales Lebensbild
eines gottbegeisterten Erziehers der Gegenwart (Don Bosco and the Oratory of St Francis de
Sales. Biographical outline of a God–inspired educator of our times).157
In 1857, he published an essay in the Cologne diocesan news sheet on Don Bosco’s method of
education, based on the 1877 pages.158 He illustrated Don Bosco’s educational and religious
activity with special regard to the needs of the time and the moral, religious, cultural and material
needs of young workers. Providing for them were night schools, trade workshops, especially in
printing and bookbinding, initiatives for religious instruction and practice. Also highlighted was the
elaboration of an educative system that could be extended to families and educational institutes of
every kind.
Fr Johannes Baptist Mehler (1860–1930) presented a Don Bosco who was interested in the
solution to the social question, especially through academic classes and technical workshops. In
1885 he had been a guest of Don Bosco’s at Valdocco, where he had been able to carefully study
how the trade workshops functioned. He recalled this in a letter to his champion. He had spoken of
Don Bosco and his concern for young apprentices, speaking at the General Assembly of German
149 Cf. C. MONARI, Domenico Giordani, “Erre Pi”. Supplement to the “Ricerche Pedagogiche” 4 (2002) nos
144-145, pp. VI-VII.
150 S. Benigno Canavese, tip. e libr. salesiana 1886, pp. 36-159 (text of the preventive system with plenty of
paraphrase).
151 S. Benigno Canavese, tip. e libr. salesiana 1886, pp. 65-86 (text with brief commentary).
152 D. GIORDANI, La carità nell’educare..., p. 4. In La gioventù e don Bosco (p. 3) repeated almost literally.
153 D. GIORDANI, La gioventù e don Bosco..., p. 4, 23-24, 64, 86.
154 Cf. N. WOLFF, Viele Wege führen nach Deutschland. Überlegungen zur salesianischen Geschichte der
Jahre 1883-1922. München, Don Bosco Verlag 2000; ID., Von der Idee zur Aktion. Das Projekt Don
Boscos in Deutschland (1883-1921), in F. MOTTO (ed.), L’Opera Salesiana dal 1880 al 1922.
Significatività e portata sociale, Vol. I. Rome, LAS 2001, pp. 255-264.
155 “Die heilige Stadt Gottes” 8 (1885) 158-159, 171-174, 206-208, 222-224, 238-239, 244-247, 270-272,
283-287, 292-295, 312-316.
156 C. D'ESPINEY, Don Bosco. Münster, Leinerdruck Leipzig 1883, 190 S.; Münster, Schöningh Verlag (II ed.)
1886, 176 S.
157 Steyl, Missionsdruckerei St. Michael 1885 (II ed.), 107 S.; 1885 (III ed.), 104 S.
158 J. JANSSEN, Don Bosco’s Erziehungsmethode, “Pastoralblatt” (Köln) 21 (1887) 137-140.

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Catholic held at Münster in Westphalia from 30 August to 3 September 1885.159 ‘The Congress
members,’ he wrote to Don Bosco ‘filled with admiration for such stupendous works, broke into
applause and gave thanks to Divine Providence. Having then made known the social work of the
Oratories and the great benefits expected of it, the Assembly decided to found associations to save
poor and abandoned youth.’160 It was recorded more precisely in the minutes: ‘The General
Assembly recommends the urgent organisation of reception centres for boys and apprentices,
Catholic boarding houses and other centres as alternatives to irreligious youth hospices, and calls
attention to the extraordinary activity of Don Bosco in these sectors, and encourages belonging to
the Salesian Cooperators Union.’161
It was the beginning of other writings touching on the social and pedagogical aspects of the
apostle of Turin’s activity and pronouncements.162 The first of them, bearing the title Don Bosco und
seine socialen schöpfungen (Don Bosco and his social creations) in 1886, was dedicated to the
social problem of apprentices.163 As in the address at Münster, Mehler considered Don Bosco’s
work in the light of the socio–political situation and the system used to form apprentices in
Germany, where industrialisation was fully underway. He saw Don Bosco at the origins of ‘a
marvellous social movement’ which had extended from the Italian Peninsula one after the other
into France, Spain, and even several South American States, even reaching the wild steppes of
Patagonia. ‘What Adolf Kopling did for the apprentice category, Don Bosco has done and more for
apprentices and young workers, and deserves to be placed alongside St Vincent de Paul.’164 With
his youth institutions, two Religious Congregations, the Cooperators Union, Don Bosco had taken
on the threatening ‘hordes of vagabonds, subversives (Socialdemokraten) and ruffians.’165 But also
highlighted was the specific pedagogical dimension: ‘Don Bosco is also an eminent educator
capable not only of forming able workers, but also of transforming idle and good–for–nothing youth
into active members of society, fervent Christians, in brief, into genuine Christian workers.’166 Then
came an outline of the major features of the educational system based on the 1877 document and
the regulations in the same year. He understood its central motifs: religion, reason, kindness,
assistance, all clustering around love and mild–mannerliness, the core of the spirit of St Francis de
Sales.167
The author then followed up with an interesting observation that not only reflected German
sensitivity, but the realistic stance of the preventive system when it had to adopt such a stance – as
was often apparent in Don Bosco’s talks168 – with boys who are really antisocial, difficult, even
dangerous, and which has to be integrated with measures close to the repressive system: ‘Only
the outstanding educator can judge if it is everywhere and always possible to exclusively adopt the
preventive system and not,, rather, a wise combination of both. But education must be founded,
159 Cf. Verhandlungen der XXXII. General-Versammlung der Katholiken Deutschlands zu Münster i. W. vom
30. August bis 3. September 1885. Nach stenographischer Aufzeichnung herausgegeben vom Local-
Comité. Münster, Commissions-Verlag “Westfälischer Merkur” 1885, pp. 218-219.
160 Don Bosco e l’Assemblea dei cattolici Tedeschi, BS 9 (1885) no. 11, November, p. 166.
161 Verhandlungen der XXXII. General-Versammlung..., p. 398.
162 Then collected by the author in Don Bosco’s sociale Schöpfungen, seine Lehrlingsversammlungen und
Erziehungshäuser. Ein Beitrag zur Lösung der Lehrlingsfrage (Don Bosco’s social creations, his
apprentice associations and houses of education. A contribution to the solution of the problem of
apprentices). Regensburg, Verlag-Anstalt G. J. Manz 1893, 120 p.
163 Published in “Arbeiterwohl” (Köln) 6 (1886) 1-17.
164 J. B. MEHLER, Don Bosco’s sociale Schöpfungen, seine Lehrlingsversammlungen..., pp. 1-2.
165 J. B. MEHLER, Don Bosco’s sociale Schöpfungen, seine Lehrlingsversammlungen..., pp. 2-9.
166 J. B. MEHLER, Don Bosco’s sociale Schöpfungen, seine Lehrlingsversammlungen..., p. 15 (cf. 9-15).
167 J. B. MEHLER, Don Bosco’s sociale Schöpfungen, seine Lehrlingsversammlungen..., pp. 15-21.
168 Cf. Chap. 30, § 3.

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everywhere and always, on religion and reason, and the use of kindness and gentleness united
with these will be more productive than harshness.’169
169 J. B. MEHLER, Don Bosco’s sociale Schöpfungen, seine Lehrlingsversammlungen..., p. 20.

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Chapter 27
BIRTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF WORKS BOTH SIDES
OF THE ATLANTIC (1877–81)
1877
1878
1880
1881
1883:
March: early contacts for a work in Marseilles;
26 April: purchase of paper mill at Mathi Torinese;
13 May: approval of plans for the Church of St John the Evangelist, work commences;
Summer: Fr Bodrato, Provincial of Argentina, Uruguay;
Autumn: beginnings of negotiations for Navarre and Saint–Cyr.
15 May: acceptance of work in Marseilles;
14 August: blessing of foundation stone for the Church of St John the Evangelist in
Turin;
16 September: deed of purchase of Ca’ Pesaro (Este, Padua);
10 December: arrival of the first Salesians in La Spezia.
15 January: beginning of the mission in Patagonia;
2 August: death of Fr Bodrato;
4 August: interim appointment of Fr James Costamagna as Provincial.
January: Fr Costamagna appointed Provincial of America;
October: French Province created, Fr Alberta the Superior;
28 October: Consecration of the Church of St John the Evangelist;
8 December: Fr Lasagna, Provincial, Uruguay and Brazil;
Autumn: novitiate at St Margaret’s (Marseilles)
Beginning with 1875, not only did Don Bosco’s institutions expand geographically, but their growth
numerically was uninterrupted. There was no year which did not record the birth of one or more
works in Europe or Latin America. Of these, we refer only to those in which Don Bosco was
personally involved, either bringing them into existence or developing them further. He was still
visiting a few of them even when his physical decline was obvious and he stopped doing so only a
few months before his death.
In the current chapter we indicate works begun in 1877–78, giving attention to some which
opened at the end of the decade. This is accompanied by reminders of Don Bosco’s continued
involvement in matters concerning works in Latin America, drawn particularly from exchanges of
correspondence between him and his overseas correspondents, with special regard to those
assuming primary responsibility for government.

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1. Works in Italy over 1877 and 1878
Obviously the founder’s immediate interest was more visible in Italian institutions and some he
personally prepared and established in southern France, an area he visited frequently in search of
charity.
1.1 Salesians go to La Spezia and Lucca
Among the works begun in 1877 the one at La Spezia in Liguria stands out, followed six months
later by the Holy Cross Oratory at Lucca in Tuscany. Don Bosco summed up the background and
early history of the first–mentioned house in a memorandum to Leo XIII soon after his election. He
did not hesitate to dramatise the situation, recalling that Pius IX ‘bestowed grants on our more
serious needs for the missions and other works, and in particular he gave five hundred francs
[1,577 euro] a month for La Spezia.’1 [To be factual, it was per year!]. The city had started out as a
small inhabited area but developed rapidly, and from the early 1860s had become a maritime
stronghold and the kingdom’s most important port and military arsenal. Don Bosco wrote that the
city had been ‘invaded by Masonry and heresy and its population had increased over a short
period’ from 5,000 to 25,000 souls with a serious lack of clergy and churches.2 Census figures
relating not only to the older agglomeration but to the entire municipality gave the following results:
in 1861 there were 11,556 inhabitants, 24,127 in 1871 and 30,732 by 1881.
And yet, Don Bosco was not initially encouraging to those asking for the Salesians. ‘I have
replied in the negative for La Spezia’ he told Fr Rua from Alassio around 20 July 1877.3 But
consensus soon came. The initiative to turn to Don Bosco came from the apostolic preacher, Fr
Giuseppe Persi (1821–87), who then entered the Salesian Society. He had spoken to Pius IX
about it after preaching at La Spezia throughout May. The Pope had given an annual grant of 500
lire [1,577 euro] to the Bishop of Sarzano and Brugnato, Giuseppe Rosati, encouraging him to turn
to Don Bosco. The latter sent Fr Rua to look for a site. On 10 December, the first Salesians,
accompanied by Fr Cagliero, arrived at La Spezia to begin their pastoral and educational activity:
the Rector, Fr Angelo Rocca with two clerics and a coadjutor. Don Bosco stayed over there on 20
and 21 December on his way to Rome at the end of 1877. They were humble beginnings:
premises they were lucky to find, then a house they reorganised to allow classes during the day
and preparation for first communion in the evening for children and older youth. The chapel began
functioning from 1 March 1878 and was immediately attended in large numbers.
In Rome, Don Bosco did not delay in appealing to the Minister for the Navy, Benedetto Brin
(1833–98) from Turin, a famous naval engineer who restored the Italian navy. Don Bosco stressed
the fact that there were 27,000 inhabitants of La Spezia ‘almost all working at the Arsenal’ and that
the place abounded in abandoned boys, and there were no adequate educational institutions there
for them. He intended to overcome this lack by offering youngsters ‘an education that will help
make them good citizens and in due course able to earn a living in an honest way.’ He was not
asking for money but for any likely furnishing lying around unused in navy stores: ‘Church items,
chest of drawers, baskets, mattresses, stretchers, tables and benches, credence tables, sofa,
standards (flags), small tables, blackboards for classrooms, towels, coppers for the kitchen,
clothing items, socks, any kind no matter how worn.’ Donations of these items, which happened
immediately, was for the ‘poor sons of the people’ who would go from the streets to ‘filling the State
prisons’ if not provided for.4
1 Letter of 15 March 1878, E III 318-319.
2 To Leo XIII, 15 March 1878, E III 319.
3 E III 201.
4 Letter of 16 January 1878, E III 273-274.

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But he knew that his Salesians in La Spezia could not live off household goods, so he sent the
Rector the good sum of a thousand lire [3,276 euro] from Rome.5
He spoke to Leo XIII about La Spezia and other works at a lengthy audience on 16 March 1878,
later making reference to the usual mixture of his own and the Pontiff’s ideas.6 In the March 1879
edition of the Salesian Bulletin he published a letter to the Pope from the Rector at La Spezia with
information on activities and successes in this first year. For sure it had been written at Don
Bosco’s prompting. Fr Angelo Rocca sent it on 22 December 1878 with a letter to Cardinal Lorenzo
Nina asking him to pass it on to the Holy Father. Nina was Secretary of State. The Cardinal’s reply
on 2 January was also carried by the Bulletin, in which he expressed the Pontiff’s ‘keen and
sincere satisfaction for the good results obtained’ and passed on his ‘apostolic blessing’ to the
Rector.7
Don Bosco arrived in La Spezia in the New Year, 1879, on 19 February and remained there for
two days. On the 22nd he went to Sarzana to greet the diocesan bishop, and in the evening went
on to Lucca where he stayed working there from 29 June 1878, called there by Archbishop Nicolo
Ghilardi (1827–1904) following contacts with Fr Barberis and Lazzero who were on their way to
Rome, and later, negotiations with Fr Cagliero. Don Bosco’s visit took on special solemnity,
especially for the official welcome he was given from the Cathedral Chapter. He made a pilgrimage
to the Holy Face, venerated in one of the side chapels.8 Considerable prominence was given to the
conference he gave on 26 April in the Archbishop’s presence. Fr Bonetti published it as a news
item in the Salesian Bulletin, which then appeared in Il fedele, in Lucca.9
The most fervent supporter of the work at La Spezia was Giuseppe Bruschi, who ran the postal
service and for whom Don Bosco had obtained a papal decoration.10 He later became a Salesian
priest and died at La Spezia in 1901 at 79 years of age. In March 1880, Don Bosco asked pardon
of Canon Andenino from Turin for not having succeeded in getting him a papal honour, but assured
him: ‘Quod differtur, non aufertur.’ He added: ‘I am happy about the Lenten practice at La Spezia. It
is a good city but much in need of workers.”11
In August, Don Bosco informed the Cardinal Protector, Lorenzo Nina, who had become the
Prefect of the Congregation of the Council, of the significant extension of the work at La Spezia.
They had foiled the ‘snares that only Protestant immorality and impiety knows how to set’ he said.
The contract had been drawn up for purchase of land on which would be built classrooms, a
church with house attached for the Salesians. The letter was followed by a brief memorandum on
the ‘Church, classrooms and dwellings for the teachers in the city of La Spezia’ with a request to
the Holy Father for extraordinary financial aid perhaps he could increase the 500 lire annual grant
already guaranteed to 100 lire per month?’12 The increase from 1,650 to 3,840 euro would
undoubtedly have been of benefit to the recipient but less persuasive for the donor! Less than two
months later, he sent out a circular to Those who love the good of Religion and Civil Society in the
port city, informing them of the activities carried out thus far and the construction in progress,
asking them to came to ‘the aid with money or building materials.’13 He also turned to a priest from
5 Letter to Fr M. Rua, 5 February 1878, E III 291.
6 E III 327-328.
7 BS 3 (1879) no. 3, March, pp. 4-6.
8 BS 3 (1879) no. 5, May, pp. 5-6 (The first conference in Lucca).
9 Letter from Lucca to Fr M. Rua, 25 February 1879, E III 447.
10 Letter to Fr F. Dalmazzo, April 1880, E III 583.
11 Letter from Rome, [28 March] 1880, E III 559.
12 Letter of 20 August 1880, E III 616-617. The construction of the large church dedicated to Our Lady of
the Snows was completed after Don Bosco’s death.
13 Circ. of 11 October 1880, E III 627-628.

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Novara asking him to help him ‘look for so many needs.14 He stayed at La Spezia again in April
1882 for two conferences to Cooperators, one in the evening of 4 April, the other on the morning of
the 5th.
On 6 April, he was in Lucca where he gave an important conference on Holy Saturday, 10 April,
marked by its practicality: he wanted benefactors to know how their donations were being used. At
Lucca in particular, they were supporting a work which despite the impossibility of further
development due to cramped space, comprised a festive oratory ‘attended by more than 100 boys,’
a hospice with 100 residents.15 The lack of room for any reasonable development led to the place
being abandoned in 1891.
Don Bosco considered further extensions to classrooms at La Spezia in 1883, writing to
Cardinal Nina with the hope of obtaining support once more from the Pope.16 He stayed there a
few months later, on 10 April 1884, Easter Sunday, on his way to Rome, giving a lengthy
conference in the afternoon. Fr Lemoyne, who was acting secretary, sent a report for the Salesian
Bulletin to Fr Bonetti.17 In May 1885 he wrote again to Benedetto Brin, who in 1884 had once more
taken on the role of Minister for the Navy, asking him to come to his aid to put classes in place ‘for
workers at the Arsenal in La Spezia.’18
The chronicle entry for Don Bosco’s final stay at La Spezia on 23–25 April 1887, on his way to
Rome for the consecration of the Sacred heart Church, refers to Don Bosco being ‘very tired’ and
surrounded by many civic and military authorities, all deeply moved. He limited himself to giving a
blessing after Fr Rua’s conference, which was on the morning of the 25th in a church ‘packed with
people.’19
1.2 The paper mill at Mathi
In 1877, Don Bosco also bought a paper mill which was opened by Clotilde Varetto, who had been
widowed. It was at Mathi, 25 kilometres from Turin. He did this with a view to lessening costs for
the paper needed for the two presses at Valdocco and Sampierdarena, to which a third was soon
added at San Benigno Canavese. He was also proposing to supply paper for other Catholic
printers.
In a private document, he undertook to ensure the proprietor an annual income of twelve
thousand lire [37,860 euro]; the public deed, however, on 26 April 1877 had the purchase cost as a
hundred thousand lire [315,504 euro]. He was sole owner but to manage it he took on an
administrator, a Genoan business man, Dominic Varetti, who had already been involved in the
hospice at Sampierdarena,20 and set up a private Bosco–Varetti Society for the paper mill at
Mathi.21 But Varetti began and continued to act as co–owner, running the factory in his own name
without giving account of his management. He ended up creating an unsustainable financial
situation.
Intervention and intermediaries achieved nothing. Don Bosco had to adopt stronger measures.
Already by January 1878, he wrote to Fr Rua from Albano in resolute terms: ‘Be careful not to sign
14 Letter to Fr G. Rusconi, 6 December 1880, E III 638-639; cf. again circ. to rectors, 21 December 1880, E
III 643, and to Cooperators, 23 April 1881, E IV 45-47: also in BS 5 (1881) no. 5, May, pp. 1-2.
15 The text of the conference, reported by Il Fedele, was published by the BS 6 (1882) no. 5, May, pp. 80-
82.
16 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 26 November 1883 and to Cardinal L. Nina, E IV 186-187.
17 BS 8 (1884) no. 5, May, pp. 70-71.
18 Letter of 25 May 1885, E IV 325.
19 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. From 23 January 1887 to 15 May 1887, pp. 39-44.
20 Cf. letter to Fr M. Rua of 24 August 1871, Em II 362.
21 Cf. Text in MB XIII 661-662.

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any more cheques for Mr Varetto [sic]; let him work things out for himself and we will consider our
own affairs or at least try to provide.’22 On 5 July he withdrew Varetti’s proxy given him on the same
date a year earlier. Finally, in order to seize control once more of the paper mill he was sole owner
of, he had to take the matter to the Commercial Court in Turin, which passed sentence on 30
August 1878, forbidding ‘Varetto [sic] from further interfering in any guise in the running of the
paper mill.’ Having settled with Varetto for 23,000 lire [75,342 euro] following the sentence, Don
Bosco was able to personally appoint a manager he could trust, and set up a small Salesian
community in Mathi with Fr Antonio Varaja in charge.
On 3 February 1882, there was a serious accident at the mill caused by a steam boiler
exploding.23 Two men were injured. Echos of this were still found in Don Bosco’s letters in late
summer.24 When the accident occurred he was in southern France. He had damage to the old
building repaired and built a new one for the Salesian personnel. Don Bosco would retreat to Mathi
sometimes for long periods in the summer of 1885. In the 1883–84 school year, the house at Mathi
also became a site for a group of the ‘Sons of Mary’, with Fr Philip Rinaldi as Rector. The following
year, as we will indicate ahead,25 they were finally located at a building adjacent to the Church of St
John the Evangelist.
1.3 Salesians at Este
The beginnings of the secondary college at Este were straightforward and swift.26 It came about
through the initiative of the parish priest of Our Lady of Graces, Fr Agostino Perin who, along with
Don Bosco, ‘anguished over the harm that secularism in schools was wrecking on youth.’
Following an exchange of correspondence he went to Turin in June 1878 where he found Don
Bosco very well disposed. The priest immediately obtained the consent of the diocesan Bishop,
Federico Manfredini di Rovigo (1792–1882, bishop of Padua from 1857) from whom the college
took its name. There was also warm and charitable support from the archpriest of the cathedral in
Este, Mons. Agostino Zanderigo. On 25 June 1878 the contract for purchase of Ca’ Pesaro, a
grand building belonging to the nobility from the 18th century, was drawn up in Don Bosco’s name
for 35,000 lire [114,652 euro]. It was an ideal site for the college and classrooms. Don Bosco sent
the Economer General, Fr Sala, to undertake the not so difficult adjustments needed. The contract
was finalised by notarial deed on 16 September, signed by Fr Perin ‘for and in the name of and
paid for by Don Bosco’ and the owners, Venetian Count and Countess Gradenigo. A wealthy
gentleman from Este, Benedetto Peta (1800–83) played his part with outstanding generosity,
initially offering 10,800 and then 6,000 lire [34,074 and 18,930 euro ] which made negotiations
possible. He continued to provide help with considerable sums for the alterations and extensions
that followed. The first Rector, Fr Giovanni Tamietti (1848–1920), arrived in Este on 10 October
1878 with a layman who had his elementary certificate. They stayed with private families. On 19
November, when the Prefect Fr Tommaso Calliano, a cleric and two coadjutors arrived, the
Salesian community had the possibility of establishing itself on site at Ca’ Pesaro.
It was the first Salesian work in the Tre Venezie (Triveneto), the beginning of a flourishing and
long–standing college with elementary classes and an excellent secondary level.’27 Don Bosco
22 To Fr M. Rua, 22/23 January 1878, E III 277.
23 Cf. BS 6 (1882) no. 3, March, pp. 54-55, Una disgrazia.
24 To Fr S. Peronino, 7 September 1882, E IV 171; to Mrs B. Magliano, 8 September 1882, E IV 172-173.
25 Cf. § 1.4.
26 The Bollettino Salesiano provided essential information at the end of 1878: BS 2 (1878) no. 12,
December, pp. 7-8, Collegio-convitto Manfredini in Este.
27 Cf. Il Collegio “Manfredini” di Este nel primo centenario 1878-1978. Este, Unione Ex-Allievi 1978, pp. 29-
51.

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stopped over there on 2 April 1879, on the way from Rome. He was immediately accompanied to
Benedetto Peta’s home, since the latter was celebrating his 79th birthday. During the meal, Don
Bosco stood up and after thanking those who had so kindly welcomed the Salesians, he
announced: ‘I am happy to be able to greet Mr Benedetto Peta as a Knight of the Order of St
Sylvester.’ In the request for the honour which he had presented to Leo XIII on 10 March he
presented Peta thus: Mr Benedetto Peta, a noble and wealthy Catholic from the city of Este
Veneto. He helped the Salesians by purchasing a college in the city. The request is that he receive
the Knight’s Cross of any Order.’28 Prevented from leaving there by strong winds and torrential rain,
Don Bosco took advantage of it to give a conference to Cooperators at Este in the palazzo’s large
hall. He paid his respects to the bishop in Padua on 4 April. He arrived in Milan on the night of the
5th, staying four days as guest of lawyer Comaschi. In a letter to the Rector in August 1880 he also
attached a ‘letter for Cavaliere Peta.’29 The Daughters of Mary Help of Christians arrived in October
1880 to contribute their work to the college.
Don Bosco had wanted to visit the college again in 1881 and 1882 but something prevented him
each time.30 At the end of summer 1881, knowing the Rector was concerned about the imminent
commencement of the school year due to epidemics the preceding year, he urged him not to delay
and gave him advice on preventive medicine both spiritual and physical: ‘Let us place our
confidence in God and push ahead. Open your college, say an Our Father morning and evening to
the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary, try to avoid the students sweating, protect them from going
from cold to hot in the mornings and evenings. Greetings to Mr Venturini and Mr Peta and tell them
we shall see each other soon.’31 Then in April 1882, ‘seeing the growing difficulties for going to
Este’ he invited him to come to Rome. Also, knowing Mr Peta was ill, he asked the Rector to tell
him he was praying for him and had prayed for him, and often asked for and obtained the blessing
of the Holy Father.32 He sent him words of faith and encouragement a few months later when
floods caused serious damage in Veneto and also to Peta’s property. ‘Crosses are what lead us to
glory,’ ‘the present thorns will become roses before your very eyes’ he told Fr Tamietti to tell the
generous gentleman. He added: ‘If the swollen waters convince you to make some sacrifice, do not
refuse’ he recommended to the Rector.33
The generous benefactor died on 27 January 1883 at nearly 83 years of age. He was buried in
a little chapel located at the edge of the college grounds.
1.4 The Church and Hospice of St John the Evangelist in Turin
In 1869 and 1870, Don Bosco began decisive mobilising efforts to build the Church of St John the
Evangelist and extensions to the St Aloysius Oratory in the Porta Nuova district in the hope of
getting on with it quickly. It was a forlorn hope. He immediately involved benefactors:34 among the
most trusted of them were Baron Feliciano Ricci des Ferres, a thrifty donor who committed himself
28 E III 454.
29 Letter of 25 August 1880, E III 621.
30 Cf. letter to Fr G. Cagliero, 6 April 1881, E IV 40-41. He had also hoped to stopover at Este during a long
trip that he undertook, accompanied by Fr Rua to “visit houses at Spezia, Florence, Rome and, on return,
probably Lucca, Este, Venice etc. etc.”.
31 To Fr G. Tamietti, from Alassio, 15 September 1881, E IV 82.
32 Letter of 17 April 1882, E IV 128-129.
33 Letter of 12 October 1882, E IV 176.
34 Circ. of 5 May 1869, Em III 81-82.

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to 1,000 lire [3.762 euro] to be given in three instalments,35 Countess Carlotto Callori,36 and
Commendatore G.B. Dupraz.37
In a more detailed circular in autumn 1870, Don Bosco emphasised the religious motivations for
the undertaking. They had a strong anti–protestant bias. He provided information on work already
completed, highlighted the Pope’s and the Archbishop’s support and specified the plan of the
complex to be completed: ‘A church that can be used also by adults with enough building space for
a school, hospice, park [oratory], where boys can be amused in recreation on Sundays and kept
away from danger, immorality, and introduced to some skill or trade.’38 To achieve greater publicity
he also turned to one of the L’unità Cattolica team, Prof. Tommaso Vallauri, asking the paper to
inform its readers.39 On 14 December, an Appeal to the compassion of the people in Turin
appeared in the Italian news section of the Daily, drawing from parts of the 12 October circular and
referring to the ‘miracle of charity which [was] the pious priest Fr John Bosco.’ Among other things
it said: ‘Work has already commenced, and the surrounding wall is already finished.’40
In reality, due to many difficulties in purchasing land from a number of owners including one who
was very reluctant, work was only able to begin in 1877. But the preliminary matters kept Don
Bosco constantly busy from 1871 either personally, going to city and provincial authorities41 or by
encouraging his closest collaborators, especially Fr Rua and bursars in the Congregation, over the
1870s and 1880s: Fr Angelo Savio, Fr Francis Bodrato, Fr Charles Ghivarello, and Fr Anthony
Sala.42
He also went to t he management of the Railways in Upper Italy for special terms for transport
of materials.43 But the longest and most difficult procedure was expropriating the property, for
reasons of public utility, belonging to L. Enrico Morglia, a Waldensian.44 The decree freeing it up
arrived at the beginning of March 1876. La nuova Torino, Giornale industriale no. 65, on Saturday
6 March, spoke of a ‘decree of expropriation for public utility against a Protestant in favour of a
scheming priest.’ Don Bosco was sufficiently thick–skinned against attacks of the kind. He was
finally able to get Fr Rua to ‘execute the decree for the Morglia expropriation’ and ‘as for the work
to be undertaken regarding the church’ ‘establish a clear contract document with his trusted
contractor, Carlo Buzzetti,’ reserving the right to examine it himself.45
In expectation of the work’s completion, in March 1876, Don Bosco asked the Archbishop to
bless a new chapel for the St Aloysius oratory, which he accepted.46 Meanwhile, Count Edoardo
Arborio Mella had prepared the plans for the church47 and attached hospice, and in May 1877
Archbishop Gastaldi approved them. Work finally began and proceeded with relative speed. ‘Since
35 Cf. Documenti XI 312-313 and Don Bosco’s letter of thanks for the first instalment of lire 300 [1.128
euro], 23 June 1870, Em III 221; the note reserved for the Baron, which Don Bosco wanted him sent
after his death, is expressive: cf. Chap. 32, § 4.2.
36 Letter of 13 July 1870, Em III 225-226; 23 January 1871, Em III 295.
37 Letter of 7 February 1871, Em III 305.
38 Circ. of 12 October 1870, Em III 261-262.
39 Letter of 10 December 1870, Em III 278.
40 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 287, Wednesday 14 December 1870, p. 1159.
41 Cf. Letter to the Mayor, 18 January 1871, Em III 292; to the Prefect, 11 April 1873, Em IV 76-77.
42 To Fr M. Rua, 1 July 1871, Em III 344.
43 Cf. Letter of May 1872, Em III 430-431, 431-432; 12 July 1872, Em III 446.
44 Application to Vittorio Emanuele of 16 April1872, Em III 425-426; cf. Letter to Count F. di Viancino, 20
September 1873, Em IV 160-161; to Fr M. Rua so that Fr A. Savio would forward relevant documents on
proceedings to the Council of State, 16 March 1874, Em IV 260; from Rome to Fr M. Rua in reference to
patronage of the cause by Count C. Reviglio della Venaria [= Veneria], February 1875, Em IV 420.
45 Letter from Alassio, 4 March 1876, E III 23-24.
46 Letter of 15 March 1876, E III 29-30.
47 Published in BS 2 (1878) no. 7, July, pp. 7-8.

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last year we have been able to lay the foundations of the new church which rises more than a
metre above the ground’ the Salesian Bulletin announced in April 1878.48
Some months later, an unexpected dispute arose over the intended link between Pius IX’s name
and the two churches. In the Sunday 17 February issue of L’Unità Cattolica, under the heading San
Secondo e Pio IX in the Italian news section, support was given to the proposal put forward by ‘the
very zealous parish priest of San Secondo’ who had helped with construction of the church out of
respect for the memory of Pius IX. The parish priest had considered writing to him to ‘call on his
blessing and help.’49
The Archbishop had supported the proposal and on 3 March the paper made this public in an
article entitled Il monumento dei Torinese alla santa memoria di Pio Nono (The people of Turin’s
monument to the saintly memory of Pius IX.)50 Did Don Bosco know of the initiative? In a letter to
Fr Rua five days earlier he had asked Fr Bonetti to prepare an article for the Salesian Bulletin on
the Church of St John the Evangelist in three issues: “1. A work counselled, blessed, supported by
Pius IX. 2. There could be no better monument than to bring to a conclusion a work began by Pius
IX, dedicated to his name and which is in accordance with his final piece of advice: Take care of
the young. [3.] It is the Cooperators’ duty to bring to a conclusion a work begun by the founder of
the Salesian Promoters.’51
Perhaps alarmed that there was another proposal of the kind in Turin on 6 March, again from
Rome, Don Bosco directly confirmed Fr Bonetti in his task and, wanting to pre–empt any
opposition, sought to underline the notion of Pius IX as ‘founder of the Cooperators’ and that he
was appealing to them, near or far, to help with the construction. With regard to the article he said:
‘then let me see it.’52 It came out in the April issue of the Salesian Bulletin under the headline:
Salesian Cooperators for the perpetual memory of Pius IX the Great. It illustrated with plentiful
reminders and motivations what Don Bosco had suggested to the editor.53
Insistence on exclusive reference to the Cooperators was not enough to avoid a clash between
Salesian and diocesan initiatives. It created a storm over a period when there were no other major
disputes between Don Bosco and the Archbishop. Gastaldi protested to the Prefect of the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars and the Cardinal Secretary of State. Don Bosco explained
to the latter, on 8 May 1878, that his magazine was addressed ‘only to Cooperators and by that
name we mean our ordinary benefactors of our houses in Italy, France, America.’54 He wrote to the
Archbishop in the same tenor, clarifying that the appeal had been addressed ‘only to Salesian
Cooperators’ in a ‘Bulletin printed in Genoa,’ assuring him that he had given orders that ‘the word
“monument”’ no longer be used.55
He touched on these and other issues in his defence on 28 May and 1 June in letters to
Cardinals Franchi and Ferrieri, assuring them that ‘except for the item currently being printed’ no
more reference in future would be made to the church as a ‘monument’ to Pius IX.’56 He aimed to
put an end to disputes with A justification on the Church of St John the Evangelist as a monument
to Pius IX published in the June Salesian Bulletin, followed by texts from the 12 October 1870
circular and Canon Zappata’s Recommendation ‘by order and in the name of Archbishop Riccardi.’
48 BS 2 (1878) no. 4, April, p. 4.
49 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 42, Sunday 17 February 1878, pp. 167-168.
50 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 54, Sunday 3 March 1878, p. 214.
51 Letter of 28 February 1878, E III 305-306.
52 E III 310.
53 BS 2 (1878) no. 4, April, pp. 2-6.
54 E III 338.
55 Letter of 9 May 1878, E III 339-340.
56 E III 348-349 and 350.

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The author of the article, aimed at reassuring readers about the precise questions involved,
formally healed the dispute with reassuring words: ‘We have removed certain sentences and
restricted ourselves to recommending the Work to our Cooperators only.’ But unable to resist the
seduction of argument, he noted,: ‘Yet despite all that, we were soon referred to as having upset
someone. It is painful when we seem to upset some people whatever we do … Etc.’57
In April, Don Bosco invited Count Eugenio De Maistre to the blessing of the ‘foundation stone’ of
the church being erected ‘in honour of the late Pius IX,’ asking him for ‘the favour of coming and
laying the stone in place and pouring the first slab of mortar.’58 The date was postponed to 14
August. Don Bosco asked Archbishop Gastaldi to bless the stone and it was laid by banker
Ceriana.59 As Don Bosco said, it was a ‘resounding success.’60 Both the Archbishop and Don
Bosco gave a brief speech. The Archbishop highlighted with particular fervour three poles of the
Catholic Faith which, of course, Don Bosco agreed with: ‘I rejoice,’ so the brief speech concluded
‘that a church has arisen in this place and to the honour of an Apostle so dear to Jesus Christ, so
devoted to Mary, so respectful to the Chair of Peter. May the sight of the church forever warm the
heart with devotion to Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament and Mary most holy, and make us ever
more affectionate and devoted sons and daughters of the Pope.’61
As well as the intense correspondence seeking help to complete all the work, the church in
particular, Don Bosco began organising a lottery with valuable paintings and other items left as a
legacy by Baron Bianco de Barbania.62 In a presentation on 20 August 1880 on Salesian works,
Don Bosco wrote to Cardinal Nina: ‘With equal zeal we have been working for the church and
Institute of St John the Evangelist next to the Protestant church and classrooms in Turin. Next
November, the boys’ oratory will be transferred there and in January 1881, the whole church will be
functioning.’63 The five bells in the tall bell tower above the facade were blessed on 1 December
1881.64 The Placement of the statue of Pius IX took place in the church on 25 April 1882.65 The
January issue of the Salesian Bulletin published an overview of the church and attached hospice
designed by the architect.66 Distinguished musicians praised the grand organ in early July (3–6).67
On 5 July, Don Bosco wrote to the Archbishop (the ‘Concordia’68 had been signed on 17 June)
suggesting a simple blessing instead of a consecration of the church, fearing a repeat of the upsets
that had occurred at the consecration of the Church of San Secondo.69 But the Archbishop opted
57 Cf. BS 2 (1878) no. 6, June, pp. 4-6.
58 Letter of 4 April 1878, E III 336.
59 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 6 August 1878, E III 374. To his own letter he included an impromptu one by
Fr Bonetti defending his articles published in the Bollettino Salesiano: I decreti di Urbano VIII, e i miracoli
di Pio IX, BS 2 (1878) no. 7, July, pp. 4-5, and Una giustificazione sulla chiesa di S. Giovanni qual
monumento a Pio IX, BS 2 (1878) no. 6, June, pp. 4-6; cf. Chap. 28, § 5.
60 To Fr G. Ronchail, 15 August 1878, E III 380.
61 Collocamento della Pietra Angolare nella Chiesa di S. Giovanni Evangelista, BS 2 (1878) no. 9,
September, pp. 1-6.
62 Cf. Request for authorisation to the Prefect of Turin, 28 November 1878, E III 418-419; the authorisation
arrived on 2 December; the extraction took place on 30 August 1879.
63 E III 616.
64 Solenne benedizione delle campane per la Chiesa di S. Giovanni Evangelista in Torino, BS 6 (1882) no.
1, January, pp. 9-10.
65 BS 6 (1882) no. 8, August, pp. 139-140.
66 Disegno della chiesa ed ospizio di S. Giovanni e della statua di Pio IX, BS 6 (1882) no. 6, June, pp. 97-
99, 103-104.
67 Notizie sugli organi in generale e collocamento dell’organo della Chiesa di San Giovanni Evangelista in
Torino, BS 6 (1882) no. 8, August, pp. 135-139.
68 Cf. Chap. 28, § 6.
69 Letter of 5 July 1882, E IV 149.

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for consecration, suggesting 30 August.70 Don Bosco would have preferred the end of October71
and, precisely, Saturday 28th, the date which was finally agreed upon.72 He also invited the
Archbishop to lunch at Valsalice that day.73He issued a circular and personal letters of invitation to
the rite of consecration.74 On 19 October, lawyer Count Carlo Reviglio della Veneria died, ‘one of
the most well–deserving individuals of the Church of St John the Evangelist’ who had obtained the
expropriation of the Morglia property.75 Don Bosco then informed a number of benefactors about
the church and the rite of consecration,76 The Archbishop had officiated ‘despite his poor health.’
The Bishops of Fossano, Biella and Alba celebrated Mass there during the first three days of the
octave.77
Work on the hospice continued for another two years. The building had reached the third floor
by the end of 1883.78 On 22 October 1884, Don Bosco was able to announce to generous Count
Colle that the house was finished and that ‘entry of the pupils who will number around 150
initially’79 was fixed for 10 November. The first Rector was Fr Philip Rinaldi (hird successor of Don
Bosco at the helm of the Salesian Society, proclaimed Blessed on 29 April 1990). On 20 February
1885, Don Bosco wrote: ‘We have almost completely filled the house of St John the Apostle, but
the opening has not yet taken place’ and he hoped to celebrate it with a toast in the presence of
the Count and Countess of Toulon, benefactors and friends.80
2. Other establishments in France of Salesians and Daughters of Mary help of Christians.
(1877–78)
In the second half of 1877, prospects opened up for the extension of the Salesian presence in
France and for establishing themselves in two new agricultural colleges, one of them entrusted to
the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. Both were in the Var region in the diocese of Frejus,
whose bishop was Joseph Sebastian Terris (1824–85). He had begun his pastoral service there in
1876 and was called on to fix up the situation of two orphanages in a precarious financial state.
They were founded by Abbe Jacques Vincent in 1863 at Navarre and Saint Cyr. A school was also
requested at Cannes. The General Chapter dealt with these requests, which at its session on 22
September was functioning also as a Superior Chapter. The Minutes record: ‘It was decided to
reply that we accept in general terms to send two Sisters to Saint Cyr because there are girls
there. We will put a priest there for now, or one or two more, and an orphanage at Navarre.’81
70 It was a clear denial of those who had caused problems at the S. Congregation of Rites: cf. BS 6 (1882)
no. 6, June, p. 104.
71 To the Archbishop, 29 July 1882, E IV 158; cf. letter to the Protector of the Congregation, Cardinal L.
Nina, 4 August 1882, E IV 159; and to Fr F. Dalmazzo, before 16 August, E IV 162.
72 To the Archbishop, 16 October 1882, E IV 174.
73 Letter of 24 October 1882, E IV 180-181.
74 Circ. of 15 October 1882, E IV 177-178; to Countess G. di Camburzano, 16 October 1882, E IV 179.
75 Circular-invitation to a funeral service in suffrage for his soul, 11 November 1882, E IV 182-183.
76 To Mrs L. Radice, 2 November 1882, E IV 181-182; to Mademoiselle C. Louvet, 2 November 1882, E IV
452; to Marquis Cantono Ceva, 14 November 1882, E IV 184; to Baron G. Ceriana, 7 December 1882, E
IV 189; to mademoiselle Lallemand, 28 March 1884, E IV 424.
77 Cf. Consacrazione della chiesa di San Giovanni Evangelista con altri articoli desunti da giornali cittadini,
in BS 6 (1882) no. 11, November, pp. 173-176; 7 (1883) no. 1, January, pp. 6-17 (Don Bosco’s adress at
the end of sung Vespers on the day of the consecration, 28 October is noteworthy, pp. 8-11).
78 To Count L. Colle, 4 December 1883, E IV 499.
79 E IV 509.
80 E IV 512-513. He thanked him again for a substantial donation in a letter of 14 December 1886, E IV
524.
81 G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 14-15.

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2.1 Salesians at Navarre and Daughters of Mary Help of Christians at Saint Cyr.
Two of Don Bosco’s letters in October and November 1877 to the Rector at Nice, Fr Ronchail,
predicted things would be quickly set up. In the first he promised to study with Fr Rua how to send
the personnel requested, authorising him to go ahead ‘drawing up the two contracts of St.–Cyr and
Navarre to appear as a donation’ at a cost not exceeding half of the real value.82In November ,he
gave rapid instructions for taking over: ‘Take Fr Perrot or Fr G.B. Ronchail (The Rector’s brother)
with a coadjutor, and go to the Bishop of Frejus. Once you have placed these two at St–Cyr, tell
them to increase in multam gentem. Then note the place for the Sisters and tell me the number
needed, and we can soon send them because they are ready ad hoc. Then tell me how we can
provide for Cannes and Navarre and quickly write back to me. I have already written to the Bishop
of Frejus about this.’83
The school at Cannes, negotiated with the parish priest, Fr Barbe, was quickly accepted. In the
Salesian membership list for 1878, the 1877–78 school year, Fr Pierre Perrot was listed as the
Rector, assisted by two clerics. However, already by mid–January, Don Bosco wrote to the Rector
in Nice: ‘The Regulations for the school at Cannes are not possible. Agreements need to be clear.
If we are not absolutely free and independent it is better to suspend everything and we will go
further on, that is, to St–Cyr or Marseilles.84 Withdrawal from there was inevitable. Early in July, Fr
Perrot and cleric Enrico Ronchail were already in Navarre. The two schools were co–educational
but the boys were gradually brought together at Navarre and the girls at St–Cyr, where they were
prepared for domestic work, horticulture and agriculture according to where they came from and
where they would be going. On 30 March, Don Bosco left for Nice with Fr Rua and on 5 April 1878
he drew up a contract at Frejus with Abbe Vincent for both houses. Following this he informed
Jules Rostard of every detail. Rostard was President of the Beaujour Society which legally
represented the property and use of Salesian real estate (the Salesians were the effective
proprietors) in southern France.85
At the beginning of July 1878, the Salesians formally took possession of both houses. Pierre
Perrot (1853–1928) was an Italian with a French name (as was the case with Fr Ronchail in Nice)
and became Rector at Navarre. Don Bosco gave the twenty–five year old Rector what amounts to
a jewel in the art of religious governing: ‘I know you are still a boy and will therefore need to study
and practise under a skilful master. But so what? When St Timothy was called on to preach J.C.,
young as he was, he set about preaching the Kingdom of God to the Hebrews and Gentiles. So, go
in the Lord’s name; go not as a superior but as a friend, brother, father. Let your command be the
charity that seeks to do good to everyone and evil to no one. Read, meditate, and practise our
rules. That goes for you and your men. May God bless you and bless all those who go with you to
Navarre.’86
In early October, the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians also came to carry out the normal
work of assistance in the Salesian house: kitchen, laundry, and wardrobe. The October Salesian
Bulletin informed Cooperators about Navarre.87In January 1879, in a letter to Fr Rua, Don Bosco
added this postscript: ‘On Sunday, last the youngsters at Navarre sang the Mass of the Holy
Childhood and Dogliani’s Tantum Ergo at Sollies–Pont, a town close by the hospice, and did it
proud; a collection raised 100 fr. Thus the glories of the Oratory are extended to France.’88
82 Letter of 26 October 1877, E III 233.
83 Undated letter, E III 239.
84 E III 270.
85 Letter from Alassio, 8 February 1879, E IV 395-396.
86 Letter of 2 July 1878, E III 359-360.
87 Colonia agricola salesiana ossia Patronato di S. Giuseppe in Navarra, BS 2 (1878) no. 10, October, pp.
6-7.
88 Letter from Marseilles, 21 January 1879, E III 440.

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At Saint–Cyr, the Sisters’ takeover was more laborious. Don Bosco wrote again in May 1879 to
Canon Guiol that ‘no document has as yet arrived’ for setting up St–Cyr. ‘Nevertheless, next week
some of our priests will go there so we can examine and commence matters of greater concern.’89
Fr Carlo Ghivarello, former Economer General of the Salesian Society, went there. He was a good
organiser and expert in technical and administrative matters.90 The direct administration of the work
by the Sisters took place in April 1850 when three Sisters arrived. The Superior was Caterina
Daghero who was elected to succeed Mother Mazzarello the following year when the latter fell ill
(she was at St–Cyr at the time) and died soon after. Fr Ghivarello remained there throughout 1880
and beyond to see to financial aspects of the school. On 27 February 1887, Don Bosco said, when
dictating a letter to Fr Rua with Fr Ghivarello as copyist: ‘I encourage the people in Marseilles to
continue their charity and pay Fr Ghivarello’s (the writer) pouf [Piedmontese ‘puf’ = debts] as well
as Fr Parrot’s, Fr Ronchail’s etc.’ ‘Fr Ghivarello is suffering thirst for money.’91 He spoke of Saint–
Cyr in a conference to Cooperators at Marseilles on 17 February 1881: ‘We can already see poor
girls working as young farmers, busying themselves with the grass and hay, collecting and burning
weeds and doing all the work of horticulture. In the morning and evening they receive scholastic
instruction, learn catechism, do sewing, knitting and all the domestic chores mothers of families do,
but as country women. The running, administration, assistance, in a word the management of the
agricultural school is entrusted to the Daughters of Mary help of Christians.92
2.2 Salesians in Marseilles (1878)
Don Bosco set foot in the great Mediterranean port city on several occasions in search of charity.93
In 1877, he laid the basis for a foundation that began in autumn 1878.94 A Salesian Cooperator was
active there, Monsieur Bergasse, president of the Maritime Transport Society. Don Bosco had
already turned to him earlier to obtain free passage for missionaries.95 But the first encouragement
for the desired foundation had come from the founder of the Oeuvre de la Jeunesse ouvrière du
sacre Cour, Canon Joseph Timon–David. Don Bosco replied to him in July 1876 in a letter
translated into French by lawyer Michel, stating his full availability on condition he had the ‘prior
agreement’ of the bishop and could count on the ‘moral support’ of the ‘Work for Young Workers.’96
At the beginning of March 1877 (the opening of the new site for the Patronage in Nice took place
on 12 November) he was in Marseilles for negotiations,97 and wrote to Fr Rua that a meeting was
planned for Monday the 5th with Bishop Charles Phillipe Place, Bishop of Marseilles since 1866.
He said he was ’very much in favour.’ ‘I am looking for land and will put the hoe to the most
suitable plot.’ A guest of the De La Salle Brothers, he said he had been at ‘a celebration for
awarding honourable mentions to their pupils, noting: ‘It seems it could be a guide for us too.
Performances of lots of items, singing, playing, some concerts kept the large audience happy,’98
89 Letter of 20 May 1879, E III 473-474.
90 Cf. E. CERIA, Profili dei capitolari salesiani. Colle Don Bosco (Asti), Libreria Dottrina Cristiana 1951, p.
110.
91 Letter from Roquefort 27 February 1881, E IV 25.
92 The “Bulletin Salésien” 3 (1881) no. 3, March, gave a translation of the article that appeared in the
“L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 47, Friday 25 February 1881, pp. 186-187; reproduced in Don Bosco’s French in
MB XV 691-695.
93 Cf. letter to Mrs Z. Cesconi, 15 December 1876, E III 125; to Fr G. Barberis, 28 February 1877, E III 152;
to General A. Lamarmora, 3 March 1877, E III 153-154.
94 Information on this found in BS 2 (1878) no. 11, November, pp. 6-7, Oratorio di S. Leone in Marsiglio.
95 Already cited letter to Fr G. Cagliero, 12 May 1877, E III 170; Chap. 21, § 6.
96 To Canon Timon-David, July 1876, E III 77-78.
97 Letter from Marseilles to General A. Lamarmora (1804-1878), who had sent an offering from Biella of
1.000 lire for the Oratory, 3 March 1877, E III 153.
98 To Fr M. Rua, 5 March 1877, E III 154-155.

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Canon Clement Guiol hosted the Salesian work within his parish of Saint– Joseph. Don Bosco
had to agree with him how to set up and run the Oratoire Saint–Leon. He wrote to him on 13 June,
from Rome, telling him he had ‘written to the Italian Consul, Annibale Strambio’ (1819–81) who had
been a fellow student with him in Chieri, hoping he would favour ‘a fully humanitarian and religious’
project.99 Don Bosco did not seem to be in a hurry. In August, the Canon dealt with the Beaujoir
Society asking them to assume legal ownership in the eyes of civic authorities and for the real
estate to be used for a large work which would not be restricted to a festive oratory. He was
pressing for an agreement which had been delayed by a number of unforeseen factors, especially
on Don Bosco’s part who, as we know, was in Rome when Pius IX died, and for the election of Leo
XIII, followed by an audience with the new Pope, remaining there until 25 March 1878. He
promised the Canon he would be in Marseilles ‘in the first fortnight in April.’100
He gave Fr Ronchail a precise date with details of a series of visits: ‘Saturday (3) God willing I
will be with you at 2.00 p.m.’ ‘I will remain until after the collection [of monies] and after we will go
to Frejus, St–Cyr, Navarre and Marseilles.’101 Fr Rua went with him. General agreement was
reached on the establishment [of the Oratory] while they were in Marseilles from 2–11 April, apart
from a brief parenthesis at Frejus on the 5th, and agreement was reached in particular with Canon
Guiol on relationships between the new oratory and the parish. The Canon then sent Don Bosco
the text of the agreement for the approval of the Superior Chapter. Their examination of it was
delayed by the influenza Don Bosco caught on his return trip, when he was forced to remain at
Sampierdarena from 16–23 April.
The Superior Chapter meeting on 15 May 1878 finally decided to accept Marseilles and at the
session on the 17th they examined the details of the agreement, leaving Don Bosco to improve
it.102 Fr Giuseppe Bologna [known as Bologne in France] was appointed Rector of the new
‘Oratory” in France. He knew French and was considered to have fully imbibed the tradition of the
Oratory in Turin.103
Don Bosco wrote to Fr Bologna, who had stopped over in Nice, giving him first of all an example
in paternal governance: ‘Go in nomine Domini, make savings where you can. If need something,
ask for it and papa will do what he can to provide. Go as a father to the confreres, as a
representative of the Congregation, as a dear friend of Don Bosco’s. Write often in black and
white.’104 Two days later in a letter to Canon Guiol, he not only presented Fr Bologna as
‘experienced with hospices, trade students and festive oratories’ but made an important statement
that apparently restricted the terms of the agreement. The commitment to make ‘the number of
auxiliary priests available that the parish priest wanted insofar as that was compatible with the
duties of the priests at the oratory’ could have created problems with the parish priest. Too binding
also on the Oratoire Saint–Leon was the article that established that: ‘Boys in the choir must go to
St Joseph’s Church any time the parish priest asks them to.’105 ‘We need to consider making our
Institute stable,’ Don Bosco told Guiol ‘and it will be stable if the Salesian Congregation is
independent. At the moment that is hindered, therefore the Salesians can neither run nor jump,
only stick with what is and no more. Give some thought to it; it is my desire that the Maison
Beaujour lasts many years after us.’106
99 To Canon C. Guiol, 13 June 1877, E III 185. He would write on 15 April 1879 to Consul Strambio to gain
support and assistance from the Italian Government (E III 467-468).
100 Letter of 14 March 1877, E III 315.
101 Letter of 27 March 1878, E III 332. He wrote from Sampierdarena, where the Superior Chapter had met
to tidy up the Deliberation of the First General Chapter before printing them.
102 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali..., quad. 2, pp. 1-5, 12-14.
103 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali..., quad. 2, pp. 4-5.
104 Letter of 25 June 1878, E III 356.
105 MB XIV 687-688. Emphasis is ours.
106 Letter of 26 June 1878, E III 357.

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In a letter on 31 July, he spoke of founding a novitiate in Marseilles while also busy about
consolidating the ‘St Leo hospice’ by adding carpentry and tailoring workshops. Don Bosco was
dreaming of many vocations: ‘We will look after the novitiate. This is a huge but very useful
undertaking so that more than half of our students can then go into their respective dioceses as
clerics. There will be missionaries and also good lay people.’107 He promised an increase in
personnel in September, but there was a lack of men and money to increase the existing
building.108 In January 1879 he was in Marseilles to farewell a group of departing missionaries and
asked a lawyer friend’s opinion on the problem of the house’s position before the law, though in
reality it was Salesian property: ‘how to give it perpetuity and avoid cases of succession.’109
Writing to the novice master about it he predicted a flourishing future,110 and said to Fr Lemoyne:
‘I am here and have many serious issues to deal with. You will be amazed when you come to know
of them and will see the Lanzo dream come true.’111 As we know, in 1876 he had a dream about
Dominic Savio who predicted the future of the Congregation: ‘With regard to the Congregation,
there will be a dawning from north, south, east and west.’112 ‘There are already about sixty boys at
the St Leo’s oratory’ he wrote to another Salesian.113 Instead to Fr Rua he explained ‘the absolute
need for a master tailor and a domestic who can look after a small garden and other work of this
kind.’114 He then assured him: ‘Things here are going well for us … The parish priest of St Josephs
is always our friend and protector.’115
Relationships with the parish priest were, in fact, cordial. We also see this from a letter he
received from Rome on 4 March. Don Bosco indicated that the Provincial, Fr Cerruti, would be
visiting in mid–May and he praised and approved ‘the efforts of entrepreneurs managing the
extensions to the orphanage’ and thanked those seeing to the publishing of the Notice sur les
Salesiens. He also thanked the Beaujour Society for their patience: the many foundations meant
he had ‘spent all active, passive and neutral funds’ but he would soon be selling one holding and
this would make ‘some hundreds of thousands of francs available’ making it possible for him to
honour his debts. He stated, finally, his reluctance to take on the institute offered at Auteuil (Paris)
by Abbe Louis Roussel.116
The Notice was the previously mentioned work of Abbe Louis Mendre, assistant priest at St
Joseph’s, Don Bosco Pretre, Foundateur de la Congregation des Salesians.117 In a further letter to
Guiol he confessed: ’I have received Fr Mendre’s work. It is a classic work of the kind. But he often
embarrassed me with the great praise he heaped on my poor person. May it all be to the glory of
God and the benefit of the Work he seeks to commend.’118
Don Bosco had unsuccessfully sought a papal honour for Guiol on 10 March 1879.119 Further
on, when inviting him to the Feast of Mary Help of Christians in Turin, he even asked him to pass
judgement on the first year of the oratory’s life: ‘I would love to know what you see as good,
mediocre or bad. You know I place full trust in you and would like to follow your prudent advice.’ He
107 To Canon C. Guiol, 31 July 1878, E III 370-371.
108 To Canon C. Guiol, from Sampierdarena 17 September 1878, E III 385-386.
109 To Lawyer F. Fiore, 9 January 1879, E III 433.
110 To Fr G. Barberis, 10 January 1879, E III 434.
111 Undated letter, E III 435.
112 G. BARBERIS, Cronichetta, quad. 1, pp. 27-28; ID., Cronichetta, quad. 10, pp. 48 (b. n. of 22 December
1876).
113 To Fr G. B. Branda, undated letter, E III 436.
114 Letter of 11 January 1879, E III 436-437.
115 Letter of 21 January 1879, E III 439-440.
116 To Canon C. Guiol, 4 March 1879, E III 449-450.
117 Cf. Chap. 26, § 5.
118 To Canon C. Guiol, from Florence, 29 March 1879, E III 461
119 To Leo XIII, E III 454.

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then expressed his opinion about taking on Abbe Roussel’s work: ‘The house at Autieul presents
too many difficulties for us, therefore, following your advice I have finally dissociated myself from
it.120
Abbe Roussel was running a large orphanage in the suburb of Autieul in Paris for working boys,
and wanted to entrust it to Don Bosco. Count Cays, who professed as a Salesian on 17 September
1877, and was ordained priest on 20 September 1878,121 joined Father Rua in negotiations in Paris
at the beginning of November 1878. Negotiations went on for a long time, since agreement had to
be reached on many issues: ownership, legal representation, management, educational autonomy,
and stability. In fact, the Archbishop of Paris, Cardinal Guibert, was demanding a trial year. 122 The
Superior Chapter had discussed it with Don Bosco on 6 February 1879. He had just returned from
France and had told them of the discussions held with Abbe Roussel in Marseilles. He had
highlighted certain difficulties which were insuperable for the moment; the technical superiority of
the workshops in Paris, the precarious political situation with the coming to power of Gambetta, a
‘volcano’ ready to erupt in Paris, with the possibility of a new council, the demand that the
Salesians go there for a trial year, the request that a novitiate be established there. It was decided
‘to pull back from the task and not go’ while always being ready to rethink when ‘sufficient proof of
our capacity had been demonstrated in France’ through other works.123
The work in progress at Marseilles was swallowing up lots of money. Don Bosco begged Fr
Ronchail to make available at least 10,000 francs [33,162 euro] perhaps with help from Fr Cauvin,
and through a loan.124 A few days later he tried to calm Canon Guiol: ‘The contract for one of the
farm houses at Caselle has been concluded and the deed will be signed at the end of this week.
Thus I hope to pacify Fr Bologna. But if Fr Ronchail has been able to find the person I wrote to I
time, I believe we can pay the required sum.’ ‘The Salesian Congregation is a baby and therefore
its “children” are even more so. But with God’s help they will grow and will in good time reap fruit
and good balance: patience, constancy and prayer.’125
In September, however, the parish priest and the director of the oratory were not seeing eye to
eye on the interpretation of what had been agreed between the Beaujour Society and Don Bosco
regarding pastoral commitments of the Salesians and the choir. Don Bosco reacted with a letter
which seemed to ignore what was said in articles in the agreement regarding ‘prêtre auxiliaries’
and the ‘maîtrise’. ‘It is certain’ he wrote ‘that in all negotiations with the worthy Beaujour [sic]
Society there was never any talk of auxiliary priests or of the maîtrise.’
Further on in the letter he referred more correctly to educational needs which he believed they
must not deviate from, as he had already indicated in his letter on 26 June 1878. The Canon’s
letter, Don Bosco said, ‘presents other bases which overburden our preventive system. Repressive
means are excluded for us and to ensure discipline and morality, absolute authority over our pupils
is essential, along with educational autonomy. That becomes impossible when all or some have to
leave the Institute for business which is extraneous to them.’126
120 Letter of 20 May 1879, E III 473-474.
121 Cf. Chap. 28, § 1.
122 Cf. MB XIII 737-746, 999-1002; XIV 24-25, 41, 129; letter to Can. C. Guiol, 17 September 1878, E III
386; 4 March 1879, E III 450.
123 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli generali ossia verbali..., quad. 2, pp. 68-70; Documenti XX 77-78; letter of C. Cays
to Fr L. Roussel 13 March 1879, MB XIII 1001-1002.
124 Letter of 14 July 1879, E III 492. Fr Rua solved the problem by paying a substantial fine: cf. Don Bosco’s
letter to Fr G. Bologna 21 March 1880, E III 553.
125 To Canon C. Guiol, 20 July 1879, E III 497-498.
126 To Canon C. Guiol, September 1879, E III 519-521.

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In December, Don Bosco announced a visit mid–way through January, also suggesting a
conference for Cooperators.127 The financial situation was such that the plan he told Fr Rua about
became necessary: ‘I will stay the whole month in Marseilles to conclude matters and look for
money.’128 But Don Bosco also found an extremely tense atmosphere in Marseilles. The meeting
with the Canon was a stormy one, he claiming that the agreement had not been adhered to. Don
Bosco’s calm and Canon’s Guiol’s compliance reduced the tension in a few days.129 The
Cooperators conference was particularly fruitful and the Mass for the Feast of St Francis de Sales
was very moving. It was celebrated at 8.a.m. with a ‘good number of women’ among whom the
great benefactors, ‘mothers’ of the work in Marseilles. 130
Harmony was re–established with Canon Guiol over the following months as attested to by
various letters. ‘From your dear letters’ Don Bosco wrote to him ‘I can very well see the concerns
and charity with which you look after St Leo’s oratory … Fr Bologna writes that he is very happy
with the oratory and the good relations outside, especially with the parish of St Joseph’s. I trust that
the Lord will continue to keep us firm in the charitable union essential for sustaining works aimed at
the public good such as ours. Fr Bologna indicated the results already obtained by the Committee
you have zealously set up. May the Lord be praised.’131 But a much more serious problem, soon
resolved, was looming on another front.132
3. Development of works in Latin America
According to the Salesian Society membership list, the situation of works in the South American
Province for the 1877–78 school year was as follows: Buenos Aires, the Church of the Misercordia,
the St Vincent’s Hospice with arts and trades classes, the St John the Evangelist parish at Boca; at
San Nicolás de los Arroyos, there was the Holy Angels college; at Colon near Montevideo, the Pius
IX college.
Don Bosco was not working there in the field but he was very much present. As Superior
General of the Salesian Society he made sure his governing activity was never lacking, assisted by
the more directly involved superiors of the Chapter, Frs Rua and Cagliero, the latter almost his
Vicar on the American scene. He corresponded with Provincials, Rectors, Church and Civic
authorities. He continued carrying out animation and formation activities, advising and supporting
Salesian priests, clerics, coadjutors, inspiring and encouraging Cooperators and benefactors and
reaching out to communities of young people.
Don Bosco’s involvement in Europe promoting, preparing and selecting personnel, encouraging
charity, supporting missionary expeditions, animating those departing was a very busy one in view
of managing current work and preparing for future developments in Patagonia. His presence was
especially strong through reminders, ideas, and in the hearts, lifestyle and activity of the
missionaries themselves. This was especially relevant for those holding senior management
positions: Provincials Fr Bodrato and Fr Lasagna, and certain Rectors such as Frs Fagnano and
127 To Canon C. Guiol, 22 December 1879, E III 535.
128 To Fr M. Rua, 22 January 1880, E III 545.
129 Cf. Documenti, XXIII 104-105.
130 “Bulletin Salésien” 2 (1880) no. 2, February, pp. 3-4; cf. letter to key benefactors, Ms Rostand (consort of
the President of the Beaujour Society), Jacques, Noilly-Prat, Broquier, Du Gas, 15 December 1879, E III
533-535; 9 and 13 May 1880, E III 586-588; 23 December 1880, E III 645; 27 February 1881, E IV 27; 19
March 1882, E IV 121-122; 16 July 1882, E IV 153; 4 December 1882, E IV 188 (this latter to the
Provincial Fr Albera).
131 To Canon C. Guiol, 26 March 1880, E III 557-558. Lengthy and particularly familiar was the letter of 9
May 1880, E III 586-587.
132 Cf. Chap. 28, § 3.

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Domenico Tomatis. They had learned their trade as Salesians from Don Bosco and men who were
mentally and emotionally close to him, Frs Barberis, Lemoyne, Francesia, Cerruti. By living and
working with him and them they had become experts at acting with and like Don Bosco.133
In the third expedition in 1877, led by Fr James Costamagna, six Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians joined the Salesians.134 Don Bosco also referred to them in his Appeal to Cooperators.
Here, Don Bosco also insisted on the ‘lack of necessary means’ and recourse to ‘the inexhaustible
source of the piety of the faithful and especially of the Cooperators.’ He hinted at the more negative
anti–Protestant tones that he would touch on in his November 7 address,135 comparing their
‘impious propaganda of errors’ with the freely given dedication of the Salesians and Sisters to the
material and spiritual welfare of poor and abandoned youngsters. 136
3.1 Don Bosco during Fr Francis Bodrato’s hard–working times as Provincial and Fr Louis
Lasagna’s activity. (1877–80)
In his three and a half years in South America, three of which as Provincial, as far as we know, Fr
Bodrato had received no more than four or five letters from Don Bosco. On the other hand, Fr
Bodrato wrote at least 50 letters to Don Bosco.137 Basically, Fr Cagliero was supervising in the
background from Turin. In the general administration hierarchy he came third after Don Boco and
Fr Rua. But now at the centre in Turin, reference to Fr Lasagna seemed privileged. He knew how
to maintain more direct and focused relationships with the Superior General than with the
Provincial in Buenos Aires with whom he felt less in harmony.
In matters inherent to his office, Fr Bodrato habitually corresponded with Fr Rua, especially for
solutions to financial problems involving Turin, and more so with Fr Cagliero from whom he
expected, from time to time, the various faculties for admission to religious profession and orders,
and mediation to find personnel who were so insufficient in numbers. He also referred to him for
appointments of available Salesians, occasionally disagreeing with evaluation of individuals and
decisions from on high. He was certainly not lacking in wisdom and prudence, or in judging people,
situations and events with realistic and frank views on the present and future of Salesians in
America. He shared without reservation the inspirational principle of Don Bosco’s ‘missionary
dream’, but with major attention to what was its true historical substance: above all action in
response to poverty and youth abandonment in the vast civil world, and then the specific, though
limited in numerical terms, work in the missions, even though it had extraordinary resonance back
in Europe. ‘If I had to guess Don Bosco’s feelings’ he wrote ‘I do not think I would be mistaken in
saying that we should be accepting colleges rather than parishes’ and more so ‘missions among
the Indians’ and ‘by preference, colleges which either for their position or other possibilities would
facilitate missions for us among the Indians.’138
Naturally, we are not writing here about his governance as such, but only the part Don Bosco
played in it. In fact, the founder was his most significant reference person at the centre, and he in
turn intended him to be his heartfelt mediator and sure interpreter for the Salesians, benefactors,
religious and civil authorities in Latin America. In real terms, the basic characteristic of this former
elementary school teacher from Mornese faithfully reflected what he had assimilated and
133 Cf. Chap. 24, § 1.1.
134 Cf. Chap. 20, § 8.
135 Cf. Chap. 21, § 4.
136 Cf. Appello ai cooperatori in favore di una novella spedizione di Missionari Salesiani, BS 1 (1877) no. 3,
November, p. 2.
137 Cf. F. BODRATO, Epistolario. Introduction, critical text and notes by B. Casali. Rome, LAS 1995.
138 To Don Bosco, 29 January 1877, F. BODRATO, Epistolario..., pp. 105-106.

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tenaciously preserved from Don Bosco, whom he admired and followed as an exemplary governor,
and felt was a fascinating omnipresent inspirer and animator. As a superior, or rather, as a father,
what had influenced him – he was a father of two children who had had their own problems – and
in turn brought him in, was clearly expressed in the description he sketched in a letter to the
novices at the Oratory: ‘Who is D. Bosco?’ He replied on the basis of what he had personally
‘learned’ and ‘heard from others.’ Don Bosco was the ‘tender and loving father’ of his Salesians.
For believers he was ‘a man of providence’ sent to act ‘in calamitous times’ of need and
unbounded expectations. For those who stopped at a purely rational evaluation he was ‘a man of
philanthropy’ who overcame every barrier of thought and action to help everyone with the broadest
range of ‘moral and material means.’ 139 For him, this Don Bosco became a rule of life and action:
‘Many times I asked myself,’ he confided in his Superior ‘How would D. Bosco act in this case?
What advice would he give me? Then with a glance to heaven and ahead it seems to me he would
say or do such and such, and that’s what I do.’140
Pastoral activity on behalf of Italian migrants came first in order of time and commitment. As we
have seen, it began with the extreme self–sacrifice of Fr Baccino and was pursued just as strongly
by Fr Bodrato. In order of the Salesian proprium [its core mission] what was tenaciously defended
in the first place was the popular nature of the institutions, especially the ‘professional’ schools
(‘escuelas de Arte y Oficios’) and instruction of the poor, at–risk youth of the lower and middle
classes. The demands of the work in Buenos Aires initially put the missionary prospects properly
so–called in second place, but these too remained part of Fr Bodrato’s mental horizon. Six months
prior to his death, he finally succeeded arranging for the entry of the Salesians into Carmen de
Patagones in northern Patagonia.
Fr Lasagna, instead, was more inclined to meeting the expectations of Catholics in one country,
Uruguay, especially those leaning towards political, economic and cultural revival with educational
demands not only at the popular level. Therefore he focused especially on the organisation of
secondary schools for youth from the middle and upper classes, with a view to giving them a well–
prepared general culture for an active role in society.141 He was also available for developing Artes
y ofices workshops for the lower classes.142 He also became very active in and keen on extending
missionary activity into areas he felt had a broader and richer future than the Patagonian missions
– those inhabited by the indigenous tribes in Brazil.143
We have already quoted from Don Bosco’s first letter to Fr Lasagna in America in our
possession,144 and the letter to the pupils at the college, both on 16 July 1877. A cluster of letters to
Uruguayan and Argentine benefactors from September 1877 is noteworthy. Their work would
‘never be forgotten’ he assured them. ‘You are in our hearts and will be part of the history of the
Salesian Congregation.’145
In September 1877, Don Bosco replied to a letter sent him via Fr Cagliero from the Vicar
Apostolic, Bishop Giacinto Vera, in Montevideo. He thanked him for the support given to setting up
the college at Villa Colón, informing him that Fr Cagliero’s authority had been ‘conferred on Fr
Bodratto [sic], parish priest at Bocca [sic] in Buenos Aires,’ and announced the departure of six
139 Cf. Letter of 5 March 1877, F. BODRATO, Epistolario..., pp. 131-132.
140 To Fr Bosco, 5 January 1879, F. BODRATO, Epistolario..., p. 341.
141 L. LASAGNA, Epistolario. Introduction, notes and critical text by Antonio da Silva Ferreira, Vol. I (1873-
1882). Rome, LAS 1995, pp. 112-113, 149-150, 166-167, 228-229, 243, 259, 278-279.
142 L. LASAGNA, Epistolario, Vol. I..., pp. 124-125, 175, 177, 204, 215, 226, 243, 365.
143 L. LASAGNA, Epistolario, Vol. I..., pp. 337, 371-372.
144 Cf. Chap. 21, § 7.
145 Cf. Letters of 13 and 30 September 1877 to Mrs E. Jackson, to Fr R. Yeregui, to Dr E. Carranza, to Mr
E. Fynn and R. Finocchio, prior of the Confraternity of the Misericordia, E III 212-214 e 220-223.

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Sisters and eight Salesians for Montevideo in November.146 He also expressed the thanks and
perpetual gratitude of the Salesians, the blessing of the Holy Father, his belief in the social and
salvific value of the good done for the young, to Mr Enrique Fynn who had given the Pius IX
college and attached Rosa Church to Fr Lasagna.147
In September and October 1877, Bishop Pietro Maria Lacerda of Rio de Janiero came twice to
visit Don Bosco at the Oratory to ask for priests for his diocese.148
Over the same months, Don Bosco tried many approaches in search of the ever insufficient
material means: the Work of Propaganda of the Faith in Lyons, the Secretary General of the
Foreign Affairs Ministry, the State department in France, to seek free ‘sea passages’, the Cardinal
Prefect of Propaganda, Franchi,149 The results were negative. The Lyons Work in particular was
unable to help for reasons Don Bosco already knew about: the Salesian institutions in Argentina
were not officially missionary ones.150 This is why it was officially up to Cardinal Franchi from the
Propaganda Congregation to recognise the existing and foreseeable works as Missions entrusted
to the Salesians, with Fr John Cagliero at the head. In order to obtain this, Don Bosco did not
hesitate to anticipate the future by extending and bending the reality of existing works: the college
at Villa Colón was presented as ‘a college or junior seminary’; the hospice in Buenos Aires was ‘for
poor boys, especially savages’; ‘a house of studies or novitiate had been opened in the same city
for preparing students for the missions’; the Salesians had preached missions in the vicinity of the
savages, and agreement had been reached with Archbishop Aneiros on two settlements ‘nearest to
the savages’ at Santa Cruz and Carhué.’151
Achieving these goals (for now just in his imagination) was still some way off, but Don Bosco
continued his diplomatic though unsuccessful efforts with Cardinal Franchi (who became Secretary
of State on 5 March 1878 and died on 31 July the same year), Leo XIII, and Franchi’s successor,
Cardinal Simeoni, Prefect of Propaganda from 5 March 1878, to obtain two things he had dreamed
of for some time and which had already been the subject of a Petition to Cardinal Franchi
concluding a lengthy memo on the ‘Salesian Missions.’ ‘It seems to me,’ he had written ‘that it is
timely and effective to consolidate the presence and spread of the Gospel in a regular way: 1. By
erecting the Carhué mission as an Apostolic Prefecture. 2. By erecting S. Cruz as an Apostolic
Vicariate.’152 He was asking for canonical structure for missions that still lay in the future and with
personnel that were certainly not overabundant.
‘You tell me,’ he admitted in a letter to the Provincial, Fr Bodrato ‘that you have too much to do. I
know, and I would like to be able to come to your aid. Perhaps you can be consoled by knowing we
are weighed down here with so much that we don’t know any more where to start or where to
finish.’153 He did not promise concrete help in the short term. More personal and demanding was
the exhortation, warning, or ‘reminder’ he gave him on 31 December 1878 (a New Year strenna?).
It certainly had its origins in complaints about the recipient’s strong character and from a familiar
past of inexpressible sacrifices, a man who was heroic in his dedication to a superhuman task. ‘A
special reminder for you’ Don Bosco wrote to him. ‘1. Make every sacrifice to preserve charity and
unity with confreres. 2. When you need to offer correction or give particular advice, never do so in
public but always inter te et illum solum. 3. When you have offered a correction, forget the mistake
146 Letter of 30 September 1877, E III 220.
147 Letter of 30 September 1877, E III 223-224.
148 The Diario dell’Oratorio by Frs Chiala and Lazzero make reference to it: J. M. PRELLEZO, Valdocco
nell’Ottocento..., pp. 59-60.
149 Letters of September and October 1877, E III 225-226, 229-233.
150 To the President of the Work, 30 September 1877, E III 225-226.
151 To Cardinal A. Franchi, October 1877, E III 230-233.
152 Letter of 31 December 1877, E III 256-261.
153 Letter of May 1877, E III 172-173.

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and be first to show the offender kindness. This is the testament of your friend and father, D.
Bosco.’154
Meanwhile, Don Bosco continued his work of persuasion concerning structuring potential
missions in Patagonia. However, in a letter on 18 March 1878, he refashioned earlier requests and
reformulated his question to Cardinal Simeoni with whom he had dealt personally after speaking of
the matter with Leo XIII. He asked that he might ‘deign to praise and bless both projects …
concerning missions in South America and India.’155 ‘An Apostolic Vicariate or Prefecture in
Carmen, also known as Concepción or Patagones;’ ‘an Apostolic Vicariate in Mangalore in India or
for another mission’ for which ‘within a year’ he would need ‘to prepare ten priests and ten
catechists.’156
With the arrival in South America of members of the third expedition, Fr James Costamagna
(1846–1921) would also appear among Don Bosco’s correspondence. Along with his travel
companion, Fr Joseph Vespignani (1884–1932), he became an outstanding figure in the early
Salesian history of the Americas and, already by the end of 1880, successor to the deceased Fr
Bodrato as Rector of the San Carlo College in Buenos Aires, and Provincial. A daring man, he was
soon involved in a risky apostolic voyage, a prelude to many other adventure in life. In May 1878
he left for a mission among the Indios with Mons. Espinosa and young Salesian Fr Evasio
Rabagliati (1855–1920), but the ship that was to take them to Bahía Blanca was nearly
shipwrecked and only returned to base with difficulty.157The founder gave a playful response to his
detailed and imaginative report: ‘Your letter on the storm has been read by everyone.’ ‘Your name
and Fr Rabagliati’s will become two European and American celebrities, with the risk, too, of being
Atlantic celebrities (ending up in the fishes’ mouths).’158
He showed great deference, instead, to the recently professed Salesian from Lugo, Fr Joseph
Vespignani, unusually employing the formal ‘lei’ form instead of the ‘tu’; ‘I know you are working,
but go slowly if you want to achieve much. Work little, that is, no more than your strength allows.
However, I want detailed information on the hospice, novices, novitiate, study, etc.’159
In a circular on 10 March 1879, Don Bosco announced that the Superior Chapter, which met at
Alessio on 7 February, along with some of the rectors, had established four Provinces: Piedmont,
Liguria, Rome and America. ‘Fr Francis Bodratto, [sic], parish priest at Bocca [sic] in Buenos Aires,
would continue in office.’160 The proposal at the Chapter meeting was put in these terms: ‘There is
nothing more to establish for the American Province; Fr Bodrato has been exercising this office for
two or more years already.’161
Meanwhile, believing that ‘the current state of our Missions will allow [the Salesians in America]
to go among the Indians and Patagonians as soon as possible,’ Don Bosco went to Cardinal
Simeoni, Prefect of Propaganda, once more to obtain grants of furniture, church books, and
‘money’ for Salesian works in America and for the missionaries.162 A few days later, he begged the
Pope to intervene with the Work of the Propagation of the Faith in Lyons on behalf of the Oratory,
where ‘a hospice or seminary has been opened in which Gospel workers were being prepared for
the foreign missions,’ bearing in mind that various houses ‘subsidiary to the seminary in Turin,’
154 Letter of 31 December 1878, E III 423-424.
155 Report of audience for Don Bosco, in E III 327-332.
156 To Cardinal G. Simeoni, 18 March 1878, E III 320-321.
157 Cf. Primo tentativo diretto per evangelizzare la Patagonia. Orribile burrasca, BS 2 (1878) no. 7, July, pp.
8-12.
158 Letter of 12 August 1878, E III 378.
159 Letter of 12 August 1878, E III 378-379.
160 E III 451-452.
161 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli generali ossia verbali..., quad. 2, p. 72.
162 Letter of 17 March 1879, E III 456-457.

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(meaning the Oratory at Valdocco), existed at Sampierdarena, Nice, at Saint–Cyre near Frejus, at
Marseilles.163 A month later, via a new Secretary of State, Cardinal Nina, he addressed a petition to
the Pope with four requests: to consider letting the Congregation of Propaganda Fide, rather than
the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs, be the point of reference for Salesian
missionaries; to approve the Salesian missions in such a way that they could validly deal with the
Work of the Propagation of the Faith in Lyons; that ‘for any dealing concerning money or related
matters, reference be made to Fr John Bosco, Rector Major’; to issue a letter of recommendation
in favour of the Salesian Society to the Work in question. He finished the letter by exaggerating
numbers and areas, saying: Salesian missionaries ‘now number more than 100 in Uruguay, the
Argentina Republic, and Paraguay.’164 Regarding Paraguay, some months later he had to justify
himself with Cardinal Nina, explaining why the Salesians had not gone to the Republic despite
pressure from the Apostolic Delegate, Archbishop Di Pietro,165 who ended up calling the
Vincentians there. It was only in 1896 that the Salesians established themselves in Asunción.166
The first temporary Salesian mission among the Indios was realised in April 1879. Mon.
Espinosa, Fr Costamagna, and cleric Botta were admitted to a military expedition sought by the
Minister for War and the Navy, General Julio Roca, which aimed at conquering the Pampas and
Patagonia.167They made contact with the first Indios from peaceful tribes at Carhué. After four
weeks on horseback, they arrived at the mouth of the Rio Negro on the border with Patagonia, at
Choel Choel. On 1, 2 and 4 June, they administered the first baptisms. On 21 June they arrived at
Patagones. The Rio Negro campaign concluded in April 1881, but the missionaries had already
returned to Buenos Aires by sea on 9 July 1879.168 At the end of August, Don Bosco wrote to Fr
Costamagna; ‘Now take up the question seriously with Father Bodrato and the Archbishop
regarding opening a central house for the Sisters and the Salesians at Patagones. Would not one
be equally needed at Carhué? If needs be, I will busy myself with finding personnel and all together
we can look for material means.’169 Over those days he received a letter from Archbishop Anieros
that gave him hope. ‘The moment has finally arrived when I can offer you the Patagonain mission
which you have so much desired, as also the care of souls at Patagones that can serve as the
mission centre.’170 However there was no agreement on erecting ecclesiastical circumscriptions
that would be independent of the Archdiocese of Buenos Aires, a move consistently blocked by the
Ordinary.
The Salesians destined for Patagonia for logistic reasons finally left on 15 January 1880, not 15
December as initially planned.171 The group comprised Fr Fagnano as director of the mission and
163 Letter of 20 March 1879, E III 460-461.
164 Letter of 20 April 1879, E III 468-470.
165 Letter of 16 September 1879, E III 518-519.
166 On the failure of the early negotiations carried out by Fr Bodrato see B. CASALI, Fondazione salesiana a
Buenos Aires-La Boca e prime trattative per l’insediamento salesiano in Paraguay, RSS 17 (1998) 397-
406.
167 Cf. BELZA, ENTRAIGAS, BRUNO, PAESA, La expedición al desierto y los Salesianos. Buenos Aires,
Ediciones Don Bosco 1979. The Bollettino Salesiano wrote of a Secondo tentativo dei Missionarii
Salesiani per introdursi nelle terre dei Pampas: BS 3 (1879) no. 5, May, pp. 4-5; cf. 2, § 8.
168 The Bollettino Salesiano meanwhile began publishing various letters written to Fr G. Costamagna, from
Monsignor M. A. Espinosa and the Archbishop: BS 3 (1879) no. 7, July, pp. 9-12; no. 8, August, pp. 5-6;
no. 9, September, pp. 3-4 ((letter of Monsignor M. A. Espinosa); no. 10, October, pp. 2-6 (in the same
number a paragraph entitled Le porte della Patagonia aperte ai Missionari Salesiani); no. 11, November,
pp. 1-4 (letter of Archbishop F. Aneiros and Fr G. Costamagna).
169 Letter of 31 August 1879, E III 514-515.
170 Letter of Archbishop Aneiros to Don Bosco, 5 August 1879, in A. DA SILVA FERREIRA, Patagonia I. Realtà
e mito nell’azione missionaria salesiana..., RSS 14 (1995) 23, no. 42: again, letter of 5 November 1879
and 16 March 1882.
171 Letter to Countess E. Bosco-Riccardi, 3 January 1880, E III 537.

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parish priest at Carmen de Patagones, two priests, one of whom was to look after Viedma parish
on the other bank of the Rio Negro, a coadjutor and four Sisters. Fr Milanesio arrived in December,
and a few months later Fr Beauvoir with a coadjutor novice. In Rome, Don Bosco insisted with
Cardinal Nina on 22 March 1880, that a canonical structure be established for the Patagonian
mission.172 Following the papal audience on 5 April, Archbishop Domenico Jacobini, Secretary of
the Congregation for Extraordinary Ecclesiastical Affairs, and Cardinal Alimonda, Member of the
Congregation of Propaganda Fide, were appointed to study the question. After meeting with them,
Don Bosco forwarded a memorandum to the Pope in which he presented what the Salesians were
doing in Argentina and indicated Things to be done, among which a Vicariate or Prefecture for
Patagonia and a seminary for the Patagonian missions at Marseilles.173
Two days later, in a measured letter to the Archbishop of Buenos Aires, as the conclusion of ‘a
commission of eminent persons’ in Rome, he presented the proposal ‘to erect an Apostolic
Vicariate of Patagonia with headquarters at Carmen, embracing the colonies established or in the
process of being organised on the banks of the Rio Negro’ from the 36th to 50 th degree of latitude
south. Carmen could become ‘the centre of the Salesian missions among the Indios.’174 He
presented the same proposal in a letter to Fr Bodrato, which he was to present for the approval of
the competent governing authorities.175 And in another personal letter, he explained how the plan
had been shared in Rome, revealing the financial benefits as well that would come from final
approval.176
But relations with the Pope and the Curia were deteriorating due to the quarrels in Turin.177 The
audience on 5 April 1880 was considered very cordial,178 but in a memorandum given Fr Dalmazzo
before leaving Rome, asking him to see to some honours for benefactors, he noted: ‘I was unable
to, and not allowed to present myself at the audience to which the Holy Father himself had invited
me. This left the question of the missions and the Patagonian Vicariate unfinished.179
On 6 August, Fr Bodrato died of an incurable illness discovered while the brief but bloody civil
war was raging in Buenos Aires, fought by troops loyal to the winner of the presidential election,
General Roca, against the troops arrayed in the city in defence of his opponent, Carlos Tejedor, the
Governor of Buenos Aires. In his two final letters to Don Bosco on 6 April and 15 May, Fr Bodrato
stressed how much the figure of his distant Superior meant for the American Salesians, and
highlighted the relevance of the preventive system in the twofold task of assistance and pedagogy.
The founder was a living message for the modus operandi of the Salesians in America: ‘It is from
Don Bosco that we live.’ ‘We need to reverse the sentence that says: Gloria Patris filius sapiens;
the glory of the children is the wise father!’ And after writing about setting up the printing press at
San Carlos College he exclaimed: ‘Oh! If only D. Bosco were here, how much good we could do
with that Press! We are still babes, although I am a good 57 years old.’ ‘From all this it can be well
agreed that D. Bosco’s name is a form of prestige, a mysterious quid which contains a secret
attractive force by which it seems that poor youth are like a spur for us to fill the tents or huts with
them wherever there are some of his sons.’180 In the other letter he begged him: ‘Keep me in mind
on the auspicious day of your name day celebration. Only God knows of my desire [to be relieved
of the task of being Provincial] and you, dear Father, know who Fr Bodrato is – obedient and
172 E III 553-554.
173 Cf. Letter and memoir dated 13 April 1880, E III 567-575.
174 Letter of 15 April 1880, E III 575-576.
175 Letter of 16 April 1880, E III 576-578.
176 Letter of 17 April 1880, E III 580-581.
177 Cf. Chap. 28, §§ 4-6.
178 G. BERTO, Appunti sul viaggio di D. Bosco a Roma nel 1880, pp. 198-211.
179 E III 583.
180 Letter of 6 April 1880, F. BODRATO, Epistolario..., pp. 438-442.

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affectionate to D. Bosco until death, always available for any indication of yours. You may think of
me as one of your veterans and use me for what I am worth.’ He would certainly have wanted to be
at the next General Chapter in September, but his huge work–load did not allow it. ‘On the other
hand I see a great need to have a chat with D. Bosco regarding matters it is difficult for me to write
to you about, matters that are very difficult to make understood, but which deserve discussion.’ 181
3.2 Fr James Costamagna’s term as Provincial and division of the American Province
On 4 August, the same date as the telegram which brought news of the death of the first Provincial
in America, Don Bosco sent out a circular to Salesian houses there and ordered suffrages for the
deceased, temporarily appointing Fr James Costamagna as Provincial.182 He sent an identical
communication to Cardinal Nina, describing the American and European works in general terms.183
He asked Fr Costamagna to quickly send to Turin all the paperwork referring to Fr Bodrato and
imparted some guidelines for governing: ‘Take the rules and do what you can to promote their
observance … meet often with your Chapter and get Fr Vespignani to speak. Also consult the
Archbishop.’184
Don Bosco told Fr Fagnano, a great worker but somewhat independent, that his being sent to
Patagonia, which Fr Fagnano felt was a sign of lesser esteem, was the result of ‘everything I have
come to know … urging me to send someone of absolute confidence, and capable of moving
things forward, but secure in morality.’ The final quotation, however, was not selected by chance,
given some of the administrative problems that had arisen at San Nicolás: Obliviscere domum et
parentes tuos, iacta super eos curas Domini.185
Later he sent Fr Costamagna a copy of the letter to the new President of Argentina, General
Julio Roca, dated 19 November, related to the planned Vicariate of Patagonia, which would have
pleased neither the Archbishop nor the political authorities. In fact, the Vicariate was never officially
recognised, not even after its pontifical erection on November 16, 1883. At the end of the letter,
Don Bosco did not fail to remind Costamagna of American debts faced by the centre in Turin,
already a heavy cross for Fr Bodrato.186
Other than the first month of 1881, this year and the first part of 1882 saw Don Bosco’s
correspondence with America become rarer. He was weighed down by huge problems with the
Holy See on delicate issues.187 But the works continued to develop, thanks to the enterprise and
tenacity of the men working there. Don Bosco did not forget them. With real joy he announced to
Cardinal Nina the blessing of the missionaries, set for 20 January 1881, who would be departing
from Genoa for South America on the 22nd and included in the parcel the envelope of a letter with
the first stamp from Patagonia.188 He also attached two copies of a prospectus of the American
Missions, one reserved for the Pope.189 It was published by L’Unità Cattolica on 15 January 1881,
under the title Don Bosco in his missions, emphasising that ‘supporting Don Bosco is not only an
act of Catholic Faith but also of love for the homeland and of true humanity, as the Diritto of 7
January indicates.190 From the same perspective, with a view to obtaining grants for the imminent
181 Letter to Don Bosco, 15 May 1880, F. BODRATO, Epistolario..., pp. 458-459.
182 Circ. 4 August 1880, E III 611-612.
183 Letter “From the House at Nizza Monferrato, 20 August 1880”, E III 615-617.
184 Letter of 22 August 1880, E III 619-620.
185 Letter of 21 October 1880, E III 631-632.
186 Letter of 12 November 1880, E III 633-634.
187 Cf. Chap. 28, §§ 4-6.
188 Letter of 12 January 1881, E IV 2-3.
189 Cf. text in MB XV 15, no. 4.
190 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 12, Saturday 15 January 1881, p. 46.

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expedition, Don Bosco sent Benedetto Cairoli, the Prime Minister and the Minister for Foreign
Affairs, a memorandum with some brief information on what the Salesians had done in Uruguay,
the Argentine republic, and Patagonia.191
On 31 January 1881, Don Bosco signed a bundle of letters addressed to Fr Costamagna and
other Salesians: 14 of these remain, plus one to a domestic. They contain elements of spiritual and
material direction. He especially encouraged Fr Costamagna to follow up procedures for ‘business’
that was of ‘great importance’: erection of an Apostolic Prefecture in Patagonia. He concluded with
his official investiture as Provincial: ‘The Superior Chapter has finally elected you as American
Provincial and the decree will be sent you forthwith. It will be a guide for sanctifying you and for you
to sanctify others.’192 He reminded Fr Fagnano: ‘Patagonia is our Congregation’s greatest
undertaking. You will know about it all in good time but I cannot hide from you the great
responsibility that weighs upon you.” He concluded: ‘Observe our rules and see they are observed
as far as is possible for you to do so.’193
He also wrote to Fr Lasagna, including letters to individual confreres in the parcel, and informing
him of Salesians about to arrive. ‘It was not possible to have printers’ he explained, ‘Those suitable
lack courage and those with courage lack the skill.’ He provided news of the many trips he and Fr
Cagliero were making: ‘I am also going around the whole world!’194 He wrote to Bishop Vera about
the imminent arrival of ‘a small band of Salesians and Sisters,’ while thanking him for his protection
and charity. 195
Later, various letters concerned the arrival of Fr Lasagna back in Italy for surgery, its positive
outcome and his return with news regarding splitting the American province into two, and the
problem of the Apostolic Vicariate or Prefecture.196 ‘May God bless us all and make the Salesians
saints for me and a great saint of yourself’ he wished the Provincial in Argentina.197
By decree of the founder and Rector Major of the Salesian Society, on 8 December 1881, Fr
Louis Lasagna was appointed Provincial of Uruguay and Brazil. The pressing problem of the
ecclesiastical circumscription of Patagonia, while always prominent in Don Bosco’s thinking,
contrasted with the much broader prospects in Brazil at an historical level, and with the gradual
relativisation of the missionary activity in the sparsely populated vast region of Argentina,
increasingly a land of settlers and civilised groups.
3.3 Spiritual animation of individuals and the whole group
While still the confessor and spiritual director in Turin and of the houses he visited in Italy and
France, Don Bosco did not give up on carrying out an activity of spiritual animation also with
confreres, young people, and benefactors overseas. Those who insist on Don Bosco the
‘entrepreneur’ lose sight of the truer Don Bosco, ever the priest for young people and those
involved with them. Whether he was one or the other, salvation of souls was the greatest ‘business’
for him.
While the missionaries were still on the way, the Superior concluded his final letter, addressed in
1875 to Fr Cagliero, with words that testified to how keen was his concern for them, their physical
191 Letter of 16 January 1881, E IV 4-6.
192 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 7-8.
193 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 14.
194 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 14-15.
195 To Bishop G. Vera, 31 January 1881, E IV 16.
196 To Countess C. Callori, 21 July 1881, E IV 70; to Fr G. Costamagna, 1 and10 October 1881, E IV 83 and
86; to Fr D. Tomatis, 21 December 1881, E IV 100-101.
197 Letter to Fr G. Costamagna, 1 October 1881, E IV 83.

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and spiritual life; ‘See. If possible, that you read together the reminders I gave you before your
departure.’198 Especially energetic and vibrant was the letter sent from Alessio on 7 March 1876 to
Fr Tommatis, to whom he had addressed a stern warning through Fr Cagliero,199 ‘A missionary
must be ready to give his life for the greater glory of God, so should he not, then, be able to put
with a bit of antipathy from a companion even if he has considerable faults?’200
The most frequent topic was the practice of the monthly Exercise for a Happy Seath: ‘This is the
key to everything.’201 Another key point was insisted on in the postscripts to a page included in the
letter to Fr Cagliero on 14 January 1877. He referred to advice given him by Pius IX: ‘Recommend
from me that they keep a vigilant eye on observance of your rules, speciatim vero on morality,
which is exposed to consistent risk in those places.’202
As well as giving rectors and others information, he asked them to pass on greetings and
spiritual thoughts to benefactors and friends.203 After the storm at sea in 1878, he gave Fr
Costamagna the task of greeting the prior and confreres at the Misericordia and letting various
Salesians know that he remembered them everyday in prayer, as well as entrusting himself to
theirs. He then gave him a stern command: ‘I am making an appointment with you all in heaven.
Woe to the one who does not turn up!’ 204
He gave real spiritual accompaniment from a distance to young priest Fr Taddeo Remotti
(1854–1932), suggesting ways for him to continue with his inner growth: ‘By mortification, a brief
prayer, and labouring, all for the love of God.’ ‘I am happy with you. Keep going. Obedience in your
behaviour and foster obedience in others.’ 205 He suggested to Fr Fagnano: ‘Always remind all our
Salesians of the motto we have adopted: Labor et temperantia.’206 To the whimsical but charming
Fr Tommatis (1849–1912), as soon as he became Rector at San Nicolás de los Arroyos, he asked
him to write to him sometimes: ‘See, and I order you to do this, that you are a model of work,
mortification, humility and obedience for the ones who have just arrived.’ ‘However, I want you to
write some long letters to me which can be like a rendiconto at the retreat, and tell me frankly
about your life, virtues, and past, present and future miracles. What do you say to that? Dear Fr
Tommatis, love D. Bosco just as I bear great affection for you.’207 Fr Tommatis was not lacking in
frankness, and replied with a bubbly letter full of optimism and willingness to work.208
The warning, instead, to a coadjutor who was ‘tempted to leave the Congregation’ was curt. ‘Do
not do this. You are consecrated to God by perpetual vows, you are a Salesian missionary, one of
the first to go to America, and you are a great confidant of D. Bosco – and you want to return to the
world where there is so much risk of perversion? I hope you will not do this silly thing. Write of the
reasons bothering you and as a father I will give advice to a beloved son which will make you
happy in this life and in eternity.’209 The individual’s name, with fatherly and personalised greeting,
returned in another spiritual letter to Fr Remotti, who had sent Don Bosco news and greetings. 210
There was a brief and encouraging letter to young priest Valentino Cassini (1851–1922) whom he
198 Letter of 4 December 1875, Em IV 574.
199 To Fr G. Cagliero, 12 February 1876, E III 17-18, cited in Chap. 21, § 6.
200 E III 27. In summer 1877 Molinari had already left the Congregation.
201 To Fr G. Cagliero, 1 August 1876, E III 81.
202 E III 142..
203 For example, to Fr L. Lasagna, 1 November 1877, E III 235; to Fr G. Fagnano, 14 November 1877, E III
236.
204 Letter to Fr G. Costamagna, 12 August 1878, E III 378.
205 Letter 11 November 1877, E III 235-236.
206 Letter of 14 November 1877, E III 236.
207 Letter of 14 November 1877, E III 237.
208 Letter to Fr Bosco, 4 January 1878, D. TOMATIS, Epistolario..., pp. 118-120.
209 Letter of 1 December 1877, E III 247. Bartolomeo Scavini died as a Salesian in 1918 at 79 years of age.
210 Letter of 12 January 1878, E III 271.

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came to know was in ‘somewhat poor’ health. ‘If necessary I will try to have you spend some time
in Europe. Age viriliter, si vis coronari feliciter.’211
After the ‘terrible storm’ in 1878, the message to Fr Costamagna was almost telegraphic:
‘Goodbye my dear son. On earth, work and in heaven, eternal enjoyment.’212Similarly brief but
complete was the one to Fr Fassio (1853–1936): ‘Never doubt my great benevolence for you, and
all my dear sons in America. As for conscience matters, continue as you have written. The calm will
come after the storm.’213
Some of the short messages brought by members of the fourth expedition were also about
spiritual direction for various individuals. There was reassurance and encouragement. ‘Continue
doing what you can,’ ‘try to produce many holy novices for me’ he recommended to Fr
Costamagna.214 ‘Before anything else, give me news of your health and holiness’ he wrote to Fr
Vespignani, by now using the ‘tu’ form. Then tell me what you are doing, how the novitiate and
studentate are going etc. For my part I assure you I am happy with your behaviour and the letters
you have written me. Do what you can but only what you can. Place full trust in the Lord, saying
with St Paul: Omnia possum in eo, qui me confortat.’ ‘Promote charity among our confreres.’215 ‘I
am happy with you and I love you very much in J.C. and pray to the Lord for you every day’ he
encouraged Fr Fassio, ‘Sanctify the others by sanctifying yourself.’216 Again, with Fr Remotti he
rejoiced at the ‘frankness with which you so often have written’ and he tendered him some ‘advice’;
‘1. Put up with the faults of others even when they are hurtful to us. 2. Cover over other’s failures
and never mock someone if he is offended. 3. Work, but work for love of Jesus; put up with
everything but never be uncharitable. Alter alterius onera portate et sic adimplebitis legem
Christi.’217 He repeated the formula for Salesianity to Fr Cassini; ‘Continue being sal terare et lux
mundi and things for you will go from good to better. Charity and patience with all, observance of
our practices of piety.’218 ‘Humility and obedience will ensure your perseverance in doing good’ he
reminded Fr Giovanni [Pietro] Allavena (1855–87).219
He gave Fr Tommatis, the new Rector at San Nicolás de los Arroyos, ‘Some advice I always
give rectors’ while assuring him: ‘We are placing full trust and hope in you: … 1. Take great care of
your health and that of your subjects; see that no one works too hard or is idle. 2. Try to give
example in piety and observance of our rules and see that they are observed by others, especially
meditation, the visit to the Blessed Sacrament, weekly confession, Mass well celebrated and
frequent communion for non–priests. 3. Heroism is putting up with others’ weaknesses. 4. Much
kindness to pupils, much ease and freedom for them to confess.’220
Other similar instructions were given to Fr Bodrato as Provincial, meant for Salesians, in a letter
on 17 April 1880: ‘Work as your health allows,’ ‘but let each one guard against illness,’ ‘observance
of our rules. Woe to us if we study them without practising them!’221
Solidarity, unity, courage were recommended in particular after Fr Bodrato’s death. He
suggested to Fr Vespignani: ‘Patience, prayer, courage; this is our program at the moment. Do
everything you can to encourage people and remove discontent. Tell the students and our novices
211 Letter of 12 June 1878, E III 352.
212 Letter of 12 August 1878, E III 378.
213 Letter dated “Anno 1878”, E III 379.
214 Letter of 31 December 1878, E III 423.
215 Letter of 31 December 1878, E III 424.
216 Letter of 31 December 1878, E III 424.
217 Letter of 31 December 1878, E IV 425.
218 Letter of 31 December 1878, E III 425.
219 Letter of 31 December 1878, E III 425-426.
220 Letter of 30 September 1879, E III 524-525.
221 E III 580-581.

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that I expect certain things from them. Morality, humility, study, this is their program.’222 He told Fr
Fassio: At the moment, praebe te ipsum exemplum bonorum operum. Let no one lose courage at
the moment; let no one complain or take a backward step. Courage, God is with us.’223
The advice and admonishments circulated in the series of letters to individuals dated 31
January 1881 were great in spiritual content. He reminded Fr Costamagna of the significance of
being a Salesian: ‘I limit myself to telling you: Tu vero vigila in omnibus labora, sicut bonus miles
Christi. But never forget we are Salesians. Sal et lux. The salt of gentleness, patience, charity.
Light in all our outward activities ut videant opera nostra bona et glorificent Patrem nostrum qui in
coelis est.’224
To Fr Vespignani, to whom he had written many times, he wished that ‘God may see that you
give me a numerous band of aspirants, then novices, professed, and fervent Salesians.’ He also
asked him to pass on ‘advice for being happy’ from ‘their friends in Europe.’ ‘Avoid sin and go to
Holy Communion.’225 To Fr Tommatis, who was always reluctant to write, he reaffirmed his
unchanging benevolence and added a recommendation for him: ‘Observance of the rules by which
we are consecrated to the Lord, especially the monthly Exercise for a Happy Death’ and a
reminder for the boys: ‘ Time is a great treasure, so guard against wasting even a moment of it.’226
‘Write to me more often, but long letters,’ he insisted with Fr Remotti, adding: ‘However. While you
are busy with others’ souls do not forget your own. The Exercise for a Happy Death once a month
must never be overlooked. ‘Work, the reward is ready and heaven awaits us. Ibi nostra fixa sint
corda, ubi vera sunt gaudia.’227
He showed even more affectionate concern with cleric Giuseppe Quaranta, giving practical
examples of the system of loving–kindness: ‘Study and piety will make a true Salesian of you.’ ‘The
Exercise for a Happy Death and frequent communion are the key to everything. Is your health
good now? Are you truly good? Are you preserving your vocation? Do you feel you are ready for
the ordinations? Here is a subject for a letter which I am awaiting. May God bless you my dear 40
[!]’228
Very warm and personalised too was the implicit chat with another cleric close to ordination: ‘My
dear Paseri (1859–85) you have always been the delight of my heart and now I love you even
more because you are totally dedicated to the Missions, which means to say you have abandoned
everything to dedicate yourself to winning souls. So courage,’ ‘prepare yourself to be a good priest,
a holy Salesian … do not forget this friend of your soul.’229
He reserved his customary Praebe te ipsum exemplum etc., from the letter to Titus 2:7, for cleric
Carlo Peretto (1860–1923).230 ‘Go ahead with study and piety,’ he requested of cleric Bartolomeo
Panaro (1851–1919), simply reminding him: ‘Obedience, and the Exercise for a Happy Death,
constantly. That is all.’231
He said he knew about Fr Valentino Cassino’s amount of work but also asked him ‘not to forget
the study of theology and care of souls. St Paul feared that being busy with others could put your
222 Letter of 22 August 1880, E III 620. “At this moment”: on 4 August the Provincial, Fr Bodrato, dired.
223 Letter of 22 August 1880, E III 620.
224 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 7.
225 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 8.
226 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 8-9.
227 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 9-10.
228 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 10. He died at 88 years of age in 1947 at Buenos Aires.
229 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 10.
230 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 11.
231 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 12.

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soul at risk. Ne cum aliis praedicaverim ipse reprobus efficiar.’ ‘The eternal reward is great. Let us
earn it at all cost.’232
He expected steadiness in vocation from cleric Calcagno (1859–99): ‘Do not look back. Let us
look to heaven which awaits us. We have a great reward prepared for us there. Work, win souls
and save your own for me. Simplicity and obedience are everything for you.’233
He wrote to Fr Cipriano (1848–94): ‘In particular I encourage you to look after your health and
every month make the Exercise for a Happy Death well. But be careful that while you are busy with
others’ souls you don’t forget your own.’234 ‘Good example, especially in obedience’ was what he
proposed to coadjutor Giacomo Ceva (1851–1916).235
Finally, he reserved a brief letter of best wishes for the first Uruguayan Salesian cleric who then
became a priest: ‘May the Lord who called you to be a Salesian, but a fervent and exemplary
Salesian, help you to win many souls for him for heaven. You will do that by your good example,
and exact observance of our rules.’236
232 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 12-13.
233 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 13.
234 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 16.
235 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 17.
236 Letter to cleric J. P. Rodríguez Silva (1856-1935), 31 January 1881, E IV 17.

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Chapter 28
Freedom of action in civil and ecclesiastical society
(1878–82)
1876
First notifications regarding legal credentials of teachers in the Oratory’s secondary
classes.
1877 8 December: Count Cays’ religious profession.
1878
10 October: a forceful warning from the Provincial School Council on the legal
position of secondary teachers;
4 December: sanatio of Count Cays’ profession
1879
March: Report to the Holy See on the moral and material state of the Pious Society
of St Francis de Sales;
16 May: ministerial decree of closure;
26: appeal to the Minister for Public Instruction, Michele Coppino;
July 6: petition and explanation to King Umberto I;
13 November: appeal to the King to have the decree annulled;
24 December: appeal passed on to the Council of State.
1880 February 26: the Council of State examines the appeal and asks for clarification;
30 June: anti–congregation decrees come into force in France;
7 July: Don Bosco provides the requested clarification on his secondary classes.
1881
January: Don Bosco ready for a settlement of recent disputes with Archbishop
Gastaldi;
27 May: a fleeting understanding between Don Bosco and Canon Colomiatti;
11 June: solution to the problem entrusted to the Pope;
29 November: Council of State rejects the appeal;
15 December: Presentation to the Cardinals of the Congregation of the Council;
22 December: the King signs the decree of rejection.
1882
31 January: Rome takes over the process regarding the anti–Gastaldi libellous
material;
20 May: Fr Dalmazzo delegated as plenipotentiary to deal with the ‘Concordia’;
17 June: Signing of the ‘Concordia’ sought by the Poepe;
23 June: the ‘Concordia’ communicated to Don Bosco.

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We have seen that almost by way of retaliation against the many voices urging freedom, Don
Bosco, with a certain touch of irony, loved proposing to young people that they have the courage to
feel free and profess their freedom to witness to their faith and openly act as Christians.
This was the chief motive behind his own activity in civil and religious society, and he had to pay
a price for it. What he was asking of various authorities was that he be left free to do good for
young people and that this would, above all, benefit society and the Church.
We have also seen how he employed current moral thinking on ‘mere penal laws’ in good
conscience when dealing with conscription or military service, and even, where Canon Law was
concerned, did not hold to rigid interpretation when it seemed to be less favourable in matters he
considered would promote the greater glory of God and the salvation of souls. We have seen a
number of cases, and we will see more of them, where he became a punctilious and confident nit–
picker in legal matters, though not always rewarded for it as he would have wished. We will find
further examples in this chapter, with mixed results. Apart from the varying significance of the
events in question, they continue to throw light on significant aspects of his personality: his kind,
loving but firm approach, trust in God, his enterprising nature, directness but also opportunism,
intransigence but always ready for dialogue.
The letter he wrote on 13 June 1879 to Cardinal Nina, the new Protector of the Salesian
Society, was a partial echo of some of the battles he was engaged in at the height of his struggles
for freedom for his school, and diocesan conflicts. The link he established between these was
hardly a credible one. He wrote that ‘opposition from this Ordinary is increasingly connected with
opposition from civil and scholastic authorities. Therefore, Your Eminence can easily imagine how
much we have had to labour and suffer to start up the Salesian Congregation, sustain and
consolidate it without temporal support and material means.’1 It was a simplistic interpretation of a
much more complex situation brought about by very different kinds of episodes, some of them of
unforeseen gravity which had ended up creating such a knot that in a particular ecclesial context
the Pope felt he had to intervene personally to untie it.
1. The Count Cays case: an irregularity with serious consequences
We have noted that in the first half of 1878, relations between Don Bosco and the Archbishop were
substantially peaceful ones. Differences over the matter of the two churches in Turin presented as
a monument to Pius IX were quickly smoothed over.2
In May, the Archbishop was in poor health at Eremo, the Seminary’s holiday house in the hills
outside Turin, but he did offer some peace gestures from there. He informed Don Bosco of coming
ordinations and asked him to send along documentation for intending ordinands. He also promised
he would probably be available for the Feast of Mary Help of Christians, and invited him to agree
on a date for confirming the boys at Valdocco. Don Bosco thanked him and passed on information
of a non–provocative kind regarding the reference to Pius IX for the Church of St John the
Evangelist, and informed him of the Cooperators Conference on 16 May.3
When he found he could not officiate for Mary Help of Christians, the Archbishop then gave his
consent for inviting another bishop.4 On the following day, Don Bosco asked the Ordinary for
authorisation for the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians to go to Chieri. This was gladly granted
1 E III 475.
2 Cf. Chap. 27, § 1.4.
3 Cf. letter of 9 and 12 May 1878, E III 339-340 and 341.
4 Cf. letter of Don Bosco to the Archbishop 18 May, E III 342-343.

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on 19 June.5 On 25 May he asked the Archbishop for testimonials for a cleric, renouncing the
dispensation obtained vivae vocis oraculo from Pius IX which Cardinal Ferrieri declared invalid on
12 April 1876.6 Further on, the Archbishop indicated his readiness to celebrate a Mass on the Feast
of St Aloysius, transferred from 23 June.7 A new request for testimonials for another cleric coming
from the Seminary in Turin was forwarded on 4 November, with positive results.8
But an extremely unpleasant event soon disturbed this relative calm. Don Bosco was made to
feel that his decisions as a Religious Superior could not be trusted, as the result of a discretionary
interpretation of a canonical instruction from Rome regarded as sacrosanct. In the Count Cays
case, in fact, the decision taken seemed to be legitimate in his view and, moreover, in agreement
with the interpretation given by some authoritative canonists.
Sixty four year–old Count Carlo Cays (1813–82) entered the Oratory on 26 May 1877 in order to
become a Salesian. Of rock–solid Catholic Faith, he had become a widower with one child, Luigi,
back in 1845. He had been a member of the Subalpine Parliament for three years (1857–60) and
was always on the front line of Catholic militancy as a member of the St Vincent de Paul
Conferences and in all kinds of good works. Educated at the Carmel College in Turin by the
Jesuits, he had a degree in Jurisprudence and an excellent religious culture. He had been Salesian
in his ideals and mentality since Don Bosco began the oratories, and had been a consultor and
mediator in events relating to the Letture Cattoliche and the printing press sold to the Bishop of
Mondovì. As a Cooperator, right from the outset he shared the vicissitudes, problems, successes
and spirit of the Salesian Society.
It seemed obvious to the founder that it was permissible for a novice, who was exceptional from
every point of view, to anticipate his religious profession by some months. Don Bosco admitted him
to clerical clothing on 17 September, and six and a half months after entering the Oratory, on 8
December, in the presence of the entire Oratory community – professed, novices, young academic
and trade students – Don Bosco received his profession of perpetual vows. The rite was
celebrated in the Church of St Francis de Sales which the new Salesian had contributed to and in
which he had earlier been prior of the St Aloysius Sodality and feast day. Don Bosco said how
‘deeply moved’ he had been, and gave the assembly gathered for the celebrations a long
conference on the austere but exultant beauty of religious consecration.9
According to Archbishop Gastaldi, the validity of this profession seemed immediately to be in
doubt. When the Count was presented for minor orders, he wanted him duly furnished with
ecclesiastical patrimony and only then did he grant dimissorials. Similarly, he ordained him deacon
on 15 June 1878, but he had already earlier informed the Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops
and Regulars, Cardinal Ferrieri, of the juridical anomaly of the shortened (halved) novitiate. By
letter, on 18 May 1878, the Cardinal informed Don Bosco in general terms that the Roman
Congregation was ‘aware’ that he had admitted students of his Institute to profession without them
[having] completed the Novitiate year.’ Therefore he was asking him formally to ‘make known if he
had obtained and by what means, such a faculty from the Holy See to shorten the novitiate for
such students.’ He was awaiting reply ‘by return mail.’10
On 18 June, Don Bosco limited his reply to the Cays case, and assisted by Jesuit canonist Fr
Giovanni Battista Rostagno, he stated that he considered the dispensation granted to be valid and
licit. He invoked Bouix to support this view – citing the treatise De jure regularum pt. 4, Ch. 5, no.
5 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 19 May, E III 343.
6 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 25 May 1878, E III 347-348.
7 Letter of Don Bosco June 1878, E III 355.
8 Letter of 4 November 1878, E III 407.
9 Documenti XVIII 412-417.
10 Documenti XIX 166.

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11 – according to which the normally strict ruling of the Council of Trent on the integrity of the
novitiate year in institutes of simple vows could admit of exceptions in various cases.11 Cays was
‘an individual outstanding for his piety, talents, doctrine, long and active life in God’s service,’ ‘a
learned man with a degree in utroque jure, and learned too in Dogmatic and Moral Theology,’ ‘who
even before beginning his novitiate had spent some months trying out religious life which he was
thinking of embracing at the Mother house of the Salesians, renouncing the comforts of life. He
was already more than sixty five years old. Hence there was no doubt as to his excellent quality as
a novice, or the maturity of his decision, or the firm nature of his holy resolution, or the good he
could achieve in the service of religion and the Church.’12
Ferrieri replied on 25 June, insisting on the irregularity that had occurred, contrary even to the
Constitutions of the Salesian Society. Don Bosco was asked, ’by which faculty he had granted the
dispensation, not the reasons why.’ The conclusion was a command: ‘You can well see … that to
regularise the status of Count Cays Giletta, who is deserving of every concern, there is a need to
have recourse to the Holy See.’13
In a desire to salvage his honour as founder and superior of the Congregation, but also to avoid
his noble friend, who was unaware of all this, from having the unpleasant task of forwarding a
formal request for a ‘sanatio’, Don Bosco asked the Cardinal in his reply on 17 July, ‘as a favour’
that he accept the reasons which appeared to legitimate what he could do. With his usual tenacity
he gave another summary explanation according to ‘accredited canonists like Bouix, Ferraris’ and
‘an authoritative statement’ of the Pope’s passed on to him by a worthy bishop.’14
This was the least helpful tactic for a quick and painless solution. On 29 July, Ferrieri replied
curtly: ‘There is no need for you to insist on justifying your irregular action …Therefore, according
to the earlier letter of 25 June, you simply need to request a “sanatio” for the aforesaid novitiate
and profession, with a statement in writing from Count Cays Giletta expressing his willingness for
the “sanatio” to be granted.’15
Don Bosco put the letter aside without doing anything. Meanwhile, on 20 September,
Archbishop Gastaldi ordained Count Cays priest, naturally not with titulo mensae communis, and
the new priest celebrated his first solemn Mass in the Cathedral in Turin before a numerous
gathering of Lords and Ladies, acquaintances and friends from the subalpine aristocracy and a
huge crowd of well–wishers. After the ordination, Cays went down to the hospice in Sampierdarena
where he celebrated Mass assisted by Don Bosco, who was already down there for a retreat.16
Probably in relation to this ordination, Cardinal Ferrieri returned to the matter on 25 September:
‘Since until today you have not carried out what has been asked above you are invited to do so
quickly so the Sacred Congregation does not omit provisions it believes most appropriate
regarding the claimed novitiate and profession.’17 Don Bosco did not seem to be in any hurry to
reply. His friend, the Bishop of Vigevano, Pietro De Gaudenzi, asked him to attend to it, presenting
him with a surprisingly positive view of the Cardinal Prefect, suggesting that his concern was for
the Superior of the Salesian Society to arrive at a solution that would salvage the principles and be
as least onerous as possible. Ferrieri had asked the bishop to insist on the matter with Don Bosco.
11 Tractatus de jure Religiosorum ubi et de religiosis familiis quae vota solemnia vel etiam simplicia
perpetua non habent auctore Dominique Bouix... Editio tertia, t. I. Parisiis, Apud Perisse Fratres 1882,
pp. 577-578.
12 E III 352-354.
13 Documenti XIX 192.
14 E III 364.
15 Documenti XIX 198.
16 Cf. letter of Don Bosco to lawyer A. Fortis, 22 September 1878, E III 387.
17 Letter to Don Bosco 25 September 1878, Documenti XIX 230.

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The bishop told him: ‘You have nothing to lose and it will be to your advantage and for the good of
your Society.’18
In replying to his friend, Don Bosco once more insisted on his motives, citing ‘authors of Canon
Law Bouix, Suarez, Ferraris.’ He concluded without enthusiasm, even defending himself on the
more general matter of testimonials: ’If you think it prudent, then, you could write “mission
accomplished.” The request for a sanatio has been sent in October …‘19 Clearly his inner
conviction about the matter had not been altered. However, Cardinal Ferrieri was gentle in applying
the law. By decree of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, passed, on 4 December 1878,
Cays was asked to spend just a month in the novitiate house under the guidance of the novice
master and to conclude it with a legitimate profession of vows. The decree ended with a serious
warning: ‘Moreover, the Congregation issues a serious warning to the Superior General to abstain
absolutely from similar steps in the future.’20 When the curial lawyer, Fr Costantino Leonori, sent
the document on 12 December, he wrote: ‘Be patient. Remember that St Joseph Calasanzio was
brought to the Holy Office. Do not be dismayed, then, by the wording of the Rescript.’ 21
The ‘sanatio’ was not too demanding, but once again Don Bosco had done nothing to endear
himself to the Cardinal who could have been of valuable assistance in the not too remote future. In
his responsibility as founder and superior of a canonically approved Religious Institute dedicated to
a mission which he felt was constrained by legal quibbles, he felt it his duty to defend it to the bitter
end, also comforted by the Jesuit Fr Rostagno’s skills in Canon Law. Perhaps others would have
thought it more productive to have highlighted the ‘persuasions’ fed by authoritative canonists
which had led him in good faith to take a decision which was contrary to current practice according
to the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, and ask for the sanatio required by Canon Law
without further delay.
2. The struggle for freedom for his school (October 1878 to December 1881)
There were many motivations sustaining Don Bosco in the tough school battle from 1878–81:
Safeguarding the rights acquired in this area by the Oratory which offered secondary education to
boys unable to attend public secondary schools, his aversion to bureaucratic legalism, and his
claim of freedom for a social activity which the State did not pay attention to. There was also his
rational and functional deployment of available personnel, making considerable savings of financial
resources by not taking on external teachers who would also be less suited to guaranteeing
educational autonomy and homogeneity.
Defence of his secondary classes, which survived despite temporary formal closure, revealed
once more his typical pragmatism as a daring ‘helmsman’. As was his custom, it lead him to
playing more than one game at a time, depending on who was his antagonist and what the
circumstances were at the time.
Don Bosco’s personality and tenacity meant that the local problem almost became a national
case, with protracted journalistic polemics and even repercussions in France. For a brief time it
was also a battle of principle regarding freedom of teaching. The Oratory secondary classes had to
be saved at all costs. It was happening in the Mother house of Salesian work at its administrative
and animating centre, and closure could have meant disqualification of a Religious Society which
18 Letter to Don Bosco 27 November 1878, Documenti XIX 265.
19 To Bishop P. G. De Gaudenzi, 1 December 1878, E III 420.
20 Decree of 4 December 1878, Documenti XIX 278.
21 Letter to Don Bosco 12 December 1878, Documenti XIX 277.

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had already gained great visibility and renown in Italy for its academic colleges from Lanzo to
Borgo S. Martino, Alassio to Varazze, Valsalice to Este, Magliano Sabina to Randazzo (Sicily).’
Don Bosco was personally involved, though assisted by the Director of Studies for the Salesian
Society, Fr Celestino Durando (1840–1907) and Prof. Giuseppe Allievo (1830–1913) who from
1861 to 1912 was head of Pedagogy at Turin University. Also joining the fray was the warrior
philosophy teacher at the Oratory, Fr Giuseppe Bertello (1848–1910). Backed by L’Unità Cattolica
and by broad Catholic public opinion, they joined battles with the energy that matched their deep
belief that they needed to counter secular and masonic forces with all means available. These
forces were aiming to establish a social order protected from clerical and religious influences. Don
Bosco had spoken of this at one of the final sessions of the First General Chapter, at which he
formulated some damning judgements on the Italian political situation: ‘The current aim of the
Government and especially the Ministry is to pull down everything that smacks of religion. It has
used every pretext to destroy religious instruction; it expressly confuses teaching, changes and
switches syllabuses, so that Religious who use approaches developed from ancient times no
longer know how to respond to modern thinking.’
2.1 Lead up to decree of closure, defence plans
Don Bosco was already working on plans for defence with his usual flexibility, from the first sounds
of alarm when the Left came to power in 1876, and until the decree of closure in May 1879. His
plans revolved around various alternative configurations for the secondary school at the Oratory: a
ginnasio privato (private secondary) or also a ginnasio privato gestito da una casa di beneficenza
(private secondary school run by a house of charity.’22
The hypothesis of a private secondary school would have been, at least theoretically, the one
best responding to the notion of the Salesian Society as an association of citizens possessing all
their civil rights, not asking for privileges and showing it was able to operate within the scholastic
arena according to law: duly authorised, official syllabuses, certified teachers. Don Bosco stated
this emphatically in an historical session of the First General Chapter, outlining the profile of the
Salesian in civil society.23 But it would have required considerable staff numbers who needed to be
qualified over time with all the relevant financial burden this implied, staff who would need to be
full–time teaching. This would have taken away from management roles much in demand at a time
when works were expanding so much.
Hence in relation to the secondary school at Valdocco, which he saw as a charitable hospice
rather than a boarding school and hostel like Lanzo, Alassio, Valsalice and the like, qualifying it as
a private secondary school was something he did and often presented as something he was forced
to do to avoid harassment, and not out of respect for the law but rather for local school authorities
who looked upon it as such, providing for it as they did for public secondary schools. Over the
course of the battle, it was this recognition that was contested at a certain point.
By imposing absolute and total conformity in organisation, management, syllabuses, timetables,
the left–wing bureaucracy ended up denying freedom for non–state teaching, freedom sanctioned
by the Casati law. As we will see further on, the defence was mounted in these terms, though
unsuccessfully, pushed by Prof. Allievo during the brief advent to the Ministry of Public Instruction
of Sicilian Senator Francesco Paolo Perez (14 July –29 November 1879).
22 Cf. Chap. 1, § 8; Chap. 13, § 2.3.
23 Cf. Chap. 26, § 1.2.

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When he saw the impracticality of the private secondary school option, Don Bosco took up the
alternative position, but one he had adopted back in the 1860s and which he had presented with
great clarity to Minister Domenico Berti in 1866: the secondary school at Valdocco had always
been run by a charitable work whose director gave his young residents everything a father of a
family would normally provide his children with; lodgings, food, clothing, instruction. Therefore it
ought to be recognised under law as a scuola paterna or home school.24
It was the simplest and least costliest solution. In real terms, Don Bosco did not have the legal
structures to give it this configuration. In his case the person running it could only call himself a
father in terms of sustenance, assistance and education and for a limited number of orphaned or
homeless children, but he did not legally, ‘stand in on behalf of the pupils’ parents’ nor was it
possible to imagine dozens or even hundreds of parent ‘members’ ‘keeping an eye on’ the
instruction given their children as required under the Casati legislation, (art. 251 and 252), which
obviously anticipated small numbers of parents known to the school. Don Bosco knew this but was
more concerned with fact than formality, meaning the long period of time and presumed
acknowledgement and support given his school by Ministers of the Kingdom and the Italian State
since 1841 [!] or at least from 1846 to 1876. Don Bosco had likened the idea of a private secondary
school run by a house of charity to the home school concept, something not envisaged by the
Casati law. According to him there had been de facto admission of this by custodians of the law
over many years, and it had been of undeniable social benefit.
From the 1876–77 school year, the Provincial School Council invited all directors of private
institutes by circular to follow the prescriptions of the law, in particular by seeing that teachers were
furnished with proper credentials.25
Don Bosco sent in a list which did not satisfy. When reminded that he needed to abide by the
law for the 1877–78 school year, he went to the Ministry for Public Instruction asking for a three
year lead–in period to enable him to follow up on the necessary qualifications. The Ministry was not
granting privileges to anyone. An identical response was given to a request on 3 September in
view of the 1878–79 school year.26 Finally, on 10 October 1878, the Turin Provincial School Council
warned that if Don Bosco were to begin the 1878–79 school year without having regularised the
position of teachers at his schools, procedures for closing it down would commence. On 1
November 1878, after a first letter was ignored, Don Bosco sent another to the Minister for Public
Instruction, Francesco De Sanctis (24 March–December, 1878). In letters of 19 October and 1
November 1878, he had recommended that the usual Commendatore Giacomo Malvano forward
both to the Minister, but held firmly to the idea that the only legal configuration for the Oratory
school that responded to the reality in the past and under the current legislation was the istituto
paterno or home school. That it was being considered to be a private secondary school was only
the strict interpretation of the local school authority.
In the first instance, therefore, his request was very simple: that ‘classes at this hospice for poor
boys be considered to be classes of charity run by someone who takes the place of the parents,
therefore without the need for teachers being obliged to have public certification.’ If, instead, it
came down to the request of the Superintendent of Studies for ‘teachers to be furnished with the
respective legal certification’ then he was asking that ‘current teachers’ be ‘temporarily authorised
24 Cf. Chap. 13, § 2.3.
25 Cf. for certain information, the open letters on 19 and 29 July to L’Unità Cattolica by the Superintendent
of Studies in Turin, Gioachino Rho, clarifying articles earlier issued by the newspaper and three
interventions by Fr Bertello: “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 170 and 178,Tuesday 22 and Thursday 31 July 1879,
pp. 678 and 710-711.
26 This can be deduced from the letter to Comm. Giacomo Malvano 1 November 1878, E III 403.

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or admitted to undertake the prescribed exams by ministerial decree, despite being under the
prescribed age.’27
He proposed a very similar though not identical solution to the same Minister ten days later, and
while references to the past were not entirely objective they were presented as part of what he
wanted to obtain: ‘This institution has no fixed income and is sustained by Providence alone.
Therefore the School authority treated us kindly, and by looking on these classes as paternal and
charitable teaching, which they in fact are, never posed any problems regarding teacher’s legal
certification.’ The Superintendent, however, wanted ‘all teachers to be furnished with the respective
legal certification’ meaning he was treating classes at the Oratory as a private secondary school.
Therefore the writer was forced to ‘beg’ the Minister ‘to grant the favour of current teachers being
recognised as suitable because they have been teaching for some years and be authorised for at
least three years to continue their freely organised role in their respective classes. Over that period
these same teachers will reach the prescribed age for public exams and can gain the prescribed
certificate.28 The Prefect and the President of the Provincial School Council, De Amicis, replied that
the Ministry did not admit of exceptions to the law.29 All Don Bosco could do was to send the
Superintendent of Studies, Gioachino Rho, the list of five teachers duly qualified. He did this on 15
November.
From two inspections he had personally carried out in December 1878 and at the beginning of
March 1879, the Superintendent had noted that only two teachers with qualifications could be
found at their post during the first visit and only one on the second. When the Superintendent
pointed this out on 2 January after his visit, Don Bosco or someone else replied on the 15th, simply
sending in a second list of five accredited teachers, adding some replacement teachers.
Alarmed by the second visit and the impending closure, Don Bosco turned to the Prime Minister,
Agostino Depretis, whom he had met at Lanzo on 6 August 1876, – the Minister for Public
Instruction was Michele Coppino once more – insisting on the charitable purpose of his institute
and stressing that the Government ‘had never created any problems regarding teachers offering
their work for free’ while now, instead, they did not want their regular teachers replaced by supply
staff. He asked him ‘to have a word with the Minister for Public Instruction so our boys can be
considered as coming under the Paternal Authority, and so allow current teachers to continue with
their charitable teaching of the pupils, or be admitted to the relevant exams’ despite not being ‘of
prescribed age for legal certification.’30 In an attached Memorandum, he summed up the many
recognitions given, and reasons in defence submitted via letters and petitions.
The recognitions had nothing to do with the demands of the Casati law on the secondary
classes Don Bosco had opened in 1855 and completed only in coincidence with the coming into
force of that law. What he wrote as his fourth point was certainly true: ‘The cost of having teachers
legally qualified would cause serious harm to the Institute.’ Less precise, if one considers the
issues he had with the School Authority in the 1860s, was his call that the Oratory ‘had benefited
under previous Ministers’ from support ‘as a hospice of charity or a paternal institute’ run by Don
Bosco who ‘was taking the place of the fathers of boys given shelter there, only out of a spirit of
charity.’ Finally, he offered the Minister the statement which would allow the Turin School Council to
give special treatment to the Oratory’s secondary classes: ‘This Ministry … authorises Fr Don
Bosco to give or see that secondary instruction is given to the poor boys in his pious institute
without the obligation o putting legally recognised teachers in the secondary classes.’31
27 To Comm. Giacomo Malvano, 19 October 1878, E III 395.
28 To the Minister of P. I., 1 November 1878, E III 402-403.
29 Documenti XIX 253.
30 Letter of 15 March 1879, E III 457-458.
31 Promemoria, E III 458-459.

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Based on the Superintendent’s report on 25 March, the Provincial School Council’s response to
all this was to propose to the Ministry that the institute be closed, and having heard the Superior
Council’s opinion, the Ministry issued its decree on 16 May. The secretary of the School Council
gave unofficial notice of this to Don Bosco who, after meeting with the Prefect, sent him a lengthy
memorandum. In the historical presentation to it he summed up the origins in 1841 and the
development of his oratory work with the various kinds of educational initiatives for ‘so many
unfortunate boys’ up until the time of Umberto I. Still maintaining his mixed bag of an historical
thesis, he wrote that ‘these classes were always considered by the School Authority to be a
charitable work, a shelter, a paternal school in conformity with the Casati law on public instruction
(articles 252–252).’ The Royal Superintendent and the Minister for Public Instruction, even
Umberto I himself, had always been ‘his most outstanding benefactors through advice and
pecuniary assistance.’ Difficulties had arisen with the current Superintendent who had ‘ordered that
certified teachers be put into classes under threat of no longer allowing … secondary classes to
remain open.’
He continued with his own version of the most recent interventions by the Turin Superintendent
and debated freedom of timetables, supply teachers, supplementary days and hours dedicated to
teaching, which did not need to adhere strictly to those of State secondary schools. Nevertheless,
respectful of the school authority he was asking for a favour, that he might be granted ‘a period of
time’ whence to ‘provide for what the current laws required.’ He asked him to intercede with the
Provincial School Council and, if needs be, with the Minister for Public Instruction, saying that he
was ready just the same and on his boys’ behalf, to restructure the management of the Institute so
that appropriately credentialed teachers ‘could regularly be in their classes.’32
To the request for help addressed to his friend Fr Pietro Barico, an authoritative city councillor
and member of the School Council, Barico replied on 18 June, advising him to regularise the
situation of his teachers as soon as possible. The Minister had been insisting for some years, in
fact, that Provincial Councils remind all private institutes of the need to observe the law, he said.33
It was the right moment for Don Bosco to practise what he had put in theoretical terms to the First
General Chapter: ‘If exams are required of us we will sit for them; if certificates or qualifications are
required we will do everything possible to obtain them and thus push on.’34
He followed the advice, and on 20 June sent the Prefect of Turin the list of teachers who would
be teaching in the remaining weeks and, with ‘some changes’ in 1879–80: Salesians Celestino
Durando, Michael Rua, John Bonetti, Joseph Bertello and diocesan priest Marco Pechenino.35 ‘The
personal friendship that binds us over many years,’ he wrote more realistically the same day to
Superintendent G. Rho, his ‘dear friend,’ ‘obliges me to advise you that with resignation I accept
the decree and will carry it out faithfully,’ that is, without the subterfuge of ongoing replacement
teachers.36
The letter to the Prefect, however, was unable to cancel a decree signed over a month earlier.
The decree was officially handed to Don Bosco by a public safety official on 23 June.37 The
Superintendent was charged with carrying it out by 30 June.
2.2 A ‘dispute between this Oratory and the Royal Superintendent’
32 Letter of 18 May 1879, E III 471-473.
33 Documenti XX 216; MB XIV 157-158.
34 Twenty-fourth session, Thursday 4 October 1877, G. BARBERIS, Verbali III 44.
35 To G. Minghelli Vaini, 20 June 1879, E III 477-478.
36 Documenti XX 218.
37 Prefect’s letter of 20th and certification of delivery on 23rd, Documenti XX 218-219.

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Official communication of the decree of closure made defence even more pressing. The old
triple strategy had not completely disappeared despite the istituto paterno thesis prevailing.
Obviously the bureaucracy, inspired by a more radical idea of legality, had to address itself solely
to the secondary school as subject to the Casati law, and regulations controlling its application
already illustrated in relation to problems that had arisen in the 1860s.38
By contrast, perhaps, with what he had recommended to his Salesians in the manuscript on Le
perquisizioni (The searches), which Fr Bonneti had published in the Salesian Bulletin from 1884–
86, in this case Don Bosco saw that more important than personal encounters was the battle over
documents, legal arguments flanked by a brief but intense journalistic campaign. The special target
of this was the Superintendent of Studies in Turin, Gioachino Rho and his brother, Fr Angelo,
former schoolmate in Chieri and faithful ‘friend’.
Don Bosco appealed to the Prefect, President of the School Council, asking for a delay in the
suspension for a number of reasons: exams could not be sat for in four days, the decree lacked
any ‘legal foundation,’ he had decided to appeal to a higher authority.’39 The Prefect first refused,40
then granted the request on 2 July.41 On 26 June, Don Bosco appealed to the Minister for Public
Instruction, Michele Coppino, who promoted the law on the obligation of elementary instruction in
1877, in line with the principle which opposed State monopoly of schooling. Coppino was a Mason
but ‘more believer than liberal thinker’ and a ‘supporter of the social mission of religion.’42 The
decree was illegal, Don Bosco maintained, because ‘the various teaching assignments in my
Institute are entrusted to teachers with qualifications,’ and because, ‘none of the serious reasons
mentioned in art. 247 for closure of an institute existed,’ that is, ‘the preservation of moral order
and safeguarding of principles governing State public order on pupil safety.’ He ignored or
overlooked the conditions posed by art. 246, section 1 and 2, and the regulations for applying
them. He waited for a reply so he could make moves to look after his pupils, using means provided
by the law as laid down by art. 248 of the Casati law which, in practice, was appeal to higher
bodies including, ultimately, the Council of State.43
But the third Depretis Ministry lost the confidence of the House on 3 July and was obliged to
resign. L’Unità Cattolica announced: ‘Don Bosco is ready to carry out the decree, reserving the
right due to him of having his reasons against such an abuse of power evaluated.’44 In fact, Don
Bosco had sent the King a defence of his secondary classes that necessarily would have been
passed on to the Ministry for Public Instruction. He began by presenting Umberto I with ‘an institute
that had often been charitably supported, and’ he stated daringly ‘an institute we could say was
founded by four elders and generously subsidised by Your Majesty’s charity.’ He informed him that
‘a ministerial decree communicated on the 23rd of last month ordered the closure of classes that
had been in place for 35 years.’ Therefore he was begging the King ‘to have the attached
clarification looked at,’ clarification with which he ‘faithfully explained the state of things.’45
More than half of the attached document was dedicated to an Historical presentation with the
usual sequence of dates and facts tending to demonstrate the uninterrupted approval and
protection from authorities up to the time of Umberto I for the Oratory classes ‘always considered
38 Cf. Chap. 13, § 2.2 and § 2.3.
39 To G. Minghelli Vaini, 26 June 1879, E III 479.
40 Cf. letter of Don Bosco to the Prefect, 30 June 1879, E III 48.
41 Cf. Letter to Minister M. Coppino, July 1879, E III 490.
42 M. SOLERI, In memoria di Michele Coppino. Alba, tip. Cooperativa 1923, p. 35; cf. v. Coppino, Michele,
DBI XXVIII 625-631.
43 To M. Coppino, 26 June 1879, E III 478-479; cf. Chap. 1, § 8 and Chap. 13, § 2.2.
44 L’ultima gloriosa impresa del ministero ossia le scuole di D. Bosco ed il ministro Coppino, “L’Unità
Cattolica”, no. 158,Tuesday 8 July 1879, pp. 629-630.
45 Letter of 6 July 1879, E III 490-491.

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to be a charitable work, a shelter, under the guise of a large family where the writer takes the place
of the father.’ This meant it complied with art. 251–252 of the Casati law.
The thesis was clear enough: his was a scuola paterna or home school. But the reconstruction
of history involving the previous two years obliged him to include requests he had put forward
regarding a private institute as part of the picture: respecting the Superintendent’s orders
concerning the secondary classes being credentialed and replacement teachers, inspectors of
doubtful correctness, the request to the Prime Minister for a lead–in period to be able ‘to provide
not only for what the laws prescribe but what the Superintendent himself wanted.’
Instead, the reply he received on 23 June was the decree of closure. His Some Observations on
this decree was followed by two firm accusations: The illegality of the decree, which did not
observe articles 248 (closure procedure) and 247 (the causes), and the Turin School Council’s
error in having an obvious lack of foundation for its motives: ‘Lack of legal suitability of teachers,
and Fr John Bosco’s attempt to hoodwink the School Authority by sending a list of certified
teachers while actually using uncertified ones.’ In fact there was no law excluding the use of
replacement teachers in case of need, and private institutes enjoyed ‘full liberty to establish the
timetable that best suited the teachers.’ 46 The Minister for the Royal House, Count Visione,
telegraphed that Don Bosco’s case was ‘under consideration by the Minister of Public Instruction.’47
The presentation to the King was extensively and liberally utilised by L’Unità Cattolica, which also
gave information on the appeal and Visione’s telegram.48 Coppino replied to the Sardinian Senator
Giovanni Siotto Pintor’s letter in support of Don Bosco: Don Bosco ‘can present his case to the
School Council according to the rules, as is his right ,since he wants the closure order revoked.’49
On 14 July, the second Ministry headed by Benedetto Cairoli came into office. Francesco Paolo
Perez (1812–92) took the Public Instruction portfolio. He was a determined advocate of freedom of
teaching, obviously regulated by the Casati law.50 It seemed to be a propitious moment for a more
fruitful campaign of defence. An article published by L’Unità Cattolica, ‘The Law and closure of the
Oratory’s secondary classes’ was probably written by Allievo, ‘a transparent individual, neither
cleric nor non–cleric.’ The newspaper suggested sending the article to Minister Perez in the hope
that ‘in the first instance he might repair an enormous injustice and not allow such a perversion of
law and morals to occur.’ In fact, according to Allievo, the Casati law intended to provide ample
room for the liberal principle. Leaving ‘the broadest freedom to paternal authority’ and asking ‘those
running private institutes for adequate though not absolute guarantees.’ That is, it was not ‘given to
the executive power to prescribe word for word what had to be done in private schools.’ ‘The law
does not tie the principal of a private college to any timetable (because otherwise where would be
the freedom of teaching?).’ Articles 258 and 259 of the law concerned public junior and senior
secondary schools.51 The defence agreed perfectly with the broadly liberal thinking of a recent
essay.52
46 July 1879 statement, E III 486-490.
47 Documenti XX 237, cit. in E III 491.
48 La chiusura delle scuole nell’Ospizio del sac. D. Bosco, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 162, Saturday 12 July
1879, p. 646.
49 Documenti XX 241.
50 Letter of Don Bosco to the secretary of the Minister for the Interior, Comm. G. B. Aluffi, and to the
ministry: 20 July 1879, E III 495, 495-496; to the Minister for P. I. He also indicated the names of certified
teachers at the Valdocco secondary school, 20 July 1879, E III 496-497.
51 Una domanda di giustizia al nuovo ministro della pubblica istruzione, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 165,
Wednesday 16 July 1879, p. 658.
52 La legge Casati e l’insegnamento privato secondario per Giuseppe Allievo professore dell’Università
torinese. Torino, tip. Salesiana 1879, pp. 12-13.

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Don Bosco was thinking of integrating it or rather a new contribution on the topic by Prof.
Allievo, in a letter he wrote over these days in reference to it to his friend the Bishop of Vigevano.53
‘Our school disturbances are suspended’ he wrote, in an unusually polemical tone, but I am
pushing ahead with things so these abuses of power can be known and, as you say, so we can
have a guide for others who find themselves in the same situation. I am now studying and getting
others to study the matter closely, and will then print a separate booklet to send to all the bishops.
They can legally free themselves of much harassment by Superintendents.’ Then almost by
association of ideas, he went on to point out the troubling situation in Turin: ‘The usual P [relate} is
in the sulks with me. Our relations are strictly at official level. Patience. I hope to be able to pay my
respects to you one way or another in person, and so be able to speak calmly of these things and
many other matters. However, it is impossible for this diocese to go on with the way things are.’54
The thesis of the Oratory school being a private secondary school perfectly in line with the law
returned once more in a reply Don Bosco gave on 20 July to two letters from Fr Angelo Rho, the
Superintendent’s brother. In the first, Fr Angelo had written to his ‘dear and good friend, Don
Bosco’ from his ‘very affectionate old friend.’ ‘You would have done very well to support the
Superintendent, who has been asking, pleading with you for three years to bring things into line
with the law.’55 The other letter, passed on to Don Bosco by its recipient,56 had been addressed to
Fr Giacomo Margotti, the editor in chief of L’Unità Cattolica, accusing him of only listening to and
supporting ‘one side’ and lacking in charity to his brother, the Superintendent, ‘father of a large
family’ and simply being faithful to his duty.57 Don Bosco protested: teachers at the Oratory were
accredited; the Superintendent had ’note of their names, surnames, and legal qualifications,’
‘private institutes’ had ‘freedom regarding timetables,’ and thus teachers were not bound to be
there at the time decreed by whoever was carrying out the inspection; the Casati law determined
precise reasons for closure and these – ‘social order, moral order or pupil safety’ – were not
compromised at the Oratory. If the Superintendent wanted the same hours as public schools, the
director could have done everything to see that this was the case. ‘All Superintendents, all
Ministers for Public Instruction have always praised, approved, helped and subsidised this institute
over more than thirty years. It took a friend, a schoolmate to suggest closure, one that forced me to
comply with the law with no minor disturbance to ourselves!’58
Don Bosco sent Fr Durando and Prof. Allievo to Rome with two letters of presentation, one to
Perez, the other to the Minister for the Interior, Tommaso Villa, a member of Parliament from
Castelnuovo d’Asti, asking them to intervene on behalf of the Oratory.59 He also included with the
letter to Perez the list of accredited teachers already presented to the Superintendent on 15
November 1878.60 ‘Good promises’ Fr Durando said by telegram on 22 July.61 But the Ministers
response, in reference to a note on 15 July, was not so encouraging: ‘The college administration
would have better ensured the value of studies and pupils’ benefit by suggesting accredited
teachers for secondary classes, complying with the law, which is what the Minister wants.’62
53 Cf. Further ahead, § 2.3, no. 86.
54 Letter of 16 July 1879: due to mistakenly reading the date – 1873 instead of 1879 – the letter was
included by Ceria in E II 292; on the new contribution of Prof Allievo, cf. Further on, § 2.3.
55 Letter of 13 July 1879, Documenti XX 248-250.
56 Note by Fr G. Margotti to Don Bosco, 18 July 1879, Documenti XX 265.
57 Letter to Fr G. Margotti, 17 July 1879, Documenti XX 261-262.
58 E III 493-495.
59 Cf. Letters to G. B. Aluffi (1846-1938), from Agliano Monferrato, employed by the Minister for the Interior,
20 and 26 July 1879, E III 495 and 500.
60 Cf. Letters of 20 July, E III 495-497.
61 Documenti XX 271.
62 Documenti XX 278.

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The battle raged on over July and August, including in the press, L’Unità Cattolica at the
forefront, with L’Emperio popolare and Il Baretti from Turin, Lo Spettatore from Milan in favour of
the Oratory and the liberal press, Gazzetta del popolo, Il Fischietto in support of Gioachino Rho,
the Superintendent. At this stage of the struggle the main arguments in play were legal and
historical ones in reference to the Casati law. Seeing himself as the main target of columnists from
L’Unità Cattolica, the Superintendent sent in an article of clarification to the paper on 19 July. In
essence he said the decree did not come like a lightning bolt from heaven but as an inevitable
measure to deal with the lack of adherence to repeated legitimate requests to the person running
the private secondary school at the Oratory, beginning with the 1876–77 school year.63
On 24 Jul,y there was still blow for blow going on between Fr Angelo Rho and Don Bosco: for
the latter it was pointless to continue this discussion with deaf ears while remaining, of course,
‘always the best of friends.’64 The same day L’Unità Cattolica began publication of three letters
from Fr Bertello. As a poorly informed newcomer to the scene, he tended to demonstrate the
radical illegitimacy of the decree of closure for the simple fact that the Oratory secondary school
was anchored within scholastic initiatives that Don Bosco had been promoting ‘for thirty or more
years,’ and the founder had never made ‘formal requests for a private secondary school.’ It had
come into being as a school of charity and developed as such, and had always been recognised as
such by school authorities: as a paternal institute or home school but also a legally run one. Even
though it might have wanted to be considered as a private institute, the Superintendent had not
demonstrated ‘in any way that this Institute lacked approved teachers.’65
‘Justice demands that we provide a place for the following reply from the royal Superintendent
of Studies,’ the paper’s editor stated, publishing a detailed reply by Prof. G. Rho on 29 July,
Closure of the private secondary school attached to the Oratory of St Francis de Sales.66 The
paper announced that Bertello, for his part, would counter the ‘flimsy defence’. But before his other
two articles came out, Don Bosco sent the editor of the Gazzetta del Popolo a clarification on 2
August, asking him to publish it, ‘out of courtesy and if needed, also for legal purposes.’ The ‘True
account of the facts’ came out on 4 August. Once again the two–pronged approach appeared,
highlighting the primacy of the paternal institute over the forced private institute. The three hinges
of his consistent argument were there too: 1. ‘Over every period, this house has been seen as a
charitable hospice, a shelter for poor boys, and never as a private secondary school.’ 2. The Bon
Compagni and Casati laws favoured these classes and the Royal Superintendent and Minister for
Public Instruction ‘have cooperated for the good of this hospice,’ over 35 years ‘regarding it to be a
shelter for poor boys, a paternal institute under the Casati law (articles 251, 252, and 253,’ where
‘the pupils receive their instruction totally gratis.’ 3. Nevertheless, out of ‘respect, not for the law,
because it does not apply in our case, but for the Authority demanding it of us,’ in compliance with
art. 246 of the law, teaching was entrusted to ‘five accredited teachers.’67 Presenting Don Bosco’s
letter to the Gazzetta del Popolo which he also published, Margotti rather pompously took sides:
‘Don Bosco is a man of life–giving charity; his enemies are men of the letter [of the law] that kills.
The same cry was raised against Jesus Christ himself: Nos legem habemus et secundum legem
debet more.’’68
63 Chiusura del Ginnasio privato annesso all’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales in Torino, “L’Unità Cattolica”,
no. 170,Tuesday 22 July 1879, p. 679.
64 Cf. Documenti XX 276-278; E III 499-500.
65 Lettere sulle scuole di D. Bosco, “L’Unità Cattolica”, nos 172-175, Thursday, Friday, Sunday, 24, 25, 27
July 1879, pp. 686, 690, 698. We know that Don Bosco had requested and obtained legal recognition of
his secondary classes on 21 December 1862,: cf. Chap. 13, § 2.3.
66 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 178, Thursday 31 July 1879, pp. 710-711.
67 Letter of 2 August 1879, E III 501-503.
68 La questione delle scuole don Bosco, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 182,Tuesday 5 August 1879, p. 726.

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‘Regarding the not–so–historical ‘secondary classes’ that had been running for ‘thirty five years’
‘on behalf of the poor boys gathered’ at the hospice, Don Bosco insisted with the Minister for Public
Instruction in a presentation on 2 August: ‘No law on Public Instruction touches charitable shelters’
such as his was, where ‘teachers lend their service for free and only so.’ ‘At best,’ he argued
‘charitable institutes should been seen as Institutes where the superior takes the place of the
father, since he has to provide lodgings, clothing, bread and instruction. Is that not taking the
father’s place in real terms? (See attached work by Prof. Allievo).’ ‘This institute’ he insisted, with
supposed historical veracity, ‘was never thought of as a private secondary school’ by
Superintendents and Ministers ‘over a period of 35 years.’69 The attached pamphlet, The Casati
law and private secondary teaching, was dedicated to the Minister by Allievo: ‘I address these
pages to the Minister for Public Instruction, Francesco Perez, a powerful proponent of free
teaching, asking him to kindly give his attention to them.’
In the spirit of the Casati law, Allievo, who had taken the freedom and variety of school systems
in vogue in the US as his model, claimed greater room for autonomy for ‘scholastic institutes
supported by Christian charity,’ and ‘secondary instruction institutes’ which had ‘the character of
charitable hospices or private charity.’70
Two new contributions by Fr Bertello in response to the Superintendent drew their inspiration
from these ideas. In the first of them, he supported the istituto paterno concept with radical
intransigence; in the second, he included as a subordinate notion the hypothesis of an istituto
privato, finally drawing drastic conclusions from somewhat tenuous premises: ‘1. Giving the nature
of things good consideration, Don Bosco’s institute can be situated well within the order of paternal
institutes. 2. For thirty years, those controlling instruction in Piedmont have regarded it as such and
applied the law on paternal institutes to it. 3. In order to set up a private institute, the Casati law
demands certain formalities which Don Bosco has never fulfilled in regard to the Oratory of St
Francis de Sales.’ And finally, ‘even if it were a private institute, the reasons adopted by the
Superintendent did not legally prove, as would have been correct to do so, that accredited teachers
were lacking.’ All in all, if it was a paternal institute then Don Bosco had been ‘the victim of unjust
harassment.’ If it was a private institute then the decree of closure had to be ‘illegal and unjust’.71
2.3 From journalistic polemic to legal approaches
Things had gone too far in Don Bosco’s view. In a letter to Fr Margotti on 9 August, he asked that
there be an end to the fight over ‘the dispute between this Oratory and the Royal Superintendent.
‘The legal issue’ had been discussed more than necessary and things were sliding towards
personal attacks. Therefore he was asking the newspaper’s editor to refrain from further debate on
the matter ‘to make way for the active charity that should reign among citizens of all kinds.’
This did not prevent him from re–affirming his thesis: ‘The idea has been that there was a
private secondary school attached to the Oratory. It never was the case.’ What there was, instead,
was ‘free classes’ offered ‘out of charity to a select group of boys at the hospice’ whom he looked
upon as his ‘adopted children.’72 So his was an istituto paterno as Margotti described it in his
newspaper headline.73
69 To Minister F. P. Perez, 2 August 1879, E III 503-504.
70 G. ALLIEVO, La legge Casati..., pp. 20-23, 27-28.
71 Cf. G. BERTELLO, Sulla chiusura delle scuole di don Bosco. Risposta al R. Provveditore degli studi,
“L’Unità Cattolica”, nos 181 and 184, Sunday and Thursday, 3 and 7 August 1879, pp. 722 and 734.
72 E III 508-509.
73 Una lettera di don Bosco ed il suo Istituto paterno, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 187, Sunday 10 August 1879,
p. 746.

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By this stage, Don Bosco had requested the Minister to pass on to the Council of State his
appeal against the ‘illegal’ decree to close the Oratory secondary classes.74 While awaiting the
result he went back to the Minister once more in September, asking that the Oratory be allowed to
continue with its charitable work for boys who wanted ‘to pursue the path to knowledge and virtue.’
He attached two documents which he later printed when appealing to King Umberto I, and which
were sent to the Council of State. He reworded things: ‘Over 36 years, the Minister for Public
Instruction and the Royal Superintendent have consistently encouraged and subsidised these
classes without ever requesting legal teachers.’ He then begged the Minister ‘to regard the Oratory
as a house of charity, a shelter for poor and abandoned boys and allow its director, while acting ‘as
a father, to provide bread and whatever was needed for upbringing in a material sense’ to also be
able ‘to give, through himself or others, secondary instruction to the boys who needed it so they
could be prepared for an honest way of earning a living.’ He also asked him to regard the
secondary school at the Oratory as an istituto paterno which, moreover, had fully respectable
teachers as demonstrated by ‘good results of the pupils in public exams.’75
In October, Don Bosco told the Minister he had provided ‘legal teachers’ for his classes, not
because he thought of his institute as a ‘private secondary school’ but because he was yielding to
‘the insistence and threats of the School Authority.’76 The Minister, availing himself of the
collaboration of Prof. Allievo, gave approval from the perspective of a private secondary school:
‘You have provided teachers furnished with the regular certificate for your secondary classes at the
college. This means you can reopen the aforesaid classes without delay and as a result you may
go to the School Council.’77
But Don Bosco was not satisfied with approval under this category. What he wanted was the
right, once and for all, to have the secondary classes at the Oratory recognised as the home
schooling of a house of charity. Professor Allievo had encouraged this line of thinking. Already,
prior to Perez’ reply, he had written from Rome on 25 October to Fr Durando that he thought it
‘better’ for Don Bosco to put the matter to the Council of State by dividing it into two questions: 1.
Cancellation of the Coppino decree of closure on 16 May. 2. Recognition of the Institute as a work
of charity.78
Don Bosco avoided the ordinary bureaucratic route, and to make things more secure, preferred
to go directly to the King, carefully preparing the text of the appeal by attaching a memorandum
dated 13 November entitled Le scuole di beneficenza dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales davanti
al Consiglio di Stato (The charity classes at the Oratory of St Francis de Sales before the Council
of State) by John Bosco,79 supported by an earlier pamphlet, L’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales
Ospizio di beneficenza. Esposizione (The Oratory of St Francis de Sales’ Charity Hospice.
Explanation) also by Don Bosco.80
The arguments that ran across various letters and petitions were picked up once more: 1. ‘The
Salesian Oratory is a charitable hospice.’ 2.’It had always been regarded as such by authorities in
the Kingdom.’ 3. ‘Its classes are an integral part of it, as they are aimed at the education of boys
living within.’ 4.’A private secondary school had never been attached to the Oratory.’ 5. In
74 Letter, August 1879, E III 504.
75 Letter, September 1879, E III 516-517.
76 To Minister F. P. Perez, 19 October 1879, E III 527-528. He had expressed the same reservations to the
Superintendent on 29 November, presenting the list of teachers for the current year, amongst whom
Bartolomeo Fascie in place of Prof. Pechenino: E III 530.
77 Letter to Don Bosco, 28 October 1879, Documenti XXI 427.
78 Documenti XXI 424-425; MB XIV 737-738.
79 Torino, tip. Salesiana 1879, 32 pp., OE XXX 449-480.
80 Torino, tip. Salesiana 1879, 44 pp., OE XXX 257-300. It precedes the other, Le scuole di beneficenza...,
which it quotes (p. 9, OE XXX 457).

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conclusion, ‘The Salesian Oratory of Turin, both by its nature and for its past relationships with
various State Authorities, should be regarded as a hospice of Christian charity and had been
allowed to exist as such over thirty years or more,’81
In the second part of his explanation, he dwelt on arguments against the decree of closure of
the institute as a private secondary school.82 Two requests ensued: to cancel the decree of closure
and ‘declare the Oratory of St Francis de Sales in Turin a charitable Hospice, granting its director
the faculty of giving or providing for under his vigilance and responsibility the elementary, technical
and literary instruction he deemed necessary for the needs of the boys staying there, without the
obligation of accredited teachers.’83
Minister Perez ceased to hold office on 24 November and was replaced from 25 November
1879 until 2 January 1881 by Francesco De Sanctis, a member of the second Cairoli Ministry. On
27 November the appeal was officially passed on to the Ministry for Public Instruction.84 An article
was published in L’Unità Cattolica on 16 December which was strongly critical of the less than
liberal interpretation given the Casati law, beginning with Minister Natoli in 1865 and up to Ministers
of the Left, except for Perez. In essence, it reproduced the content of the Appendix introduced by
Prof. Allievo in the second edition of his pamphlet on the Casati law and private secondary
teaching.85 The Appendix, which took up the last 13 pages of the pamphlet, was also published by
the Salesian Press as a separate item. The intention was clear – to see that it went out to the
widest circle of readers as Don Bosco had foreseen in his 16 July letter to Bishop De Gaudenzi.86
The appeal was forwarded by the Minister for Public Instruction to the Council of State on 24
December, with negative opinion: ‘The secondary school was closed because it contravened the
law on schools which imposes the obligation of accreditation for teachers in private schools.’ ‘It is
not correct to say that the secondary school [in question] is a pious work, though one can rather
say it is maintained by a charitable association, which does take away its private character.’ A
number of documents went with it: ‘Two minutes of the School Council and two reports by the
Superintendent of Studies in Turin and the opinion of the Superior Council of Public Instruction.’87
The Council of State examined it on 26 February 1880, ordering that new clarification be asked
of Turin. Following reserved information on the contents of this request, in order to prevent an
unfavourable report from the Superintendent of Studies, Don Bosco went to Cairoli as Prime
Minister and Minister for the Interior asking him to have the Council of State sent the arguments he
had outlined in the attached Memorandum. His aim was to contest items of erroneous information
which, as far as he could see, were being applied to the Oratory classes: 1.That the Oratory was ‘a
true private secondary school’ with fees. 2.That ‘the boys at the Institute were destined for the
religious or clerical state [and therefore also being given a structured classical or ‘secondary school
education’]. Before ‘a decision’ was reached, it ought to be clear that this did not respond to the
reality and he said he was ‘ready to provide documents and proof’ of this.88 Only on 7 April 1880
did Superintendent Rho pass a report on to the Ministry insisting above all on the vocational
81 G. BOSCO, Le scuole di beneficenza..., pp. 14, 17-18, 19, OE XXX 462, 465-466, 467.
82 G. BOSCO, Le scuole di beneficenza…, pp. 20-24, OE XXX 468-472.
83 G. BOSCO, Le scuole di beneficenza..., p. 25, OE XXX 473.
84 Cf. Letter of private secretary of His Majesty, 11 December, Documenti XXI 475.
85 La tirannia dell’insegnamento in Italia ed opportuni ricordi del professore Allievo, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no.
292,Tuesday 16 December 1879, pp. 1165-1166. L’Appendice of the work in new edition took up the last
13 pages of the professor’s work and was published, again by the tipografia editrice salesiana, including
separately: it was clear that the intention was to disseminate it more broadly, as Don Bosco had told
Bishop De Gaudenzi in his letter of 16 July: cf. § 2.2.
86 Cf. § 2.2.
87 Documenti XXI 487-488.
88 Undated letter but after 26 February 1880, E III 548-550.

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(religious) aims of Don Bosco’s Institute.89 The Council of State Commission asked to examine the
appeal met again on 28 April. It decided on further suspension of judgement, asking Don Bosco,
through the Prefect in Turin, to provide information on five points: the nature of the Oratory, the
number of academic and trade students, what secondary classes were free or to what extent the
number of boys presenting each year for the lower secondary certificate exams and how many had
passed the year before, the number of boys who in the last five years had completed year 5 and
then gone on to philosophy courses in order to dedicate themselves to the clerical ministry and join
the ‘Salesian fellowship.’90 Don Bosco replied promptly to the request of the Prefect, Bartolomeo
Casali, on 18 June 1880, taking much care, and not without some reticence, in putting together his
7 July reply: the purpose of the Oratory was a charitable one, as established by the guidelines for
acceptance. The aim of the classes was to ‘carry out an important branch of education and satisfy
the needs and diverse callings of the boys staying there,’ trade or academic students. Among
those boys some did become clerics. As for monthly boarding fees, many were exempted, others
paid a modest amount according to their families’ possibilities. Members of the St Francis de Sales
Association were ‘free citizens’ dependent on the ‘laws of the State’ in everything, but it would be
erroneous to believe that classes were kept open ‘especially for the benefit of the Pious Salesian
Association.’91
Everything went quiet for months, so much so that in early April 1881, Don Bosco wrote to the
Prefect of Turin: ‘For the second time the Secretariat of the Council of State has asked me why I
have not sent in clarification on the closure of our classes. In summer last year I promptly passed
these on to Your Excellency as I had been requested to do.’ He stated he was willing to do them
again if needed.92 He also went to the Minister for the Interior, Agostino Depretis, expressing his
fear that the reply had been lost either at the Prefecture in Turin or at the Ministry of Public
Instruction. He attached, ‘for good measure’ ‘another copy of the above–mentioned classifications,
and asked the Minister to ‘please follow up this procedure’ so he could return to a ‘normal situation
in the eyes of public authorities and for the benefit of the poor boys’ entrusted to him by
Providence.93
Meanwhile the new Superintendent, Denicotti, at the Prefect’s request passed on the
observations which were unfavourable to Don Boco. Casalis said he would share them. The
Report sent to the Council of State summed them up in three points: 1. Don Bosco has continued
to send the Superintendent lists of teachers who were front men with accreditation, while the actual
teachers were effectively not accredited. 2. Before the decree, he had never invoked articles 251
and 152 of the law for his classes. 3. He was subject to the relevant requirements of the law for
these which were neither classes of a paternal institute nor seminary, and his nonobservance of
the law made the decree of closure a legitimate one.94
The dossier finally arrived at the Council of State on 7 June via the Minister of the Interior. Don
Bosco sent a letter of explanation to the President regarding the section in the Council of State
dealing with the problems relating to Public Instruction, attaching his reply to the five queries from
July the previous year. He reduced it to three points: 1.The educational institute established at the
Oratory in Turin ‘ought to be regarded either as a true paternal institute or a charitable one. 2.
Given but not conceding that as a private institute it would be subject to the current law, it could not
be closed because only in cases of necessity were accredited teachers replaced. 3. ‘All of the past
89 Documenti XXII 105-107.
90 Documenti XXII 161-162.
91 E III 596-601.
92 Letter of 5 April 1881, E IV 37-38.
93 Undated letter but close to the previous one, E IV 38-39.
94 Documenti XXIII 157-158.

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argues in favour of the present, since school authorities had never asked for notification of
accredited teachers.’95
The Commission met on 29 November. A telegram from Benedetto Viale the same day, who as
‘a very old friend’ of Don Bosco’s had constantly kept him updated in absolute confidence, on
proceedings, informed Fr Rua: ‘Today it gives me great displeasure to pass on that the cause has
been lost.’96 Don Bosco was able to have the Commission’s decision in hand: the appeal was
rejected but the decree of closure on 16 May 1879 did not prevent the manager from being able to
reopen his classes if he complied ‘exactly and sincerely with the law.’97 On 2 December, the King,
‘in compliance with the opinion of the Council of State, and at the prompting of the Minister for
Public Instruction ‘was signing the decree approving the action of the School Council of the Turin
Province in closing the Oratory classes.’ ‘The Appeal was not granted.’98
But fundamentally, although the validation of the decree of closure had bought to nothing the
battle to have the Oratory secondary school declared a ‘home school’ and meant that discussion in
the broad liberal sense went nowhere, it had not caused any harm at a concrete level. Between
letters and petitions, applications and defence, replies and appeals, Don Bosco had gained a good
four school years (1878–82) and staked a claim for the future. The battle he had posed over
alternatives, that is, either recognising the Oratory as a paternal institute or granting him three
years so his teachers could gain their accreditation for a private secondary school, led in fact to a
victory for the second alternative, but this was a more credible, stable and fruitful one. It responded
to demands of the irreversible processes of secularisation of society and schooling, and allowed
the Salesians to concretely realise their quality as free citizens. It encourage the formation of a
better prepared teaching staff, one able to critically confront thinking beyond the small world of
Valdocco and L’Unità Cattolica. The Oratory classes themselves gained in validity and legal and
cultural respectability.
3. A looming storm in France but eventual dead calm
Two decrees on 29 March were implemented in France at the end of June 1880: the first
concerned the expulsion of the Jesuits and closure of their institutes; the second was the obligation
for Religious Congregations to request authorisation if they did not have such, the case for almost
all of them.99
Don Bosco showed sincere interest in the first of these. In a letter to Fr Ronchail on 9 April
1880, he told him he had written to the Jesuit General offering him in ‘this common disturbance’ his
own houses in whatever way they could be useful.100 Fr Pierre–Jean Beckx (1795–1887) replied
gratefully from Fiesole on 5 April in admiratio,n of Don Bosco’s and his men’s truly ‘Salesian’
charity, saying: ‘I do not know if the time will come to take up your generous offer, but I promise
you we will never forget your generosity.’101
Regarding the second decree, Don Bosco gave very precise directives inspired by the same
skill with which he attempted to conduct the secondary school affair at the Oratory. He condensed
them into six points in a letter to Fr Ronchail, the Rector in Nice, points he was to insist on with the
authorities. He also asked him to pass these on to the rectors at Navarre and Marseilles, Frs Perrot
95 Letter of 2 July 1881, E IV 66.
96 Documenti XXIII 234.
97 Documenti XXIII 237.
98 Documenti XXIII 250-251.
99 Cf. Chap. 2, § 9.
100 E III 562.
101 Documenti XXII 104; MB XIV 595.

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and Bologna, respectively; 1. The Salesians were not a ‘religious corporation but a society whose
individual members exercised all their civil rights’ and that having been ‘called’ to France by the
bishops, they gave their service freely to look after ‘the poorest and most abandoned boys.’ If the
Constitutions were requested, the Latin text was to be given. 2. The main house could be said to
be the one in Nice. In the other two, the Salesians were only ‘renting, and servants of the Societé
Beaujour.’ 3. It was not a case of taking refuge in the Principality of Monaco. Should it become
impossible in France, he wrote, ‘Spain, Uruguay, the Argentine Republic and Patagonia await us.’
4. Delay in responding to the request for authorisation. 5. Keep him informed on how the situation
evolved. 6. As for other houses in France, he recommended: ‘Keep firmly to the idea that we are
for agriculture, arts and trades. If any student receives technical education and also grammar
[Latin], it is to form supervisors, teachers, master tradesmen, especially printers, copper engravers,
type–makers.102 He had given the same justification for literary studies being purely a function of
certain skills in the earlier cited memorandum to the Prefect of Turin on 7 July 1880, when replying
to the Council of State’s queries:’Certain boys naturally inclined to some of the more noble and
elevated arts and trades (printing, engraving, photography, type–making etc.) would not be able to
learn these as well or carry them out fruitfully unless they had learned some Latin, Greek, French,
Geography, Arithmetic etc.’103 He gave particular instructions for the work in Marseilles to Canon
Guiol. In case the Government ‘asked for or rather drew up a list of Religious Institutes in France,
they could question the Beaujour Society and it would be better if Frenchmen Fr Taulaigo and a
certain Fr Brogly, a diocesan priest, were seen as the head of the house and its administrator. As
for classes, only names of people from the parish maîtrise [skilled teaching body] headed by the
Canon himself were to be given, in other words, accredited teachers. ‘This is by way of foresight’
he concluded, since Iacula praevisa mimus ferient.’104 He attached an outline of a statement to be
sent, if needed, to the University Inspector. As was the case for the secondary courses at the
Valdocco Oratory, he insisted on the purely charitable nature of the Institute. It had the purpose ‘of
gathering poor and abandoned boys’ to skill them in a trade. Some people who lives within or
came from outside made up the maîtrise and also lent their services to the parish: they did ‘primary
teaching and some also the classical course.’105
As for handing over the text of the Rule, writing to Canon Guiol from Rome on the day he had
an audience with the Holy Father, he gave him the opposite order to the one he gave Fr Ronchail,
since the Pope did not want the Latin text given to anyone who asked.106
The situation did not stop Don Bosco from including plans in a Memorandum on the Salesian
Missions, in Lyons, for a college or junior seminary to be opened, preferably in Marseilles, the
purpose being ‘to prepare Gospel workers for Patagonia.’107 He explained the project more broadly
to Canon Guiol in a letter on 9 May, also thinking of buying around 2,000 m2 of land adjacent to the
St Leo’s Oratory.108
As for requesting authorisation of the Salesian Society from the Government, Don Bosco had
given instructions to Fr Ronchail to follow the other Religious Congregations who, to be honest,
were somewhat reluctant, and also to consult the bishops.109
We can admire the lucidity of all these pointers given from Rome, Florence, Turin by a man
besieged by other no less pressing issues over and above the French problem: the school issue,
102 To Fr G. Ronchail, 23 March 1880, E III 554-555.
103 E III 598; cf. § 2.3.
104 To Can. C. Guiol, 26 March 1880, E III 557-558.
105 E III 556-557.
106To Can. C. Guiol, 5 April 1880, E III 560-561; he said the same to Fr Ronchail on 9 April, E III 562.
107 E III 574.
108 E III 586-587.
109 To Fr G. Ronchail, 26 April 1880, E III 584.

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problems with the Archbishop, the Sacred Heart Church, missions in South America with plans for
an Apostolic Vicariate, without taking into account the daily concerns in finding support for his
many works, and looking after his benefactors.
He also indirectly involved the Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Benedetto Cairoli,
in the situation in France, with a letter he had Fr Dalmazzo pass onto him, and another to the all–
powerful Secretary General, Giacomo Malvano.110 He informed Cairoli that already some years
earlier, he had revealed to the then Minister for Foreign Affairs the state of abandonment in which
‘many children of Italian families living in the South of France’ found themselves in, most sent back
to Italy if found ‘guilty before the civil authorities.’ Therefore he had opened two hospices for
working boys in Nice and Marseilles and ‘an agricultural school near Frejus and another at Toulon.’
In April 1879, ‘backed by the Italian Consul in Marseilles’ he had renewed an application for aid ti
help with the many costs involved in extending the various institutes. He was now renewing his
request.111
He was given an annual grant of 1,000 lire [3120 euro] as part of an overall amount sent by the
Consul on behalf of Italians.112 It could also have been a way of attracting attention to his works in
this difficult circumstance. The Consul, whom he named in his letter, was a school friend from
Chieri days, Annibale Strambio, whom he advised to have a memorandum drawn up in response to
slanderous accusations against the Italian Religious and the Oratoire Saint Leon. Don Bosco
congratulated the writer, Fr Louis Mendre, who sent him the text to look at. He suggested a few
things to add and said: ‘You could ask the Consul to publicise it if he thinks it appropriate.’113The
vigorous protest was presented to the City Prefect by Strambio.114
The political storm, aggravated by the clear refusal of Congregations to request authorisation, a
lethal refusal for most of them, was overcome without harm done to the Salesian work, partly
perhaps due to acknowledgement of the legal status peculiar to Don Bosco’s institutes, but
especially because Government authorities did not want to press implementation of the law with
everyone everywhere.115 On the contrary, the work in Marseilles, the house in Nice, even though
run by an ‘unauthorised Congregation’ was not seriously disturbed.116 On 26 December 1880, the
Consul told Don Bosco: ‘I believe any risk to your St Leo’s Oratory has been averted.’117
His generous friend died on 19 January 1881 at 62 years of age from a cerebral
haemorrhage.118
4. ‘Nulla osta’ for Marian pamphlets.
In 1880, there was a renewed controversy over Marian pamphlets recounting ‘prodigious favours
and miracles’ (as Archbishop Gastaldi had written) wrought through the intercession of Mary Help
of Christians. It seemed to have quietened down in 1877,119 but in May 1880, Fr Lemoyne publish a
brief item entitled La città di rifugio overo Maria Ausiliatrice (The City of Refuge or Mary Help of
110 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 18 October 1880, E III 630.
111 Letter of 18 October 1880, E III 631.
112 Cf. letter of Fr F. Dalmazzo to Don Bosco, 7 November 1880: E III 631, no. 1.
113 Letter of 25 November 1880, E III 636.
114 Cf. MB XIV 610 and 813.
115 Cf. A. DANSETTE, Histoire religieuse de la France contemporaine. Vol. II. Sous la Troisiè-me République.
Paris, Flammarion 1952, pp. 81-83.
116 F. DESRAMAUT, Don-Bosco à Nice..., p. 62.
117 Documenti XXII 307.
118 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 20,Tuesday 25 January 1881, p. 78.
119 Cf. Chap. 25, § 5.

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Christians) in the Letture Cattoliche.120 The Archbishop reported its publication to the Pope and
included the other works published in 1877, asking that ‘the Salesians be strictly forbidden from
publishing’ in future, ‘accounts of any miracle worked in the Church of Mary Help of Christians in
Turin, without prior permission from the ecclesiastical authority’ and that they be ordered ‘to
withdraw and suppress the ones already published.’121
At the invitation of Cardinal Domenico Bartolini (1813–87) Prefect of the Congregation of Rites,
to whom the letter had been passed on, Archbishop Gastaldi sent the Congregation a copy of the
incriminating pamphlet, accompanied by an even more severe letter than the previous one.122 The
Cardinal passed the package on to the Promoter of the Faith, Archbishop Lorenzo Salati, with the
note: ‘1 July 1880. If the Promoter of Faith looks at the enclosed booklets he will see that the
Archbishop of Turin is not mistaken. Card. Bartolini. Pref.’123 But the letter he sent Don Bosco on 16
July as an ‘Instruction’, expressed the Promoter’s mild opinion, recommending he submit any
future booklets on ‘graces’ obtained for ecclesiastical review.124
Don Bosco had a lengthy memorandum drawn up for Fr Rostagno with some ‘clarifications’125
on ‘the unpleasant dispute’ which he maintained was ‘without any foundation.’ However, he stated
that he would be ‘obedient, and submit to any order, advice or counsel’ coming from Rome.126 The
Cardinal jotted the following note on the back of the envelope: ‘23 August 1880. The very Rev.
Counsellor can well observe how Don Bosco has sought, or so it seems, to teach the Sacred
Congregation of Rites a lesson by his many acts of humility, with the support of his Consultor, so it
would be best for the Ministry to give him a stern reply. Card. Bartolini. Pref.’ 127 On 26 August,
Archbishop Salvati replied very respectfully to a letter from Don Bosco, which has not been found,
encouraging him wisely and tactfully to reach an understanding with the Archbishop: ‘What he is
asking is that the booklets not be published without his nihil obstat, and this is correct. Loving union
with him is, in every respect, necessary for the survival and fruitfulness of the valuable Salesian
institutions, so it should be sought at all costs and it will certainly be one of the most beautiful
graces the sublime Virgin Help of Christians can bestow on you.’ 128 The case was dismissed. It
was revisited however, during the apostolic process for Don Bosco’s beatification and
canonisation.
5. A Conflict explodes (December 1878–December 1880)
Processes of another kind, though, were already underway at the beginning of the 1880’s. Summer
1880 found Don Bosco already caught inextricably in a tangle of much more serious woes. A first
inkling of these had occurred in May 1878.
At the beginning of that month, an anonymous item slandering Gastaldi had come out in Turin:
the Strenna pel clero ossia rivista sul calendario liturgico dell’archidiocesi di Torino per l’anno 1878
scritta da un Cappellano (A message for the clergy or a review of the liturgical calendar of the Turin
Archdiocese for 1878, written by a chaplain).129
120 S. Pier d’Arena, Tip. e Libr. Salesiana 1880, 134 pp., L.C. a. XXVIII, no. 5, May.
121 Letter quoted in MB XIV 523-524.
122 Letter of 26 June 1880, in MB XIV 795-797.
123 Cit. by MB XI 453.
124 Documenti XXII 186-190.
125 Documenti XXII 205-208.
126 Letter of 17 August 1880, E III 613-614.
127 Cit. in MB XI 454.
128 Documenti XXII 208-209.
129 Turin, Tip. G. Bruno e C. 1878, 87 pp.

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This was the first of a series of pamphlets which unexpectedly brought about a dramatic and
lengthy deterioration of relationships between Don Bosco and Archbishop Gastaldi. Fr Giovanni
Turchi would claim authorship, but only sixteen years later and, as we have already indicated,
pointed to Fr Giovanni Anfossi as the ‘Salesian Co–operator’ author of the Letter on the Archbishop
of Turin and the Congregation of St Francis de Sales.130
The anonymous ‘strenna’ writer – an intransigent priest who had spent ten years as a pupil at
the Oratory – appeared there and then to be casting aspersions on the liturgical calendar but he
was really attempting to discredit all of Gastaldi’s pastoral ministry. The appendix contained the
phrase ‘it is said that … ‘ twenty two times – two of them in reference to punitive relations with Don
Bosco – and a devastating picture of the Archbishop resulted, each ‘it is said that’ followed by an
apparent denial. All in all, it was a violently defamatory piece of slander inciting the diocesan clergy
to rebellion. Not only the Archbishop but those who supported him were convinced the slander had
Salesian origins.131 Don Bosco was already suspected of being behind the ‘Salesian Co–operator’
letter.
Relationships with the Archbishop deteriorated incurably toward the end of 1878, and early
1879, due to an incident featuring Fr Bonetti. For sure, Don Bosco would have been concerned
about nipping this in the bud with quick action had he been able to foresee the complications and
had he borne in mind the less than pleasant precedents in the Fr Bonetti–Archbishop relationship.
The pugnacious editor of the Salesian Bulletin had sent Don Bosco a letter on 1 August 1878,
though it was signed the editors and additions and alterations by Don Bosco are visible in the draft
version. The letter contained snide ‘observations on complaints made by Archbishop Gastaldi
against the Bulletin.’132 Don Bosco passed it on to the Archbishop, justifying himself thus: ‘I sent the
gist of your letter to the editor of the Bulletin as you wrote it to me, and having received a
confidential reply, I am passing it on, also in confidence, not because I approve of it but just for
mutual understanding.’133 All this did was to strengthen the negative impression the Archbishop had
already received over the Bulletin’s role in linking the Church of St John the Evangelist with the
memory of Pius IX.134 However, Fr Bonetti’s impulsiveness and complications by further slanderous
items in which there was at least one explicit reference to the Bonetti case in Chieri, ended up
involving Don Bosco as well.
The remote event was an official letter on 24 September 1878 with which Don Bosco had
entrusted Fr Bonetti with ‘the management and spiritual administration’ of the girls’ public festive
oratory in Chieri.135 The coincidence of religious ceremonies on Sundays at the well–attended
oratory, with parish ceremonies had soon created tensions with the parish priest at the Duomo
(cathedral), Canon Andrea Oddendino (1829–90), an austere priest very much conscious of his
pastoral responsibilities for the flock entrusted to him. There were proposals and resistance to
them, including some exaggerated comments typical of Fr Bonetti. On 28 December 1878, the
parish priest felt constrained to protest at the tone of an article on the St Teresa Oratory in Chieri,
published in the Bulletin. The editor saw the occasion as a battleground for his own journalistic
130 Letter to the Prefect of the Sacred Congregation of Rites, 25 October 1895. The text is found in MB XIX
403-412: it is much more than a simple statement; it is a self-defence that turns into an acrimonious
indictment against the deceased archbishop, in which the contents and spirit of the famous libels of the
years 1877-1878 and of the materials collected and used by Fr Berto and Fr Bonetti to put together the
Exposé to the Cardinals of the Congregation of the Council of 15 December 1881 are reproduced: cf.
Chap. 25, § 5; 26, § 3; 28, §§ 5 and 6.
131 G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815-1883, Vol. II..., p. 278.
132 Documenti XIX 208-210; MB XIII 592-594.
133 To Archbishop L. Gastaldi, 6 August 1878, E III 374.
134 Cf. Chap. 27, § 1.1.
135 Text in MB XIII 702-703.

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warfare. ‘To conclude the picture,’ the author of the article had written ‘we should still mention
certain opposition recently raised against the oratory by a certain individual, but if necessary we
will come back to this again later.’136 He had also sent the parish priest a letter, encouraging him to
cease his hostility, but again the tone and language was rather strong. The parish priest passed it
on to the Archbishop, letting Fr Bonetti know he had done so, on 21 January 1879.
It was the prologue to the new drama that would only be solved three or more years after direct
papal intervention. Fr Bonetti was called to the Archbishop’s office and invited to ask the Provost’s
forgiveness. This act was delayed in coming and Fr Oddenino informed the Archbishop, who did
not hesitate on 12 February to temporarily suspend Fr Bonetti’s faculties for hearing confessions.
The following day, Fr Bonetti wrote to the Provost asking for forgiveness, and informed the
Archbishop in more words than he needed to. He expressed the hope that the suspension would
be revoked immediately, also suggesting that if it were not, then in his own defence and to protect
the honour of the Congregation, he would not be adverse to appealing to Rome. The Archbishop
relied by confirming the suspension, no longer temporary but absolute and unconditional,
depending on the Ordinary.137
On 26 February, Fr Bonetti reached Don Bosco in Lucca, on his way from France to Rome, and
on 6 March he presented his appeal to the Congregation of the Council. This gesture brought pain
and suffering to both of them, only to be finally surmounted with the Archbishop’s death in 1883.
Don Bosco became officially involved in the case personally in February, with a letter to Cardinal
Ferrieri. Fr Bonetti, he began, was the third Salesian priest whom the Archbishop had suspended
‘from hearing confessions of the faithful without observing canonical form.’ The first had been Don
Bosco himself, the second Fr Lazzero, over the Mass incident, and now the third, Fr Bonetti. He
assured him that if the letter to the parish priest and the Archbishop had been ‘lacking in due
respect,’ ‘which nevertheless has to be looked at,’ he explained ‘he [Fr Bonetti] would be
immediately dealt with once the Superior of the Congregation was advised.’ It was no small thing
he was asking of the Cardinal: to invite the Archbishop of Turin ‘to apply the rules prescribed by the
Holy See for similar steps, and before inflicting serious ecclesiastical penalties he should first
examine whether the facts merited such, and as far as possible avoid public scandal,’ since
‘someone who was preaching zealously in the city of Chieri had had to abandon his confessional,
which was surrounded by a multitude of penitents, and remove himself from the Archdiocese in
order not to draw public attention to himself.’138
In May, given the Archbishop’s poor health, it seemed the dispute had been smoothed over, but
the prohibition on Fr Bonetti returning to Chieri and the renewed appeal to Rome, brought the
matter back to its starting point. Don Bosco was persuaded to turn to Cardinal Nina, Prefect of the
Congregation of the Council, stressing the need for the Salesian Society to be given the privilege
enjoyed by ‘the Passionists, Redemptorists and Oblates of the Virgin Mary.’139 But the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars gave the Pope a negative opinion, He then made a request
for mediation to Cardinal Gaetano Alimonda. But the procedure had to pass through the competent
Congregation.140
In 1879, Don Bosco presented the Holy See with a printed copy of eighteen pages entitled
Esposizione alla S.Sede dello stato morale e materiale della Pia Società di S. Francesco di Sales
nel Marzo del 1879. (A report to the Holy See of the moral and material state of the Pious Society
136 BS 3 (1879) no. 1, January, p. 9.
137 Cf. Documenti XLV 1-14.
138 Undated letter (end of February?) of 1879, E III 445-446.
139 Letter of 13 June 1879, E III 475.
140 Cf. MB XIV 236-244.

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of St Francis de Sales in March 1879).141 It was the first three–yearly report after the approval of
the Constitutions. Brief news on the Congregation from 1841 to 1879 was followed by the list of
works classified under four Provinces: the Piedmontese (24 plus the college and boarding house at
Este), the Ligurian (12 plus the 4 in France), the Roman (5), the American, in Argentina and
Uruguay (14 with 100 Salesians). With some exaggeration he listed institutes that were close to
being founded in Milan, Cremona, Lugo, Brindisi, Catania, Randazzo, Challonges, Paris–Auteuil,
Santo Domingo, Brazil, Paraguay, etc. He also included 21 houses or works run by the Daughters
of Mary Help of Christians in the list, three of which were in America. This was followed by brief
Observations, opening these with the statement: ‘The houses the Sisters live in all belong to the
Congregation but with a Salesian as head.’
He added to the Report with brief items of information on the Moral state of the Salesian
Congregation. One indication of his resolute intention to defend the institutions in a precise
chronological context was a text referring to the Archbishop without actually naming him. ‘We are in
excellent relations with parish priests and diocesan ordinaries’ he stated and we can say that they
act as fathers and benefactors to us. We find problems with only one Ordinary and have never
known the true reason for this. With patience, the Lord’s help and by working in submission in his
diocese we hope to gain the benevolence we experience in all other dioceses.’142
On 5 April, a number of criticisms of the Report were passed on by the Congregation of Bishops
and Regulars related to various items: 1) Nothing is said about the financial state of the
Congregation and the novitiate. 2) It speaks of Inspectorates or provinces but not of their canonical
erection. 3) It refers to ‘some shelters for women being entrusted to the sacred ministry of the
Salesians’ – St Joseph’s Workshops, Family of St Peter, Good Shepherd Institute – but it does not
say that this role has been assigned by Episcopal Authority or ‘what the said sacred ministry
consists of.’ 4) It does not say whether the colleges and schools have been opened with due
canonical authorisation. 5) There is no precise definition of the relationship between the Salesian
Congregation and the Institute of Mary Help of Christians. 6) It does not bear in mind that the Holy
See does not allow the services of the Sisters in seminaries and male hospices. 7) Printing the
Report is contrary to practice and privacy.
Don Bosco replied point by point, more by way of defence than acceptance.143 It was obvious
that the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars was unhappy, and it replied that the Salesian
Society was not following Canon Law in the matters indicated. Don Bosco replied once more by
letter on 12 January1880. He was more available to accept what had been observed and provide
clarification on four of the points: ownership of the Congregation’s goods, the novitiate in Marseilles
for which procedures were in progress, division into provinces, the FMA Institute.’144
But already in March 1879, when Fr Bonetti had appealed to the Pope to regain his faculties for
confession, two new anti–Gastaldi items came on the scene in Turin darkening the horizon once
more: The Questione Rosminiana e l’arcivescovo di Torino. Strenna pel Clero compilata dal
Cappellano. Anno II (The Rosminian question and the Archbishop of Turin. Strenna for the clergy
written by the Chaplain. Year II),145 and, at the height of the anti–Rosminian debate, a Piccolo
saggio sulle dottrine di Mons. Gastaldi Arcivescovo di Torino, preceduto da una Introduzione e
seguito da alcune appendici (A short essay on the teachings of the Archbishop of Turin, Mons.
Gastaldi, preceded by an introduction and followed by some appendices).146
141 S. Pier d’Arena, tip. Salesiana 1879, 18 pp., OE XXXI 237-254.
142 G. BOSCO, Esposizione alla S. Sede sullo stato morale e materiale..., pp. 17-18, OE XXXI 253.
143 Cf. letter of 3 August 1879, E III 505-508.
144 Cf. E III 540-544.
145 Tip. G. Bruno e C. 1879, 144 pp.
146 Turin, Tip. Alessandro Fina 1879, 155 pp.

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The Rosminian Question focused especially on Gastaldi’s Rosminian leanings. With the advent
of Leo XIII, a Thomist and restorer of Scholasticism in his Encyclical Inscrutabili on 21 April 1878,
and especially Aeterni Patris on 4 August 1879, even the Archbishop found himself partly wrong–
footed and without defence in Rome, as Don Bosco did when Pius IX died. But in this new
pamphlet too, the ‘Chaplain’ did not hesitate to include Don Bosco’s opposition to the
Archbishop.147
Particularly explosive were the Introduction and an appendix to the Brief essay, apparently
referring to speculation on a number of issues. ‘The Chaplain’ showed he was more interested in
finding an opportunity to include a lengthy series of serious accusations against Gastaldi’s
episcopal governance: his removal of Bertagna from teaching Moral Theology at the Pastoral
Institute (Convitto Ecclesiastico), the closure of the selfsame College subsequent to that, the
collapse of the Seminary, the persecution of a priest and a Congregation that was only doing good
(Don Bosco!), surrounding himself with the worst kind of collaborators, and worst of all, the fact that
Gastaldi was a liberal, Rosminian and rigorist ‘unworthy of the position he was holding’ and it was
therefore necessary to rise up against him.
Of the four appendices, one was even dedicated to A little bit of history, or, the St Theresa
Oratory in Chieri.148 It anticipated by a few weeks the appearance of yet another piece of
anonymous slander at the end of May which was even more compromising for Don Bosco and the
Salesians and especially for Fr Bonetti’s cause: The Archbishop of Turin, Don Bosco and Fr
Oddenino or some humorous, serious and sorrowful facts as told by someone from Chieri. The
Prelude, signed by ‘A head of family’, sought to be a defence of Fr Bonetti, Don Bosco and the
Salesians against Fr Oddenino and the Archbishop.149 In fact, it deeply offended the Archbishop
and harmed his presumed victims since the facts were reported in such detail that only familiarity
with a Salesian at the Oratory could explain it. ‘The avalanche of anonymous slander,’ it was
correctly noted ‘not only damaged the Archbishop and his pastoral activity but it did no service to
Don Bosco and the Salesians. It was not the most suitable way of disposing the Archbishop
towards them and even less so for facilitating reconciliation. Indeed, it brought their relationship to
its most critical point.’150
Meanwhile, Don Bosco had sought to preempt new legal problems for the Congregation, first
with a formal request to Leo XIII to renew ‘the favours and privileges’ granted by Pius IX on 21 April
1876, which had elapsed,151 then by stating in a more developed letter to the Cardinal Protector,
Lorenzo Nina, that ‘the communication of privileges’ was ‘especially necessary at present,’152
[those which ecclesiastical Congregations approved by the Holy See enjoyed]. Also to facilitate
relations with Roman Ecclesiastical Dicasteries, he appointed Fr Francis Dalmazzo in January
1880 as Procurator of the Salesian Society.153 As Rector for eight years of the aristocratic College
at Valsalice, Fr Dalmazzo had been able to acquire considerable flexibility in social relationships
which, to Don Bosco’s way of thinking, made him suitable to be part of the demanding Roman
World both ecclesial and lay. He became a valuable collaborator in years that promised many
tasks: gaining the privileges, the difficult creation of the missionary circumscription in Patagonia
and Tierra del Fuego, the solution to the final controversies with the Archbishop of Turin. Also, with
147 La Questione rosminiana e l’Arcivescovo di Torino..., p. 106.
148 Cf. Piccolo saggio sulle dottrine di Mons. Gastaldi..., pp. 145-155; G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815-
1883, Vol. II..., pp. 280-281.
149 Turin, Tip. G. Bruno e C. 1879, pp. 3-8.
150 G. TUNINETTI, Lorenzo Gastaldi 1815-1883, Vol. II..., p. 282.
151 Petition of 7 March 1879, in MB XIV 707.
152 Cf. letter of 13 June 1879 to Cardinal Nina, Protector of the Salesian Society from 26 March, E III 475.
153 Cf. Letter to Cardinal L. Nina, 12 January 1880, E III 539-540.

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foresight he could not have known, the appointment anticipated by two months the beginning of
negotiations for construction of the Sacred Heart Church in Rome.
As for the tensions with Archbishop Gastaldi, it was not long before there was another occasion
of disagreement when, around March or April, the Archbishop wanted the Salesians to accept an
offer of land and a building he owned to manage an elementary school for poor boys and an
oratory at the Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Negotiations were not handled directly by Don
Bosco, who was first of all in France then Rome over those months, but by Frs Cagliero and Rua.
The unsuccessful, negative result greatly displeased the one making the offer. He let Cardinal Nina
know how unhappy he was.154 Don Bosco excused himself from the affair, sending him a
memorandum prepared by Fr Cagliero. In his accompanying letter Don Bosco regretted the
distortion of facts, recalling other less than favourable behaviour towards the Salesians, in
particular the well–known suspension of Fr Lazzero, Fr Bonetti and himself, still suffering under the
letters of suspension latae sententiae of 25 November and 1 December 1877.155
More worrying still was something else that cropped up a few days later, which some see as
connected with the publication of defamatory material. On 18 August, the police raided the Oratory
Press, taking away proofs of the Salesian Bulletin. When Don Bosco was informed, he wrote from
Nizza Monferrato to Fr Rua, explaining in detail the nature of the press and its assumed legal
status, and invited him to come to Nizza. On his return he sent the King’s Prosecutor clarification
on the link between the printing operation at Valdocco and the one at Sampierdarena, especially
for composition and printing of the Salesian Bulletin.156 We know nothing of the follow–up.
6. Hopes for an agreed settlement, and a forced ‘Concordia’ (1881–82)
Don Bosco’s relationships with Leo XIII, as extremely correct as they were, could not have the
emotional charge of those with the deceased Pius IX. There was too great a distance and
difference of temperament, acquaintance, habit, culture, style of government, but also of time and
ecclesiastical politics. He could certainly not have done better than the clever homage of his Il più
bel fiore del Collegio Apostolico ossia la elezione di Leone XIII con breve biografia dei suoi elettori
pel Sac. Giovanni Bosco. (The most beautiful flower of the Apostolic College or the election of Leo
XIII with a short biography of his electors, by Fr John Bosco).157
Certain aspects of the ecclesial scene in Italy were also evolving. Something necessarily had to
change also with regard to the situation of bishops who did not feel they were adequately
supported by Rome in their dealings with priests and laity who boasted ostentatious fidelity to the
Pope and thus felt authorised to argue against their Ecclesiastical Superiors, even publicly. In
1881,1882, Bl. Giovanni Scalabrini, Bishop of Piacenza (1876–1905) and his friend the Bishop of
Cremona, Geremia Bonelli, fell victim to this, targeted as they were by an aggressive and protected
form of Catholic journalism headed by L’Osservatore Cattolico in Milan, run by the intransigent Fr
Davide Albertario.158
Behaviour of this kind and protests to the Holy See, besides indicating profoundly different
attitudes to the modern world, reflected two different ecclesiologies at all levels, which had
154 Letter of 23 June 1880, Documenti XXII 170-171; MB XIV 534.
155 Letter of 10 July 1880, E III 604-605. The two documents did not come into the Cardinal’s hands so,
when he complained, Don Bosco sent him a copy on 3 September.
156 Letter of 31 August 1880, E III 622-624.
157 Turin, Tip. e libr. salesiana 1878, 288 pp., OE XXX 1-288.
158 Cf. M. FRANCESCONI, Giovanni Battista Scalabrini vescovo di Piacenza e degli emigrati. Rome, Città
Nuova Editrice 1985, pp. 491-620.

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flourished but were left unresolved at Vatican I. One of these was tendentially a vertical view also
followed by Don Bosco, the other more inclined to a certain episcopal collegiality.159 Undoubtedly,
Archbishop Gastaldi was close to this view, thanks to the evolution of his original theological
thinking and his Rosminian culture, which he had profoundly assimilated, beginning with the
Cinque piaghe della Santa Chiesa arriving, as we have seen in his defence of papal infallibility, at a
more systematic view of papal power and episcopal jurisdiction.160
In 1880, Cardinal Prospero Caterina asked the Secretary of the Congregation of the Council,
Archbishop Isidoro Vega, to arrange to conclude Fr Bonetti’s cause within a month.161 But a trivial
error led to further delay. Communication to Archbishop Gastaldi was done by a letter passed on
through Don Bosco and rejected by its intended recipient because the one person who delivered it
it demanded a receipt from him: a formality sought by prejudiced and mistrustful people. The
Archbishop explained it to Cardinal Caterini by letter on 5 December. He exploited the opportunity
to refer to new incidents, the kindness he had shown Don Bosco, thus demonstrating respect and
benevolence in his regard. He said, finally, that he would have been able and indeed wanted to
encourage a process with the Congregation of the Council regarding Don Bosco and Fr Bonetti as
the ones responsible for printing the defamatory material against the Archbishop. He had not done
so through civil or ecclesiastical courts in order not to cause scandal.162
In a report to the Prefect of the Congregation of the Council on 8 January, Fr Bonetti stated his
cause. It was not about Don Bosco though he was profoundly and willingly involved. It was the
explicit support given by the Superior of the Salesian Society to one of his religious who was
quarrelling with his ecclesiastical superior that the Archbishop had taken issue with in a lengthy
letter to Cardinal Caterini on 30 December 1880, attaching documentation against the
complainant.163 Canon Colomiatti, in turn, sent a refutation of Fr Bonetti’s report on 9 February,
accusing him of being the co–author of the pamphlet on The Archbishop of Turin, Don Bosco and
Fr Oddenino (March, 1879).164
On 10 February, Cardinal Nina invited Don Bosco to agree with the Archbishop’s representative
on a ‘settlement de bono et aequo in the cause of his religious.’165 Don Bosco felt he could not
consent to this, since reconciliation had to cover all outstanding or impending issues. The request
for a solution to a particular matter regarding Fr Bonetti seemed to him to be a form of blackmail. ‘If
Don Bosco does not agree to a settlement’ was his interpretation, writing to Fr Rua from Roquefort
in France, ‘the Archbishop will begin a process against Don Bosco for the defamatory material
published against him.’ He was still suffering under the suspension of ipso facto incurrenda
imposed on 25 November and 1 December 1877. Besides, he added, it was essential to hear the
view of the interested party, Fr Bonetti. As for his own position, he offered this reflection: ‘Does he
want to judge Don Bosco as having such a wayward conscience and busying himself with
publications of this kind after such serious threats?’ He asked the recipient to pass on his thoughts
to Canon Colomiatti.166 He told Cardinal Nina that in agreement with Fr Bonetti he keenly wanted
‘everything to be settled in a friendly manner.’ But believing he did not see the same readiness on
the Archbishop’s part, he explained the problem he had told Fr Rua about and concluded: ’I see no
easier way than to return to how things had already been established, meaning to remove Fr
159 Cf. J.-P. TORRELL, La théologie de l’épiscopat au premier Concile du Vatican. Paris, Les Éditions du Cerf
1961, where of particular interest is the second draft of the Constitution De Ecclesia ad opera J. Kleutgen
(pp. 247-279).
160 Cf. Chap. 16, § 9.
161 Cf. Documenti XLV 46-48.
162 Documenti XLV 49-50.
163 Documenti XLV 55-64.
164 Documenti XLV 72-73.
165 Documenti XLV 73-74.
166 Letter of 27 February 1881, E IV 27-28.

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Bonett’s suspension and then everything will be over,’ noting, however, that he continued to be
burdened with ‘the threat of suspension ipso facto incurrenda.’167 He received a letter at Alassio
written by Colomiatti on 29 March, once again inviting him to reach a settlement.168
Don Bosco suggested cancelling Fr Bonetti’s suspension and revoking the accusations brought
against him in Rome.169 The Archbishop too would have wanted general peace: it was enough to
recognise that the Archbishop had been wronged, and ask forgiveness.170 There were personal
negotiations between Colomatti and Don Bosco with the signing, on 27 May, of a draft ‘friendly’
‘confidential’ settlement that also included withdrawing documents from Rome relating to the
dispute between Fr Bonetti and the Archbishop. But the latter, once he had the document in hand,
without further details and formal mutual agreement, sent it to the Prefect of the Council asking that
all documents relating to the dispute be returned to him. Don Bosco, instead, was thinking of an
agreed understanding on all pending problems. Therefore, once he came to know about this he
immediately asked Mons. Verga, the Secretary of the Congregation of the Council, ‘to hold matters
on the dispute at the point they were at.’ He said that the Archbishop’s action ‘does not correspond
to what was agreed with his lawyer, meaning that Fr Bonetti’s suspension would be withdrawn, and
that not only would complaints relating to him be withdrawn but also all letters aimed at defaming
Don Bosco and his poor Congregation.’171 The same day he invited Canon Colomiatti to the
Oratory to resume discussions so he could be better understood.172 At the meeting that followed,
Colomiatti denied that the 27 May understanding included all the conditions put forward by Don
Bosco. Some days later Don Bosco reconfirmed his position explaining: ‘I am more convinced than
ever that the Archbishop’s action does not correspond to our understanding; it leaves Fr Bonetti in
the state he is in and in no way revokes the letters sent to Rome against the writer and our poor
Congregation … In this state of things I see no other way than to let the Holy See establish my
wrongdoing and its reasons, which I fully accept beforehand, whatever they may be. I believe that
Monsignor will also be happy with this because he is a Higher Authority who grants and resricts
powers and controllis their use.’173
A brief pause brought some partial benefit. Fr Bonetti was able to present the Pope with a
detailed memorandum on his situation, and when eighty–four–year–old Cardinal Caterini died,
Cardinal Nina, Protector of the Salesian Society, was appointed the new Prefect of the
Congregation of the Council on 10 November 1881. But the overall situation deteriorated
considerably when, in the curia in Turin, they set about looking for proof and witnesses to
incriminate Fr Bonetti as the author of the anti–Gastaldi material and Don Bosco as his
accomplice.
Among the leading accusations – and these continued to surface even during the process for
Don Bosco’s beatification and canonisation – was the testimony of a former Jesuit priest, Fr
Antonio Pellicani. It was forced and twisted from a deposition by Scolopian, Fr Leoncini, regarding
a conversation he had had with Fr Pellicani. According to this testimony, Don Bosco had invited the
priest to prepare to send to Rome a memorandum on Archbishop Gastaldi’s style of governing the
diocese. The invitation was interpreted by the diocesan lawyers as an encouragement to write a
book or books against the Archbishop. Such an interpretation remained, notwithstanding the
correction made by Pellicani himself following clarification from Don Bosco.174 When asking
167 Letter at the beginning of 1881, E IV 29-30.
168 Documenti XLV 78.
169 To Can. E. Colomiatti, 5 April 1881, E IV 39.
170 Letter to Don Bosco 10 May 1881, Documenti XLV 82.
171 Letter of 2 June 1881, E IV 57-58.
172 Letter of 2 June 1881, E IV 58.
173 To Can. E. Colomiatti, 11 June 1881, E IV 59.
174 To Fr A. Pellicani, 14 October 1881, E IV 87-88.

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Pellicano for a clarification that was more in line with the truth of the conversation, Don Bosco
reminded him; ‘You came to the Oratory to have some of your own books printed, or because
some were in the process of being printed [on Christian education of the young and the enemies
ensnaring them: bad companions, books, reading]. During the conversation we came around to
complaints relating to our Ecclesiastical Superior. You said that it would be very useful to pass
these on to the Holy Father. I replied: “You could do that since you have the time and ability.” That
was it. Maybe it was in different words, but the gist of it was clear.’175
In mid–October, Colomiatti went to Rome where he was encouraged to prepare the information
process against Fr Bonetti, Don Bosco and the famous defamatory items. Don Bosco became
aware of this and wrote to Leo XIII about it while ‘busy preparing a new expedition of missionaries
for America and especially Patagonia.’ He asked the Pontiff that the matter of the pamphlets not be
dealt with by the Congregation of the Council on 17 December, which was set aside to examine Fr
Bonetti’s appeal against the suspension imposed on him. He justified the request in these terms:
‘Since I cannot have a correct understanding of the allegations and since I have been assured it is
all supported by conjecture and certain claims, I cannot therefore provide due clarification and am
thus unable to defend either myself or my Congregation as my conscience obliges me to do.’ He
then went on to state firmly that he had absolutely nothing to do with the pamphlets and
condemned their content to the extent they were subject to condemnation and disapproval by the
Holy See.176
Archbishop Gastaldi also went to Rome to be present for canonisations carried out by the Pope
on 8 December, while his lawyer, Menghini, was preparing his defence in his name for the Bonetti
cause. He was aiming to involve Bonetti, Don Bosco and the Salesian Society in the matter of the
defamatory pamphlets. Don Bosco had a copy of this from Lawyer Leonari, and asked Cardinal
Nina what he had asked of Leo XIII. He went further, weighing up the worth of Pellicani’s testimony
and other arguments against him, among them the incident that occurred in 1869 with Archbishop
Riccardi, relating to the ordination of Fr Giuseppe Cagliero at Casale.177
The Congregation came to a decision on 17 December, which was passed on to Don Bosco on
22 December: Dilata et ad mentem. The mens being that the matter, before being dealt with
legally, could be settled honourably de bono et aequo by both parties. There followed instructions
for Don Bosco on the procedure to adopt, in requesting Fr Bonetti’s reinstatement for hearing
confessions: it need to be done with appropriate words asking forgiveness for anything that might
have upset the Archbishop, even if it went beyond Bonetti’s intention to do so. The Archbishop
received a similar document to Don Bosco’s, but also suggesting how he should act in Don
Bosco’s regard currently and in the future.178
The announcement of the text of the Congregation of the Council’s decision was also made to
Don Bosco by Archbishop Boccali, the Papal Chamberlain.179 He did this by letter, in the Pope’s
name on 27 December. In his reply on 30 December, while fearing ‘some difficulties on the
Archbishop’s part,’ Don Bosco asked Boccali to assure the Pope of his readiness to act as had
been requested, ‘to follow not only his commands but also his wishes.’180 Instead, on 31 December,
Archbishop Gastaldi sent Cardinal Nina a strong protest. He felt that the Congregation’s decision
was an imposition that favoured Fr Bonetti and Don Bosco, while the Archbishop was ‘put down
and annihilated’ without any sense of ‘decorum.’ ‘The Salesians,’ he noted ‘will do as they want in
175 To Fr A. Pellicani, 14 October 1881, E IV 87.
176 To Leo XIII, beginning of December 1881, E IV 95.
177 Letter to Cardinal L. Nina, 10 December 1881, MB XV 242-246; cf. 16, § 8.
178 Documenti XLV 135-137, 141-142, 145; MB XV 721-722, 722-723.
179 Documenti XLV 144-145.
180 To Bishop G. Boccali, 30 December 1881, E IV 106.

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future with such a decision and even more so if they are to have the very special privileges of
certain Religious Orders.’ Towards the conclusion he said: ‘Eminence, as Cardinal Protector of the
Salesian Congregation, you have done well as their advocate.’ ‘I should, then, complain that the
Protector himself is acting as judge against me, given his quality and authority as Prefect of the
Congregation of the Council in imposing an order that would never come from the full
Congregation of Eminent Fathers; that is how the justice of my cause stands for me, according to
how the Prelates have collectively decided.’ He drew his conclusion: ‘Thus I demand that the
Sacred Congregation decide on the doubt iuris ordine servato with the nihil transeat.’181
Days earlier, however, the situation became further complicated. On 20 December, Fr Bonetti
was summoned to appear within a month before the ecclesiastical court in Turin to respond to the
crime of defamation by printing the libellous item The Archbishop of Turin, Don Bosco and Fr
Oddenino.182 Without yet knowing what had been decided on 17 December by the Congregation of
the Council, Don Bosco informed Cardinal Nina of the new crisis on 22 December.183To the letter
he attached a compromising anti–Gastaldi memorandum prepared by Fr Bonetti and Fr Berto and
with his signature: Esposizione del sacerdote Giovanni Bosco agli eminentissimi cardinali della
Sacra Congregazione del Concilio (Presentation by Fr John Bosco to the eminent cardinals of the
Sacred Congregation of the Council).184 The letter was addressed to Cardinal Nina and the Pope. It
is true that in the concluding request he said: ‘By this Report I do not intend to accuse anyone nor
defend myself.’ But in fact it looked like a merciless closing argument for the prosecution, an
impassioned legal harangue against the recipients.185 The Cardinal noted that if the item were to
receive publicity, ‘no right moment could be chosen.’186
The report or presentation was the condensed result of a meticulous collection of documents
seen to by Fr Berto and Fr Bonetti and showed Don Bosco’s lack of faith in any friendly settlement
of the disputes with the Archbishop. But it could hardly make his statement to Cardinal Nina, a few
days later, sound at all credible when he wrote: ‘At any rate, I was and still am ready to make any
sacrifices so long as it brings an end to an affair which has made me lose so much time.’187
In its structure and formulation, the document could hardly be objective. It listed for every year
from 1872 to 1882, a series of acts, stances, behaviours, excerpts, comments suggesting the
Archbishop’s inspirations, purposes, qualities of very different kinds, but they were all lumped
together under ‘harassment and disturbance.’ It revealed ideas and contributions of a theological
and legal nature regarding the Salesian Constitutions, a way of thinking about religious life and the
formation of consecrated individuals, especially if they were clerics. It was all completely plausible
and they were ideas shared by the Roman Curia and most of them introduced into the fully
approved Constitutions. It was a similar case with privileges which Gastaldi felt should be limited,
not only with regard to the Salesian Society but for all religious Institutes. Recorded were
disciplinary measures a bishop intent on the vigorous reform of his diocese could believe were fully
legitimate. It adduced events and episodes against him that were suggested to come from
imprudence, lack of awareness, preventive measures not imputable to just one side. It sided
entirely with Fr Bonetti. It overlooked the fact that the devastating phenomenon of the defamatory
pamphlets had taken place within a context of suspicion, an atmosphere of mistrust and tension in
which everyone was directly or indirectly involved as both cause and victim. Rather than a Report,
what was needed was a well–considered reflection, if not direct contact between the parties, high
181 Letter of 31 December 1881, Documenti XLV 147-149, MB XV 723-726.
182 Documenti XLV 136; MB XV 731.
183 Letter to Cardinal L. Nina, E IV 103-104.
184 S. Pier d’Arena, Tipografia di San Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1881, OE XXXII 49-124.
185 Documenti XLV 138-140; MB XV 249-250.
186 To Don Bosco, 25 December 1881, Documenti XLV 141-142.
187 Cf. letter of 28 December 1881, E IV 104-105.

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level mediation, timely awareness of the opportunity for a settlement without waiting for a verdict
from on high, from courts belonging to the Roman Congregations, or from the Supreme Authority in
the Church. The Report, finally, presupposed and created the ‘Gastaldi case’, the ‘Don Bosco vs
Gastaldi conflict’ as a single block item. There and then it was counter–productive as well as being
historically unfounded and historiographically misleading.
Don Bosco, too, was summoned by the Turin curia on 5 January, accused of being the instigator
behind the writing and publication of the five defamatory items, and the investigator and supplier of
materials used in their publication: ‘1, mandans fieri et publicari libellos adminus iniuriosos,’
Message from the clergy 1878, Brief essay on Archbishop’s teaching, The Rosminian Question,
The Archbishop of Turin, Don Bosco and Fr, Oddenino ‘2. quaesitor et provisor documentorum pro
dictis libellis.’188 Don Bosco asked Cardinal Nina if he was ‘obliged to appear while the dispute was
sub iudice in a higher court for accusations forwarded to the Congregation of the Council on 29
December 1880 and 21 June 1881.’189
At the end of the month, the Archbishop sustained two defeats: on the same day, 31 January
1882, he received a stern warning (‘severe moneatur’) for his letter to Cardinal Nina on 31
December, and it was also passed on to him that Fr Bonetti’s cause – he had appealed
successfully to Rome against the summons from the Turin church court – had been discussed by
the Congregation with the conclusion that the ‘suspension or local interdict was invalid in this
case.’190 The Congregation forbade the curia in Turin from proceeding against Fr Bonetti and Don
Bosco in the matter of the defamatory pamphlets given the contiguous nature of the causes.191 It
appointed the Archbishop of Vercelli, Archbishop Fissore, to prepare the process on the
defamatory material and send it to Rome.192 Having gone to Turin, while Don Bosco was in Rome,
Archbishop Fissore, instead of limiting himself to preparing the cause, made a new attempt at
settlement, and on 15 April obtained from Fr Bonetti and Fr Rua a signed statement denying
involvement, waiting for Don Bosco to do the same.193 Instead, Don Bosco wrote to Cardinal Nina,
reminding him of the failure of earlier attempts and the pointlessness of proceeding further down
this path. He suggested the solution he had put forward on a number of occasions, which
fundamentally was equivalent to surrender on the Archbishop’s part: Fr Bonetti’s reinstatement and
recall of the letters from 25 November and 1 December against him. He distanced himself again
from the famous libel without, however, arriving at a pure and simple condemnation of it: ‘Neither I
nor the Salesians have ever been mixed up in this as far as I am aware up to now. I have always
criticised this inappropriate manner of speaking about the Ecclesiastical Authority and I still do. I
am also very ready to condemn the material contained in it when the things to be criticised before
the Church have been specified for me.’
If we go back to the clear examples of anti–Rosminian content, it seems he found nothing to
condemn, since those who read it were in agreement that it agreed ‘fully with the principles and
thinking recommended by the Holy Father … most recently.’194
The Cardinal asked for a more extensive report which was compiled and signed by Fr Bonetti
on 17 May 1882,195 and for a retraction by Scolopian Fr Leoncini and from Fr Pellicani. Only
Pellicani did so on 30 May.196 Matters in Rome, however, were complicated, since Colomiatti, an
188 Documenti XLV 155-156; MB XV 733.
189 Letter of 7 January 1882, E IV 113-114.
190 Documenti XLV 207; MB XV 727.
191 Documenti XLV 207-208.
192 Documenti XLV 208.
193 Documenti XLV 242.
194 To Cardinal L. Nina, 8 May 1882, E IV 132-134; cf. letter of 7 January 1882, E IV 114.
195 Documenti XLV 267-270; MB XV 734-736.

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able and discreet man who was in the capital from 11 May,197 was working to introduce a new
cause to defend the Archbishop from the unfortunate Report from the previous December.
Don Bosco asked Fr Bonetti to send Cardinal Nina some clarification. They arrived late and
were not so helpful. He wanted to separate his own cause from the pamphlets and the Report. This
was a legitimate defence against the Archbishop’s complaints which had been made public in print.
The matters described there were true and Colomiatti should have made any likely counter
conclusions known in writing.198 In reality, the Report was a serious tactical error, which even Leo
XIII thought inappropriate, and it impacted negatively on the conclusion to the controversy,
including the moment in history it was presented and read.
It was precisely on 25 January 1882 that the Pope issued an encyclical Cognita Nobis,
addressed to the archbishops and bishops of the ecclesiastical provinces of Milan, Turin, and
Vercelli, a theatre for similar conflicts, ‘so that once the causes of these disputes have been
removed, peaceful agreement of minds and wills may be maintained.’ In the first instance, the
Pope said, love for truth which is praiseworthy and something the Holy See also sees as
praiseworthy, should be accompanied for their part by private individuals, Catholic newspapers and
those in charge of them in obedience and respect for the bishops’ higher authority and this meant it
was not permissible to question the steps they took in the doctrinal and disciplinary order of things.
With regard to the harsh dissent between Catholics who follow different philosophies – meaning,
concretely, Thomism and Rosminianism – he invited them to moderate the tone of their arguments
and hoped that editors and those responsible for Catholic newspapers would abstain from writing
about such matters, leaving it to the Holy See to exercise its role of vigilance and intervention with
the prudence that rightfully leaves any Catholic feeling at ease.199
It was a position that Archbishop Gastaldi, as a fervent supporter of Rosmini’s thinking, could
only but appreciate and also feel confirmed in his lofty concept of episcopal authority. Archbishop
Gastaldi reminded people who struck out at the principle of authority, in his Pastoral Letter for Lent
1882 on 13 February, of … the divine authority of the Roman Pontiff. He deplored the fact that too
often ‘in the bosom of the Catholic Church there are individuals who in God’s hands are manifestly
instruments of sanctification but who nevertheless fall for some of Satan’s snares.’ He lists two
significant examples of this in the Church’s history: St Jerome sought peace in the grotto at
Bethlehem ‘because elsewhere the cursing tongue of some clerics did not allow him any rest.’ ‘St
Charles Borromeo was persecuted to death by a group of religious.’200 It certainly was not esoteric
language.
There seemed to be no way out for the controversy in Turin. In May, Leo XIII himself decided to
handle the matter of a settlement which the Archbishop now wanted. In the most recent days of the
affair, Don Bosco was absent from Rome for health reasons and maybe also diplomatic ones.201
This could only have been to his disadvantage although he recalled Fr Dalmazzo to Turin to
receive instructions. On 27 May, Cardinal Nina wrote to the Procurator that it ‘was necessary in
order to follow up on the Holy Father’s intentions’ for Don Bosco to give him in writing ‘full power to
196 Cf. E IV 88; Smentita un’accusa contro D. Bosco, Torino, 30 May 1882 and Osservazioni, 1° June 1882.
S. Pier d’ Arena, tip. dell’Ospizio di S. Vinc. de’ Paoli 1882, 4 pp., Documenti XXIV 156-159; The text is
also in MB XV 256-257.
197 Cf. letter of 10 May from Archbishop L. Gastaldi to Cardinal L. Nina, Documenti XLV 264-265.
198 To Cardinal L. Nina, 22 May 1882, E IV 137.
199 Cf. ASS 14 (1881) 289-291; G. ASTORI, Mons. Bonomelli, mons. Scalabrini e don Davide Albertario. Note
storiche con documenti inediti. Brescia, Pavoniana 1939; M. FRANCESCONI, Giovanni Battista
Scalabrini..., pp. 491-570 (Le prime polemiche con “L’Osservatore Cattolico”).
200 L. GASTALDI, Lettere pastorali..., p. 545.
201 Letter to Fr F. Dalmazzo and to Cardinal L. Nina, 20 May 1882, E IV 135-136, 136, following an
exchange of telegrams between Rome and Turin from 10 to 22 May (Documenti XLV 270-272, 275).

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arrive at an agreement to be made with the Archbishop’ accepting ‘willingly, all the instructions His
Holiness, in his enlightened rectitude, thought to establish, glorying in the fact that he and his
Institute were obedient sons of the Holy See.’202
Don Bosco followed through with this, though what he wrote to the Pope and to Cardinal Nina
was not exactly the same – more generic for the former, more formal and precise for the latter: ‘I
have given our confrere Fr Dalmazzo the faculty of acting in my stead in everything Your Holiness
sees fit’203 he wrote to the Pope, and to Cardinal Nina: ‘I confer full authority on our confrere, Prof
Fr Francesco Dalmazzo, Procurator General of the Pious Society of St Francis de Sales, Parish
Priest of the Sacred Heart of Jesus Church, with the faculty to deal with, conclude and approve
whatever pleases His Holiness.204
Negotiations between the two plenipotentiaries were taken in hand by the Cardinal Secretary of
State, Ludovico Jacobini, who acted as Cardinal Nina’s delegate and referred directly to the Pope.
Seven articles were presented for the settlement from both Canon Colomiatti and Don Bosco.205
Following this, the ‘Concordia’ was arrived at, signed by order of the Pope on 17 June by Canon
Colomiatti and Fr Dalmazzo. But Fr Dalmazzo did ask Cardinal Nina that he hear him out regarding
the Bonetti affair206 and complained to Don Bosco that he had been kept on the margins of the
negotiations.207 On 23 June, Cardinal Nina sent the authentic text of the ‘Concordia’ to Don Bosco
with a confident comment, ‘The great faith I have in your virtue and good balance makes me
confident about the good results of the procedures to be followed.’208
The text had come from the conviction that above all, the preeminent episcopal authority had to
be safeguarded, as the Archbishop understood perfectly well. He thanked the Pope warmly on 24
June.209 For Fr Bonetti there was substantial reinstatement, while for Don Bosco and the
Congregation, tranquillity and peace were granted in relation to the irritating issues of the
defamatory material and the Report. Don Bosco’s dignity as a priest and his authority as Superior
of the Salesian Society remained intact and freed of any further opposition. Indeed, the way was
cleared for a quick solution to the problem of privilege and new relationships with Rome.
Fundamentally he was asked for an act of deference which was also an expression of wise
policy: 1) Don Bosco would write a letter to the Archbishop expressing his regret for ‘any incidents’
that would have caused ‘bitterness and asked for ‘forgiveness’. 2) The Archbishop would reply to
Don Bosco expressing his comfort and readmitting him to good grace. 3) Fr Bonetti’s faculties for
confession would be restored and Don Bosco would agree to send him to Chieri for a year. 4) Don
Bosco would also commit to recalling copies of the Report he had sent the cardinals. ) The
Archbishop would recall and destroy the letters from 25 November and 1 December 1877. 6) As for
the incriminating pamphlets, Don Bosco would declare that he ‘had always been critical of the
manner and form in which they spoke of the Ecclesiastical Authority and was so now. He was
ready, as often as he was asked, to formally put that in writing.’ He was ready to condemn the
content which the Church was critical of.210
There was an unfortunate after–effect. Having received the text of the signed document, Don
Bosco wrote briefly to Cardinal Nina on 27 June, saying he thought it was about a ‘plan’ around
202 Text in MB XV 264.
203 To Leo XIII, 30 May 1882, E IV 140.
204 To Cardinal L. Nina, 30 May 1882, E IV 140 and 140-141.
205 Documenti XLV 285-286, 287-289 (observations by Fr Bonetti in Don Bosco’s name); cf. MB 266-268,
739-741.
206 Documenti XLV 300-301.
207 Documenti XLV 301-303.
208 Documenti XLV 305-306; MB XV 270-271.
209 Documenti XLV 309-310.
210 Documenti XLV 306-308; MB XV 269-270.

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which certain ‘clarifications’ were still allowed.211 He wrote to Fr Dalmazzo, forgetting he had given
him full authority, with evident disappointment and undisguised concerns; ‘Things are a real mess. I
have received the famous communication. I am preparing some observations, but your signature is
on it. If you have an observation to make tell me immediately. Cardinal Nina is waiting. We will deal
with this the best we can.’212
Fr Dalmazzo’s reply on 30 June allowed no prevarication. The Pope himself had read the text
and made his own adjustments and it was his firm wish that the ‘Concordia’ be signed as it was. 213
The reply from the Cardinal Protector on 5 July was one of amazement and insistence: the letter
written on 27th came as ‘no little surprise,’ indeed’ caused him ‘deep regret.’ To open discussion
once more on legitimately signed articles would be equivalent to betraying the Pope’s wish, since
he was waiting to be assured that what was agreed was acted upon and he wanted it to be ‘a fait
accompli.’214 Don Bosco immediately sent the Archbishop the letter indicated in the ‘Concordia’ and
informed Cardinal Nina the same day, 8 July.215 Then, by letter on 18 July, he handed the
Archbishop the letters of the threatened suspension from 1877 and also informed the Cardinal
Protector of this...216
In 1883, following the Archbishop’s death on 25 March, Easter Sunday, the Congregation of the
Council declared that ‘post arciepiscopi funus’ the instruction limiting Fr Bonetti’s return to Chieri
only ‘in aliqua circumstantia’ no longer applied.217
The April Salesian Bulletin came out with a page dedicated to the Death of Archbishop Lorenzo
Gastaldi, Archbishop of Turin. It began: ‘The current issue of the Bulletin was already prepared
when the sad news reached us obliging us to provide this last page of the magazine as a death
notice.’ It then gave news of the death and the second half of the page offered a brief biographical
outline, stressing in particular the good he had done from the early days of the Oratory, showing
‘kindness and affection, more than many others had’ to the Salesians, including after his return
from England. ‘He was like a friend and brother to Don Bosco, just as his outstanding mother was
like a second mother to our boys.’ It concluded: ‘Our late beloved Archbishop cooperated in various
ways for our benefit, as history will show in time. Therefore we recommend him to everyone’s
prayers and we would very much like the first indulgences you can gain to be applied in suffrage
for his soul.’218
211 Letter of 27 June 1882, E IV 146.
212 Letter of 28 June 1882, E IV 147.
213 Documenti 326-328.
214 Documenti XLV 329-330; MB XV 272-273.
215 E IV 151-152.
216 Letter of 18 and 25 July 1882, E IV 154-155.
217 Decree of 11 July 1883, MB XV 750.
218 BS 7 (1883) no. 4, April, p. 72.

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Section Three
THE MISSION MATURES AND INCREASES IN VITALITY
(1878–88)
INTRODUCTION
The last period of Don Bosco’s life, rooted in the fertile four years of legal, regulatory and doctrinal
consolidation from 1874–77, was one he dedicated to maximum effort in spreading and
strengthening his youth mission works in Europe and America, as well as strengthening the
Religious Institute and Associations he had founded from within. This development took place
while serious opposition and crises were weighing on him and his Congregation. From the end of
1882, the direction became more single–minded. The final four years were marked, then, by his
growing physical decline, physical and moral suffering, but within himself he was serene and at
times even exultant.
His welfare and pedagogical activity were enriched by social and educational references that
went beyond the concrete experiences of the Salesians. As we have seen, journalists, publicists
and biographers contributed to this, following his setting out of the formula for the preventive
system. No less intense were the efforts he contributed within the Salesian Society and for the
benefit of the FMA Institute and the Cooperators Union.
Other than the image of Don Bosco as the one responsible for and managing youth works and
the Superior of Religious Institutes flanked by a large Association, his image as a promoter of
public opinion and as a miracle worker continued to emerge, already confirmed during the
construction of the Church of Mary Help of Christians. His personality as a man of God, of intense
spirituality and active charity, became more refined.
This was supported by journeys and speeches, sermons de charité, individual and group letters
of animation to a social and apostolic way of thinking. Especially symbolic of his growing mindset
of openness to the world were his two trips to Paris and Barcelona in 1883 and 1886 respectively,
the construction of the Sacred Heart Church in Rome, his concern to expand and stabilise
missionary activity.

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Chapter 29
EXPANSION OF SALESIAN ACTIVITY AND FINAL
ORGANISATION OF THE FMA INSTITUTE (1878–88)
1878 FMA Mother house transferred to Nizza Monferrato
1878–79 First printed text of the Institute’s Constitutions
1879 Summer: Opening of Salesian house at S Benigno Canavese;
Autumn: Salesians to Brindisi, Challonges, Cremona,
Randazzo and the FMA to Catenia
1880 June: Opening of house at Penango Monferrato;
29 August : Re–election of St Mary Domenica Mazzarello;
September: Second General Chapter of the Salesian Society
1881 14 May: Death of St Mary Domenica Mazzarello;
12 August: Election of twenty five year–old Sr Caterina Daghero (1856–1924) as
Superior General;
October: Birth of the French Province with Fr Paul Albera as Superior
1882 Deliberations of the Second General Chapter of the Pious Salesian Society
1883 Autumn: Opening of Salesian novitiate in Marseilles
1884 11–22 August: First General Chapter of the FMA Institute
1885 Summer: Final printed text of the FMA Constitutions while Don Bosco was still alive
1886 Second General Chapter of the FMA Institute
It is clear that at the heart of Don Bosco’s activity was the urge to reach the young in the greatest
numbers possible and by ranging as widely as possible. This drove the growth of works where they
could be brought together to be formed in religious, moral, civic terms. The only limitation was the
lack of personnel. Hence the parallel effort to increase numbers and to improve their quality in
order to guarantee solidly founded and well formed religious structures. This is what lay behind the
effort to put the final touches to the FMA Constitutions and improve the norms for applying them,
as well as the Salesian Constitutions, without overlooking the persevering practical and spiritual
animation of members of the Religious Institutes of which Don Bosco was the founder, to one
extent or another.
1. Expansion of works (1879–80)
In 1879, Don Bosco and his Council decided to respond to at least some of the many requests for
taking on works, first of all in Italy. They leaned towards ones that seemed more suited to the

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purposes of the Salesian Society and which guaranteed a more certain beginning, modest though
it may be and that promised development. Nevertheless, despite the caution, some of these were
short–lived.
1.1 In Italy
During meetings of the Superior Chapter held at Alassio from 6–8 February 1879, and to be
exact, on the afternoon of the final day, members decided that Frs Durando and Cagliero should
take a trip as soon as possible throughout Italy to examine requests in loco for works considered
most achievable, and to draw up agreements for some of those nearing conclusion, i.e. ‘Randazzo,
Brindisi, Cremona.’1
The two travellers returned to Valdocco on 5 April and informed Chapter members of the results
on the 15th and 16th: 1. ‘An agreement similar to the one at Alassio has been concluded and
signed at Randazzo in Sicily.’ ‘It was agreed that for the first year (1 November 1879) we will open
only elementary and 1st Year lower secondary’ ‘2. It has been agreed and confirmed that our
Sisters will take over an existing girls institute at Catania, also in Sicily, and not far from Randazzo.’
‘3. The bishop at Brindisi is full of good will and has a Salesian soul … giving up part of his own
building to use as an oratory. It is agreed that this year we will go there just to open the festive
oratory.’ ‘4. Everything has also been concluded and confirmed at Cremona. The learned and holy
Bishop Geremia Bonomelli wants us and loves us immensely. Again for this year we are to go
there to open a festive oratory with private classes.’2 Don Bosco confirmed these in a circular to
Cooperators at the beginning of 1880, adding the work at San Benigno Canavese. The two most
important and enduring foundations were San Benigno Canavese and Randazzo.3 Two were rather
like a meteor flashing across the sky, Brindisi and Challonges. A little longer in existence but
unpredictably and traumatically interrupted was the work at Cremona.
The Bishop of Brindisi, the erudite Barnabite Luigi Maria Aguilar (1814–96), had been in contact
with Don Bosco already since 1877, wanting a workshop in his diocese for young apprentice
craftsmen. Negotiations were carried out with Fr Rua, who suggested instead ‘a festive oratory and
night classes, and perhaps even classes for day students.’ On 23 April 1878, Fr Durando told the
Archbishop of their acceptance. The Archbishop visited the Oratory in October 1879 and met Don
Bosco. The work – an oratory and night school – was opened on 8 November.4 The component of
the branch at Brindisi or ‘the Archbishop’s Palace’, as it was listed in the 1880 Year Book, were ‘the
Oratory of St Alphonsus Liguori’ with night classes, a twenty–four–year–old Rector who was
culturally versatile and active, Antonio Notario (1855–1942), a cleric, with another added midway
through the school year (but already by 1881 neither was listed in the Congregation’s Year Book),
a coadjutor and an aspirant, the only one of the group with his elementary teacher’s certificate.
They were probably not the best choice for setting up a rather precarious work and for
understanding a context requiring courageous and enterprising pioneers. In less than a year, at the
request of the bishop himself, a faithful Salesian Cooperator who offered the opening of a hospice
1 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali..., quad. 2, pp. 61-62. Fr Durando was one of the listed
teachers not found in class during the inspection made by Superintendent Rho in March 1879: cf. Chap.
28, § 2.1.
2 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali..., quad. 2, pp. 89-91.
3 BS 4 (1880) n. 1, January, pp. 1-2.
4 Cf. F. CASELLA, Il Mezzogiorno d’Italia e le istituzioni educative salesiane. Rome, LAS 2000, pp. 52-57,
435-438.

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at S. Vito dei Normanni with more adequate staff as an alternative, the Salesians withdrew.5 The
opportunity had been lost for a promising establishment in a region with rich future possibilities.
The work at Cremona had an excellent start. It was accepted at the request of a bishop who
had been bishop of the Lombard city since 1871, and for pastoral reasons had shifted from his
former intransigent stance after the advent of Leo XIII.6 On 25 September 1879, seven Salesians
arrived with two capable men in charge, Fr Stefano Chicco (1846–81) as Rector, and Fr Faustino
Confortola (1871– 1913), to run the oratory and boarding house of St Lawrence with four
elementary classes and a public church.7 The work was carried out in a setting influenced by
substantial secular and anticlerical forces. However, it was much appreciated in the Catholic world
and by families. Unfortunately, the Rector died on 16 September 1881 Present with him was the
Rector of Sampierdarena, Fr Belmonte, sent expressly by Don Bosco. ‘See that he lacks nothing,’
Don Bosco had recommended, ‘and assure him that as well as praying for him morning and
evening, I send him a special blessing. If I were not caught up in a thousand things, I would like to
visit him. Perhaps I can do that at the beginning of next week.’8
Don Bosco did get to comfort him. Fr Chicco’s death and the departure of the mature Fr
Confortola, called to run the new house in Florence, were fatal for the work, except for the
kindness of the Rector, Fr Domenico Bruna (1850–1911) who was rather inexperienced. In a brief
letter at the beginning of the year, Don Bosco expressed his gratitude to Bishop Bonomelli asking
his continued protection and resolving to support him in everything that could be ‘for the glory of
God and the good of souls,’ with the hope that if need be he would give the Salesians ‘all the
fatherly advice but also reproach them if that was necessary.’9 Some of the less balanced
members would need that.
In February 1882, the Catechist of the house, Fr Ermenogildo Musso, was accused of ‘brutally
applying stinging nettles to the bare flesh of two boys and had offended the decency of one of
them.’10 The priest may have only remotely offended decency but without doubt had adopted an
improper manner of penitential therapy, so much so that the Court ended up sentencing him in
absentia to three months prison, ten days detention and a fine of 200 lire [700 euro].11 As soon as
the matter was reported, however, Fr Musso fled to France. The appeal to the Court of Appeals in
Brescia, seen to beg the legal office of the Honourable Tommaso Villa, a layman and Freemason
from Castelnuovo, did not take place since the period of time had elapsed for continuing a first
degree sentence. The anticlerical newspapers of course, contradicted by the Catholic press, found
material for the most malevolent falsification of what had occurred,12which did not justify any
discussion of de re turpissima, as Archbishop Gastaldi would have it, or the need for an Apostolic
Visit to the Salesian Society, as someone in the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars had
suggested.13However, with reference to the Casale law, the Prefect of Cremona and President of
the Provincial School Council had already decreed on 5 March that the school ‘be temporarily
closed as a matter of urgency.’14To bring calm to a prejudiced and over–heated situation, the
5 Cf. Archbishop’s letter of 4 July 1880 and Fr M. Rua’s letter of the 18th (F. CASELLA, Il Mezzogiorno
d’Italia..., pp. 438-440).
6 Cf. C. BELLÒ, Intransigenti e transigenti nel movimento cattolico cremonese (1870-1895), “Bollettino
dell’Archivio per la Storia del movimento sociale cattolico in Italia” 3 (1968) 32-59.
7 Curriculum in Documenti XXII 211-213.
8 Letter from Nizza Monferrato 8 August 1881, E IV 73.
9 To Bishop G. Bonomelli, 30 December 1881, E IV 107.
10 Documenti XXIV 68; MB XV 813-815.
11 Documenti XXIV 68.
12 Documenti XXIV 69, 74-86.
13 Cf. letter of Fr F. Dalmazzo to Don Bosco of 15 May and 25 October 1882, Documenti XLV 265-267;
XXIV 243.
14 Documenti XXIV 70-73.

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Salesians withdrew from the city for reasons of advisability and with full agreement between the
bishop and Don Bosco.
The work at San Benigno Canavese, 20 kilometres north of Turin, with its technical classes and
festive oratory, became a classic in the Salesian experience. In Don Bosco’s intention, it was
above all the site for the clerics’ novitiate, and from 1886 for coadjutors, when the clerical novices
moved to Foglizzo. Procedures were initiated in 1878 and already concluded by autumn.15
In January 1879, he wrote to Fr Rua: ‘Send someone to take a look at the building at S.
Benigno and see that things are ready for it to be habitable by May.’16 Naturally, given what Don
Bosco had guaranteed the Mayor of the town, and highlighted in his annual letter published in the
January 1889 Salesian Bulletin, the house was also to be used for educational and social purposes
on behalf of the young. This was the condition the Prefect of Turin had put when granting the use
of a heritage building, the almost thousand–year–old Fruttuaria Abbey – State property entrusted
to the Municipality. He asked that the abbey building be destined to a work ‘of public utility.’ In fact
day classes were established there ‘for students of the town,’ ‘night classes for adults,’ leisure
activities ‘on Sundays’ for ‘young workers of the town ,’ ‘a hospice for poor trade students’ ‘a
studentate’ and practical training site for future educators of the young.17
The curriculum was put in place and gave rise to continued development, especially the various
workshops – tailoring, shoemaking, carpentry, printing, bookbinding – and became a place for the
religious and technical formation of Salesian Brothers for the many arts and trades school around
the world. The first residents arrived on 5 July 1879 for the summer holidays, young clerical
aspirants from Valdocco. The activities indicated above saw gradual beginning from autumn
onwards.
1879 was also an historic year for the Salesian Society. Two initial works, one of the Daughters
of Mary Help of Christians in Catania, the other 70 kilometres away at Randazzo for the Salesians,
came into being. They were the beginning of hundreds of works on the island, and the flourishing
of thousands of vocations of men and women who followed Don Bosco. One was the origin of
three provinces of women religious, and the others, the origin of one of the best qualified and most
numerous Salesian provinces in Italy.
The Municipal College at Randzzo, in the recently established diocese of Acireale (1872) began
operation in autumn 1879, through the initiative of some admirers and benefactors of Don Bosco
and his enterprises, with Cavaliere Giuseppe Romeo Vagliasindi at the forefront.18 Negotiations
took place quickly, led by Frs Durando and Cagliero, who arrived in Randazzo on 3 March 1879,
and stayed six days. The Alassio model rather than the more rigid Varazze one was preferred for
the agreement, with its larger overall contribution. It was drawn up with the City Council on 7 March
and approved by the Provincial School Council on 29 April.19
The first ten Salesians arrived on 24 October 1879, headed by the learned and creative Fr
Pietro Guidazio (1841–1902) who the year before, as indicated earlier, was responsible for
secondary studies at the Seminary in Montefiascone. The staff were of top quality, with young
versatile and gifted teachers. From the first year there was Fr Giovanni Battista Rinaldi (1855–
15 Cf. letter to Baron C. Ricci des Ferres, Oratory of San Benigno Canav. 3 October 1878, E III 390.
16 Letter from Marseilles, 11 January 1879, E III 436.
17 To the Mayor of San Benigno, 10 March 1879, E III 453.
18 BS 4 (1880) no. 1, January, pp. 11-14, La prima casa salesiana in Sicilia ossia il collegio di S. Basilio in
Randazzo and two letters of the Salesian Rector and the Archbishop of Messina, Servant of God
Giuseppe Guarino; no. 2, February, pp. 8-9, Gratitudine di un padre e il Collegio di Randazzo; 5 (1881)
no. 8, August, pp. 6-8, La festa di S. Basilio e l’Arcivescovo di Messina in Randazzo and a letter of the
Archbishop to Don Bosco.
19 Cf. text in MB XIV 781-782.

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1926) who soon became the dynamic initiator and rector for twenty years of the Salesian
foundation at Faenza; Fr Stefano Trione (1856–1935), an exceptional organiser and leader; clerics
Eusebio Calvi (1858–1923) an educator and writer of rare finesse, and Francesco Piccollo (1861–
1930) a man of great spirituality and governing ability (Rector and Provincial in Sicily and Visitor for
various Provinces), Ernesto Vespignani (1861–1925), a clever architect and later much
appreciated throughout South America.
The first boarders arrived on 12 November. Fr Trione immediately organised the festive oratory
next to the college and was able to make use of a church that had been deserted up till then. The
first welcome to Salesians was given by the Archbishop of Messina, Servant of God Giuseppe
Guarino, who later was made Cardinal. The Salesians visited him there. A few days later,
Archbishop Guarino wrote a moving letter to Don Bosco, hoping he would come to Sicily, but Don
Bosco never succeeded in going any further than Naples where he stayed briefly for two days on
Easter Monday and Tuesday, 29–30 March 1880, also meeting Archbishop Sanfelice and Fr
Ludovico da Casoria. During the first year, Archbishop Guarino lived with the Salesians for a week
– Randazzo is on the border between Messina and Arcireale dioceses. They also had a visit from
diocesan Bishop Genuardi.
‘Vae soli says the Holy Spirit’ as Fr Cagliero wrote to Fr Rua from Randazzo on 24 October,
1883 ‘and I say the same about the college at Randazzo, which has absolute need for a
companion in the volcanic land.’20 The recommendation was followed up in 1885 with the opening
of a festive oratory with night classes at Catania ‘entitled St Philip Neri.’21 It had a resplendent
future.
There was a modest beginning for a work established in the Monferrato town of Penango. It
started out as a boarding school with elementary classes, almost as a branch of the college at
Borgo San Martino. Then for a century it became the peaceful centre for formation of clerics and
religious vocations. A first hint of the college at Penango can be found in a letter of Don Bosco’s to
Fr Rua from Marseilles. ‘I have received Fr Bonetti’s letter in relation to the house at Penango. If
you think it appropriate I am not against it. You can begin by offering 20,000 lire [around 64,000
euro].’22
Solemn possession took place on Sunday, 6 June 1880, with all of Borgo San Martino present
and the bishop of Fossano, Bishop Manacorda, a native of Penango. Don Bosco visited for the first
time in October 1881, at the beginning of the first year of full activity. Writing from Pinerolo to Count
and Countess Colle in 1886, he noted with satisfaction that the local bishop, Bishop Filippo Chiesa,
was destined for Casale diocese where the two houses at Borg San Martino and Penango were.23
1.2 In France
Autumn 1879 brought a new, though short–lived, foundation in Savoy at Challonges, in Annecy
diocese, the birthplace of Commendatore Dupraz, promoter along with his wife, Angela Giusiana,
of the work at Trinità. This came about at the beginning of the crisis following Fr Guanella’s
departure. On 21 July 1879 Commendatore Dupraz had drawn up a very simple agreement,
offering a house and financial support for opening a ‘private elementary school and festive oratory.’
It was on this basis that on 13 November, the Salesian Rector, Fr Carlo Cays, provided a written
20 Cit. in MB XVI 400.
21 BS 10 (1886) no. 1, January, p. 2.
22 Letter to Fr Rua, 22 January 1880, E III 545.
23 Letter of 25 July 1886, E IV 522. The bishop died a few months after the translation of the diocese from
Pinerolo diocese (4 June-5 November 1886).

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statement of the handover of the work, all duly equipped,24 but the Rector and perhaps also Fr
Durando did not appear to be fully au fait with the strict provisions of French legislation regarding
the opening of a school run by private individuals,25a forerunner of the much more restrictive
regulations which came into force in 1880.26
But maybe the mistake at Challonges was due to the ambiguous reference to ‘a private
elementary school’ used in the agreement: was it what was determined by the official French
school regulations or just an informal popular school as Don Bosco imagined it to be? Not without
foundation, the new Rector as well as Dupraz and some of the superiors in Turin chose the first of
these. Count Carlo Cays, ordained just one year, was assisted by a coadjutor from Nice who had
only recently become a Salesian. The opening took place on 10 November. In Turin the thought
was to ensure the legality of elementary teaching – French nationality and accreditation – by
asking Fr Vincent to run it. He came from Saint–Cyr, the priest who had given the Salesians the
two agricultural schools at Navarre and Saint–Cyr. But the prescribed authorisation had not been
requested, and this prevented two Italians from managing the school. It was already closed by
administrative notice on 8 December, the formal decree following on the 27th.
Don Bosco suggested some prudent interim solutions to guarantee a more secure future and
which, more immediately, would not compromise the other works in France. He wrote to Fr Cays
on 12 December: ‘However, had we kept to Commendatore Dupraz’s first idea, perhaps we would
have avoided this clash. That idea was to establish a festive oratory and night classes for the year,
then we could have seen what we had to do. It is a serious business when it affects the
sensitivities of the local municipalities (their Councils). We are in an almost identical position at
Trinità di Mondovì. There the teachers are doing everything to uplift the pupils and the City Council
is supporting this. At any rate let us await the Magistrate’s decision which we must abide by. But I
think it would be good to keep strictly to the festive oratory with ‘charitable classes’ in the basic
strict sense of that term. Fr Rua will write to you concerning other matters. As for our other schools
they will not be disturbed, because at Nice, Navarre, Marseilles they are teaching only internal
classes to the trade boys boarding there. In Marseilles they are teaching boys from the Maîtrise,
but under the responsibility of the parish priest.’27
Toward the end of January, Commendatore Dupraz contacted a French lay teacher, a good
Catholic, Jean Baptiste Ronchail, who accepted.28 Don Bosco agreed with the solution, suggesting
the Rector yield for now ‘to the power of authority’ and ‘entrust the teaching’ to the suggested
teacher with the appropriate salary, in the hope of improved arrangements the following year which
would allow them to do whatever was needed ‘to fulfil the obligations of the law.’ That was so much
the more necessary at ‘a time of agitation throughout France’ where ‘there is opposition especially
against Religious Congregations.’
Don Bosco insisted above all that events at Challonges not end up ‘damaging the other houses
in France’ that were being supported ‘ with many personal and financial sacrifices in order to do a
bit of good.’29 Government authorisation was also needed to open the chapel.30
The school continued under Ronchail’s personal management until the end of the school year,
but the lack of available French Salesians to support it led to the decision to withdraw. When they
returned to Italy for the retreat over summer, the Salesians at Challonges did not return.
24 Documenti XXII 294.
25 Documenti XXII 293-294.
26 Cf. Chap. 2, § 9 and Chap. 28, § 3.
27 Letter to Fr C. Cays, 12 December 1879, E III 532-533.
28 Documenti XXII 51-52.
29 To Fr C. Cays, from Marseilles 4 February 1880, E III 546.
30 Documenti XXII 76-77: letter of C. Cays to the bishop and vice versa.

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Commendatore Dupraz’s disappointment was enormous. According to him, he had spent 90,000
francs [ca. 300,000 euro], three quarters of what he had, on construction and equipment, and there
was also the moral and spiritual harm that this abandonment meant for the children at Challonges.
He stated this in a lengthy note to Turin on 16 November 1880 hoping the decision could be
reconsidered.31 His death, which occurred before the end of the year, made the situation even
more difficult. Finally, at the beginning of the new year, Don Bosco decided to formally abandon the
work, returning it to Dupraz’s widow as he wrote to Fr Rua from Roquefort in the south of France: ‘
I have no news of matters discussed with Madam Dupraz. I think it would be good to accept what
she wants to give and leave it all in her hands, meaning, let go of the house at Challonges.’32
Apart from this unpleasant episode, the path to consolidation and juridical autonomy of the
Salesian work in the south of France was tangible. They had survived the terrible ‘hurricane’ in
1880. The centre was shifting ever more from the mother house in Nice to the house in Marseilles.
With its Oratoire Saint–Leon it aspired to and copied the Oratory at Valdocco. In preparation for a
visit to Marseilles in mid–February 1881, Don Bosco asked Fr Bologna in December for information
and details on the work: state of construction works, number of boarders and day students, results
gained, works planned, credit and debt, the work of the support Committee, ‘all the details that
could help with a report I would like to give at the Cooperators’ Conference. I hope will take place a
few days after my arrival. Send it to me in French as well, because it will help me.’33
Don Bosco arrived in mid–February 1881 with Fr Durando who was to see to class syllabuses.
On the 16th they had a solemn celebration for St Francis de Sales with Mass celebrated by the
diocesan Bishop Jean Robert, and on the 17h , Don Bosco held a Conference in French in the
presence of the Archbishop of Aix, Théodor Forcade (1816–85) from the Paris Foreign Missions.
He had been a missionary in Macau, Vicar Apostolic in Japan, Bishop of Guadeloupe and from
1873, Aix–en–Provence.34
As Don Bosco wrote to Cardinal Nina, ‘St–Cyr, Toulon, Frejus, Cannes, Nice attended the
Conference.’35
He indicated other stopovers to Canon Guiol from Nice as he carried on his tireless efforts to
find resources: ‘At Aubagne, Roquefort, St–Cyr, Toulon, Hyères, God continues to bless us and we
have good reason to thank him spiritually and materially.’36 He wrote to Guiol from Nice, protesting
at his reputation as a ‘miracle worker’, which had spread among the devout in Marseilles,
correcting the view by saying: ‘Many believe poor Don Bosco gains special graces from God
through his prayers. It is not so. God blesses our works, favours and protects them, but since we
do not have the means to support them, God helps us with graces and favours including
extraordinary ones for those who give us material aid.’37
He did not return to Turin but headed for Rome, accompanied by Fr Rua who was also with him
for the visit to houses at Sampierdarena, La Spezia, Florence.38 Thus he wrote to his secretary to
bring Fr Rua up–to–date with the main ‘disputes in Rome, with letters relating to the novitiate in
Marseilles, the three favours sought – parish rights, the extra tempus, dispensation from
31 Documenti XXII 290-293.
32 Letter of 27 February 1881, E IV 26.
33 To Fr G. Bologna, 23 December 1880, E III 644-645.
34 The news item was published by “L’Unità Cattolica” and the French Bulletin did its own: BS 2 (1881) no.
12, March, pp. 15-16.
35 Letter to the Secretary of State, 27 February 1881, E IV 29.
36 Letter of March 1881, E IV 31.
37 Letter mentioned in the minutes of the meeting of the Committee of female benefectors, 10 March 1881,
E IV 30-31.
38 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, from Alassio, s. d., E IV 41.

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testimonial letters – and the Sacred Heart Church.’39 He was also busy with Cooperators and
charity, delegating Fr Pietro Pozzano in particular to be in charge of propaganda, especially
through the Salesian Bulletin.40
Towards the end of October 1881, works in France were brought together under an autonomous
Province. Fr Paul Albera was appointed Superior, based in Marseilles. Don Bosco wrote to Fr
Bologna. ‘I was not able to give Fr Albera a letter to present to the Bishop of Marseilles. So tell me
how are the Sisters going? The parish priest and new personnel? I have written to Madame
Jacques, today I will write to Madame Prat–Noilly.’41 Some days before Christmas, he told Fr
Ronchail of his planned stopovers for his next trip to France with Nice the final goal: ‘My departure
from Turin will be next 10 January, si Dominus dederit. Chambery, Lyons, Valence, Aix, Marseilles,
Aubagne, Toulon, Hyères, Frejus, Cannes, Grasse, Nice to end with. I hope to be with you in mid–
February.’42
During his stay in Marseilles, Don Bosco drew up a set of regulations for Fr Bologna, describing
the distinct responsibilities, his and the Provincial–Rector’s for managing the work. Until then Fr
Bologna had been the Rector. They were less restrictive of the authority of the Vice–rector than
those given a year earlier to Fr Luigi Rosca, appointed Vice–rector when the Rector, Fr Cerruti,
was appointed Provincial of houses in Liguria and France.43
In autumn 1883, the Oratoire de la Providence came into being at Santa Margherita near
Marseilles as the novitiate house for the new Province. The Provincial, Fr Albera, was its Rector
and Fr Cesare Fasani the Vice–rector and Novice Master. The following year he was replaced by
twenty–four–year–old Savoyard Louis Cartier (1860–1945), a figure of great prestige in the
subsequent development of Salesian work in France.
The Marseilles work, along with others in France, developed into a fertile autonomous unit
under the wise and steady guidance of one who would soon be known as ‘le petit Don Bosco’, Fr
Paul Albera, his second successor in governing the Salesian Society. Don Bosco, however,
continued to feel at home in France as a tireless beggar and miracle worker. Before his death he
was able to lend his contribution to opening other works. In addition to Lille and Paris,44in 1886 the
Orphelinat Morgant opened, with a workshop at Guînes (Pas–de–Calais), and in 1888, the
Orphelinat Villemot at Gevigny (Haute Saône), These were entrusted to the Daughters of Mary
Help of Christians and the Salesians respectively.45
2. The Second General Chapter of the Salesian Society 1880)
The Second General Chapter of the Salesian Society took place at Lanzo from 15 September
1880.46 It appeared to substantially complement the first, adding and pursuing topics through
39 To Fr G. Berto, 6 April 1881, E IV 42-43.
40 Letter to Fr P. Pozzan from Alassio, 8 April 1881, E IV 43.
41 Letter of 28 October 1881, E IV 92.
42 Letter of 22 December 1881, E IV 101-102.
43 Letter to Fr G. Bologna, 19 March 1882, E IV 121-122; and to Fr L. Rocca, April 1881, E IV 44-45, Norme
per il vice-direttore del collegio di Alassio.
44 Cf. Chap. 31, § 5.
45 On the brief life of the orphanage at Gevigney, which then continued on a better site, there are interesting
pages by Y. LE CARRÉRÈS, Les colonies ou orphelinats agricoles tenus par les salésiens de don Bosco
en France, in F. MOTTO (Ed.), Insediamenti e iniziative salesiane dopo don Bosco. Saggi di storiografia.
Atti del 2° Congresso-Seminario di storia dell’opera salesiana, Rome, 1-5 November 1995. Rome, LAS
1996, pp. 145-150.
46 There are the minutes by Fr Marenco on these sessions, ASC D 579, but they began from 5 September.
Complete and more widespread are the ones by Fr Barberis, in 2 exercises books of 132 unnumbered

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Chapter members’ study and in the appointed Commissions, topics left hanging by the First
General Chapter, especially the problem of studies for clerics, and other matters of new relevance
such as the existence of parishes, which could create some difficulties for colleges and schools, as
happened at Marseilles.
They also had to elect Superior Chapter members, except for the Rector Major, Don Bosco, who
was Rector Major for life ad personam. The letter of convocation addressed to rectors had
explained the elections as the Chapter’s purpose, then had simply invited the recipients to collect
the ‘observations and proposals’ of confreres which were thought to be ‘for the good of the
Congregation’, and once these were sorted out, to bring them with them to the Chapter.47 However,
the Chapter arrived at significant and structured deliberations. The discussion on various topics,
though, did not proceed in direct fashion. Don Bosco was partly responsible for this, and was
indisputably at the forefront, concerned as he was to draw the attention of Chapter members to the
spirit informing the discussion and the binding nature of the decisions they came to.
Following the usual ritual and procedural session at 7 p.m. on 3 September,48 the afternoon
session on the following day, 4 September, was immediately fundamental, since it was given over
to electing members of the Superior Chapter. There was completely new discussion of a
preliminary nature on whether Salesian laymen, coadjutors, could be elected. Don Bosco’s
negative reply to this was accepted without debate. Having read the first article of the Constitutions
on the makeup of the Society – priests, clerics, laymen – it seemed obvious to draw the simple
conclusion: ‘Certainly, clerics can never be in charge of priests and even less so laymen.’
Therefore, ‘we conclude that coadjutors cannot be elected as members of the Superior Chapter.’49
But the most forceful element in this session was Don Bosco’s consideration, a renewed summary
of his thinking on Salesian religious life: ‘Some things to be fostered in our Congregation.
The first was obedience, which he had called a virtue in the Introduction to the Constitutions,
along with St Jerome and St Bonaventure, but especially through personal conviction. It was
‘summa virtutum clausa est, tota religionis perfectio consistit. He deplored a certain cooling down
in its observance and said it was ‘intolerable’ that there were individuals who ‘without saying
anything do not do what they are tasked to do.’ The Superior was calm, convinced that something
had been done, only to find that ‘it hadn’t even been started,’ and then found out that it ended up
ruined and in disorder due to carelessness or because the job was left undone.. ‘This does huge
damage to the Congregation’ he commented. Obedience needed to be ‘absolute’ beginning with
the Superior Chapter, and from there ‘extends to rectors, prefects, every member of the
Congregation.’50
Another thing to be fostered was the spirit of charity and kindness of St Francis de Sales which
he maintained was in decline, especially in the school: pupils seen in bad light, ‘not treated well,’
neglected, removed from the classroom and then disagreement between the teacher and the
superior when the latter tried to soften the repressive actions of the former. He concluded: ‘I really
recommend that this true spirit of kindness and charity be exercised by you and that you do
everything to propagate it among confreres in your houses and especially among the teachers.
pages all up, ASC D 579, which record word from 2 September. Other materials are also available: the
circular of convocation, proposals by confreres, other communications to the Congregation.
47 Letter of 27 June 1880, E III 593-594.
48 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 5-9.
49 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 10-11.Elected were: Michele Rua, Prefect; Giovanni Cagliero, spiritual
Director; Carlo Ghivarello, Economer; Celestino Durando, School Councillor; Giuseppe Lazzero,
Councillor; Antonio Sala, Councillor. In the Year Book listing members of the Congregation, tow names
followed members of the Superior chapter: Giovanni Bonetti, Prefect of the Clergy, and Giulio Barberis,
Novice Master.
50 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 13-14.

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Encouraging each other this way in charity and kindness will always be the support of our
houses.’51
Don Bosco dwelt at greater length on promoting vocations, something he saw ‘diminishing
fearfully.’ In contrast to ‘days of yore’ he noted that Salesian colleges are now ‘giving in like the
others’, meaning they do not reveal to pupils ‘that urge we once saw for good things and religion
and religious individuals.’ He suggested some remedies for reawakening this attitude, beginning
with what was indicated earlier: ‘Firstly I see it as essential that we treat each other with much
charity and kindness and treat all our confreres the same way.’ Secondly, ‘this kindness of ours
should also be shown especially to our pupils’ who ‘will be electrified by it … we will very much
earn their affection and thus influence their vocation.’ Some of the superior’s faults – rough
treatment, impatience – can be a reason for pupils distancing themselves from them and from any
thought of following them in their choice of a vocation. ‘So I say and I repeat: kindness, charity
among ourselves and with them are the most powerful way of educating them well and nurturing
vocations.’ He then went on to press an extremely sensitive and fundamental button where
vocations are concerned, morality. Don Bosco presented a pessimistic diagnosis of his times in
this regard, typical of conservative settings distrustful of infant schools. He deplored the spread of
immorality ‘in our times’, naturally in re turpi, as he used say, and returned to the notion of damage
to health brought about by masturbation. ‘This vice is dominant’ he explained. ‘Now we see boys
commencing a chain of immorality from 4, 5 years of age, even picking it up in infant schools. I
could never have believed that these infant schools could produce such evil. At 8, or 10 years of
age they get to have a precocious vice that in other times they did not have at 18 or 19. This
produces a general weakening of energy and health in young people. As a result, more robust and
manly activity and effort becomes rare and they cannot dedicate themselves to these without
harming their health.’ As a consequence, in institutes of education we feel ourselves constrained
‘to yield to the times,’ softening our demands regarding rest, food ‘effort.’ This is the source of
immorality, and where this is, he insisted, ‘there is no longer a sense of vocation, indeed there is
contempt for everything sacred.’52 He then listed some ways of promoting vocations, the ones he
had always suggested: ‘1. Always speak well of priests. 2. Constantly keep away from bad
companions. 3. Keep bad books well away’ or books that ‘heighten imagination or stimulate the
passions.’ 4. ‘Speak frequently of vocations, to everyone, also from the pulpit, and get them to
understand how this is the main ‘cog on which life depends.’ 5. ‘See that our little books are read,
for example, the lives of Dominic Savio, Magone, etc,’ since a Congregation that has produced
such good boys can only but attract vocations. 6. ‘We have to work hard.’ Everyone knows that
Salesians do not only preach and hear confessions but ‘teach, give catechism lessons, sermons;
they are everywhere and do everything.’ He drew insistent exhortation from this: ‘So we need to
work hard in every way, everywhere,’ preserving ‘what is good in people and youth.’ He quoted
Pius IX but they were really his words: ‘We are in a materialistic century. Good people’s prayers,
practices of piety, sacraments are of no value alone. There is also a need for outward works and
for us to counter works of mere philanthropy with works of charity, like gathering boys, visiting
prisons and the like. This makes us acceptable to God but also well thought of by bad people who
will let us work and even help us in our works of charity.’ Even ‘outstanding liberals,’ he added
‘admire and appreciate the Salesians’ because ‘they do well and are deserving of society.’ He
concluded in a liberal spirit: ‘We cannot counter an evil world with Our Fathers, not even miracles.
It requires works. We need to gather up many boys’ therefore ‘let us work hard and the
Congregation will be blessed.’53
51 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 14-15. The same reason would have been forcefully stressed in
letters on 10 and14 August 1885 to Fr G. Cagliero and Fr G. Costamagna in Argentina: cf. Chap. 33 § 2.
52 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 15-18.
53 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 19-21.

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Discussions among Chapter members revolved around topics connected with Don Bosco’s
considerations, beginning obviously with the main item, morality. The chronicler recorded that
‘discussions turned to bad reading and complained especially about some of our clerics … huge
harm done to our boys just like to some of our clerics.’ Certain books were beginning to be read,
maybe ‘without real consideration, just love of novelty … But then they reflect, think about it and
then it ends up with ideas about religion emerging which are incorrect and not good for morality.’
Rectors ‘especially’ were reminded to keep ‘Ariosto, Metastasio, d’Azeglio and Giusti’ away from
pupils and Salesians. ‘Nor should they ever suggest novels that are not bad in themselves and
some even written in a truly good spirit, but fill heads with empty thoughts and reasoning etc., like
Promessi Sposi and books by Bresciani, Franco and the like.’ Don Bosco criticised the ‘craze’ that
‘teachers and young priests’ were going through, asking him for ‘permission to read forbidden
books’ and he invited them to avoid books in which more bad than good was found, describing
them as ‘puddles’ ‘filth’ that ‘lessen devotion’ and ‘result in great indifference towards religion.’ He
cited the case of Machiavelli in particular, since some praised his language and style without
highlighting the limitations and dangers. In this context someone suggested the Oratory bookshop
should no longer sell the boys books by Manzoni, Bresciani etc, but only sell them to outsiders.
Don Bosco was even more drastic. What harms young people harms anyone, so they should
simply not be sold, full stop. He also thought of a possible positive measure, ‘a library of pleasant
reading’ [meaning a collection] which could be tackled after completion of the collection of Italian
classics. It should include ‘Fr Lemoyne’s stories, others like the style of Tommaso Moro etc., but no
romances etc. etc. etc. to be part of it.’ He finished with reflections on corrections to be suggested
to a list of authors they intended publishing through the Salesian Press.54
When the first four commissions were established, in the afternoon session on 4 September,55
Don Bosco insisted on the opportunity to maintain a link with previous printed Chapter
deliberations, also seizing the opportunity to resume discussions on the confreres obedience,
especially to the superiors. He thought it ‘culpable’ that that they were not proceeding ’according to
a simple principle’ but ‘different individuals wanted different things.’ He recommended that rectors
should begin by ‘giving good example in this area, seeking to carry out every instruction and wish
of the Superior or see that they were carried out, and then doing all they can to see that their
subjects did the same.’56
Two commissions looked at philosophy and theology studies for the clerics. In the afternoon
session on Sunday, 5 September, discussion on these two issues led to unanimous agreement
about the persistent lack of fulfilment of prescriptions regarding clerical studies. Among other
things, the threat was that Salesian priests would cut a poor figure. The most serious abuse was
admitting people to priesthood who had not completed their four years of theology, and despite
repeated reminders, no longer pursued them after ordination. Reining in Fr Cagliero, who was
against the practice of the incomplete four years, Don Bosco said that it was a practice followed by
other Religious Orders and bishops who needed clergy. The solution was to guarantee ordinands
the time needed to complete the theological studies they had not done. According to Don Bosco,
there were a number of useful reasons militating in favour of possible anticipation of ordination:
‘1.The individual is given greater means of perfection. 2. Greater graces are obtained from the Lord
for the whole Church, the Congregation, for us. 3. We can do more good in our houses because as
soon as they are priests they have greater authority over the boys. 4. It frees up rectors who can
have Mass said more freely. 5. We are poor. There are Mass stipends. 6. ‘It provides greater facility
for the population’ to go to Mass.57
54 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 22-25.
55 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 28-29.
56 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 30-31.

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His conference included matters Don Bosco had insisted on before, that each Rector try to form
his own personnel.’ He also dwelt on another of their tasks, ’finding a way to assign work to
individual members so everyone had time to study, and so work did not fall to some who were a bit
more capable, while others less so were left out.’ At this stage, they thought of choosing ‘a
Commission charged with studying a way to relieve the Rector of each house from work so he
could look after the staff better and help each member to carry out well the duties entrusted to
him.’58
At the two sessions on the morning and the afternoon of 6 September, the problem of sacred
studies was discussed once more. Fr Durando’s report was approved after a few clarifications in
the morning session.59 It took up a number of deliberations already considered in the 1877
Chapter. On 7 February 1879, the Superior Chapter had studied the way to find teachers for
several houses but had to note that it was difficult to taker someone from other houses. ‘There
would be several capable individuals in Turin but … some are only in their second philosophy, [the
year following the novitiate], and we want to hold to the principle of not touching them if they are
not allowed to finish philosophy.’60
On the margins of discussion on the curriculum for the pre–novitiate, Don Bosco defended the
reorganisation of studies for the so–called ‘Sons of Mary.’ Regarding articles on philosophy studies,
he temporarily limited their importance for this group. It was necessary to establish ‘rules’ that he
said could become ‘like our code, like the basis on which we must move forward, also for the
Congregation’s future.’ ‘But for now it is clear that not every rule can be implemented. We need to
begin implementing them as best we can and introduce their observations little by little into the
houses.’61
When the articles on sacred studies were approved, Don Bosco suggested, with the assembly’s
unanimous consent, that they respect the Encyclical Aeterni Patris of 4 August 1829, adding an
article on fidelity to St Thomas {Aquinas’] in philosophical and theological disciplines.62 His
comment on confirming the two year preparation for the confession exam stood out: ‘The more we
delay the confession [exam for gaining faculties as a confessor] the happier I am and I believe it
would be of great benefit for the priests themselves and for souls, if we go slow in giving faculties
for hearing confessions.’63 In the afternoon session, again on the topic of sacred studies, there
were marginal observations exclusively focused on attention to culture gained from school. An
added article prescribed: ‘Clerics will take the greatest care to attend to their school duties,
therefore they are forbidden to keep or read books that have nothing to do with their studies, or
newspapers, without the Rector’s express permission.64
Don Bosco followed up on Fr Bonetti’s report on ways of promoting and nurturing vocations to
the clerical state with some familiar observations on vocational pedagogy. He said there was no
need to put direct invitations to the boys to ‘become priests’ or ‘enter the Congregation,’ but simply
57 On the occasion of publication of the book by C. M. CURCI, La nuova Italia ed i vecchi zelanti (Firenze,
Fratelli Bencini 1881), in which the author criticised the conformist, closed and poor formation of the
clergy, the Gazzetta d’Italia in Florence, on 7 June 1881, made reference to Don Bosco who, with this
system, was churning out hundreds of youngsters to be sent to the’“infidels”: cf. Documenti XXIII 152-
156.
58 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 36-38. Fr Barberis version has been combined with Fr Marenco’s,
Verbali, pp. 2-7.
59 Cf. G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 38-40.
60 G. BARBERIS, Capitoli superiori ossia verbali..., quad. 2, p. 71.
61 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 40-42.
62 Cf. Chap. 2, § 7.
63 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 44-46.
64 This would be art. 16, capo. II, dist. IV of the printed Deliberazioni.

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‘make the obligation of following one’s vocation well understood, then let them do it without further
ado. He added: ‘Then insist that they don’t go and ask advice from many people, and if they feel a
desire to embrace religious life, not to discuss it with secular priests. Many good priests do not
understand the point of great importance, that is, that the religious state is the state of greater
perfection. Discussion came to a close with comments on drastic limits to be imposed on reading
and subscribing to newspapers.65
The question of coadjutors was not yet one which was clear for members of the Chapter
Assembly and even for members of the study commission on Directing Coadjutor aspirants,
novices, and professed, with Fr Ronchail as speaker. The chronicle entry for the afternoon session
on 7 September reveals this: ‘The subject is of the greatest importance and the need is felt to deal
with it especially for the Oratory in Turin. But there is real difficulty in establishing things precisely,
since various articles are still on hold to give time to study them better and the whole project ended
up being thought of as a simple draft to be used as a guideline for another occasion when
someone can study the matter more maturely.’ No systematic program emerged, either, on their
formation. It was replaced instead by some rather simple pointers: ‘Concerning the coadjutors
novitiate it was noted that almost all Congregations try them out with plenty of work; if they are
found capable of working well and are of constant good will, they do the novitiate and are admitted
to vows if they are seen to be good, or they are sent away after a month or two. But among
ourselves, the coadjutors need more instruction, given that various one are engaged in important
and delicate matters. Generally speaking, the best trial, without an ascetic novitiate, is to see if
they work willingly and well at the same time, and show a decisive willingness to work honestly.’
For the novitiate formation to follow, they were entrusted to the Rector, who was presumed to be
prepared and available to receive their ‘rendiconto’ (monthly talk), give them conferences, and
grant them the main permissions. He could in turn entrust the coadjutor aspirants and novices to
the trade boys’ catechist if there was one. The latter ‘will receive their ‘rendiconto’ and give them
the appropriate conferences etc.’ ‘The insistence is made once more with Rectors of houses where
there are trade students, that they see to a truly solid religious instruction for them … With solid
explanation of the catechism’ such that when they leave the Institute ‘they have the faith well
planted in their hearts and thus do not run the risk of soon being seduced by bad companions and
the world’s scandals.’ Obviously, it was also necessary to give them the best instruction possible in
their trade and that they know how to write and keep proper records. Also to see that they can then
find work in a good place and are not forced just to go to any old workshop.’66 It was nothing earth
shattering. All this was taken up and worked on again in the Third General Chapter and completed
in the Fourth.
The morning session on 9 September was fully taken up with a lengthy reflection by Don Bosco
on the unity of administration and spirit which was essential for a Congregation in rapid expansion.
Classic topics were touched on: authority focused on the Rector, familiar rapport of members with
the Rector, union of heart and action for all, monthly ‘rendiconto’, harmony with the spirit of St
Frances de Sales, fortnightly conferences, obedience, the goodnight. It was a stream of thoughts
and feelings ex abundantia cordis: every Rector was to ‘remain in harmony in everything with the
Provincial, and Provincials with the Rector Major.’ Rectors and Provincials were to see themselves
‘as one family with one single task of making sure it runs well.’ Every member should see ‘the
Rector as an affectionate father or older brother’ and should not hide ‘good or bad’ from him ‘but
present things as they are.’ Let everyone be convinced that matters concerning the Institute ‘will
only go well when everyone works as if members are of one heart and one soul.’
65 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 50-54.
66 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 65-68.

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In a Congregation no longer as small as it was decades ago when ‘everything referred to him,’
Don Bosco found the perfect ‘feature of union’ ‘in the monthly rendiconto … carried out in a
convenient way.’ It would be ‘a huge result’ if the Chapter were to define ‘rules’ to see that the
rendiconto was always made by everyone and if it indicated ‘how to do it well.’ He was particularly
insistent with the rectors on the importance that the formation of those in charge had for the
Oratory and that, ‘rectors of houses’ be ‘priests who are educated’ in this. ‘I find that almost without
noticing it, these are the ones who more easily ‘inspire and instil the spirit of St Francis de Sales’ in
confreres. He even went to the extent of saying: ‘It would be good if various Chapter members of
the first houses were educated at the Oratory. When we cannot have rectors among them who
have been educated at the Oratory we should at least see that they in turn are educated by
someone who has had his education at the Oratory.’ He also drew attention to the rendiconto and
conferences. ‘We should quickly set up some special regulations for the rendiconto; it is not so
difficult in itself’ so long as ‘the one hurdle’ is avoided, which is ‘entering into strictly conscience
matters.’ He indicated the preferred topic for conferences: ‘observance of the rules’ and obedience.
He finished up by speaking of the ‘evening talk’ [goodnight] and it characteristics: not a sermon and
‘very short’ unless for exceptional cases.’67
During the afternoon session on the same day, Fr Barberis introduced the topic of regulations
for the novitiate but it was seen to be impossible for the Salesian Society to model this ‘on what is
done by other’ Congregations. Rather than trying to describe the new configuration proposed by
the Constitutions, ‘there were still many things to adjust and others almost needing to be studied
anew. Some things could be left undecided so thinking could mature.’ Nevertheless, it was
discussed and Don Bosco had the opportunity to express his opinion on two rather delicate
problems: carrying out the decrees of the Congregation on the stat of religious, Romani Pontifices
and Regulari disciplinae regarding procedures for admission to the novitiate, clothing, and religious
profession, and the formation of Provincial Commissions to examine vocations. The second issue
was individuals wishing to change from coadjutor to cleric.
With regard to the first problem, he offered the usual pragmatic solution, recommending gradual
observance which he justified with words he had heard from Pius IX himself: ‘As long as you are
alive I leave everything to your prudence. Meanwhile, when you can put the Congregation on a
regular footing.’
With regard to the problem of a possible transfer from professed Salesian coadjutor to cleric he
suggested a more nuanced reformulation of art. 12 of the Acceptance text, and Chapter members
focused discussion on this. According to the suggested text, it would not ‘ordinarily’ be allowed for
someone to enter the clerical state who had been admitted to the Congregation as a coadjutor.
Don Bosco recognised that this was wise as a principle but, he noted, ‘at the same time we should
not be so rigid, because from time to time we find some who have real qualities for becoming a
good priest and why deny them this consolation and the Church another minister?’68 The approved
Deliberations show that this solution was accepted: ‘Ordinarily, whoever was accepted into the
Congregation as a coadjutor will not be admitted to the clerical state. The Rector Major will make
exceptions he judges best for the greater glory of God and the good of the Congregation.’69
There were just a handful of observations made in the afternoon session on 10 September: not
accepting small houses, seeing to the protection of boys in the colleges by clearly keeping them
separate from outsiders, controlling visits in the parlour. The concern was to ‘study every way of
increasing good order and morality, and maintaining vocations.’ To better achieve this aim, Don
67 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 1, pp. 70-77.
68 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. I, pp. 81-83.
69 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale…, 1880, dist. IV capo II, art. 2, p. 69, OE XXXIII 77.

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Bosco recalled some of the old recipes: as far as possible avoiding boarders mixing with outsiders,
and unity among educators.70
The afternoon session on 11 September was dedicated to improving the functioning of central
government through marked concentration of authority in the Superior General, flowing down
through the lower levels of the hierarchy. The chronicle records: ‘Don Bosco will set up a
Commission to study the way to distribute roles belonging to each member of the Superior
Chapter,’ basing it on the principle of ‘extending the authority of the Rector Major to the various
members of the Superior Chapter as they relate to provincials and these to rectors.’71
When the Chapter was over, and since there would be some delay before the deliberations
were printed, Don Bosco brought together eight points worthy of more urgent observance – Fr Rua
made some respectful suggestions to improve them72 – and issued them in a printed circular in
Latin addressed to Directoribus aliisque Superioribus cuiusque domus Salesianae in D.S.P., dated
29 November. Issues of structure and functionality were not touched on, but spirituality was: 1.
Deliberations from the First Chapter should be re–read and those relating mainly to morality and
economy are to be called to mind. 2. Rectors should show the greatest diligence in seeing that
members open their hearts freely and with ease. They will also see that the monthly Exercise for a
Happy Death is done as a community or individually. 3. Many serious reasons urge that no one,
unless it is medically prescribed, should go swimming at the beach. 4. Superiors are to be obeyed
in matters concerning the Constitutions, their respective role, and in particular leaving the house
and using money. 5. Superiors should see to closing off the source of all evils which is time spent
with family and friends. 6. Let each one show the example of good works, and carefully avoid
scandal of any kind. 7. Let them stand out for patience, charity and gentleness in word and deed
such that they fulfil Christ’s word in everything: Vos estis sal terrae, vos estis lux mundi. 8. By
February, March each year, each member should write a letter to the Rector Major in which he
describes his state of health and vocation. Rectors will make these topics the subject of
conferences to Salesian members.73
The Deliberations came out in 1882.74 In the letter of presentation, Don Bosco reduced the work
of the Chapter to two main issues: ‘The deliberations taken in 1877 were reviewed, introducing
modifications which experience prompted, and adding some others that seemed appropriate for
promoting the glory of God and the good of souls.’ In this new text, then, ‘deliberations from both
General Chapters ‘would be brought together and coordinated under one title.’ In particular ‘the
aim was to broadly explain the roles of the various members of the Superior Chapter, which are
only briefly referred to in the Constitutions.’75 The contents were in five groups: Special Regulations
– for the General Chapter, Superior Chapter and its members, provincials, rectors of houses,
Director of the Sisters, Common life, Piety and morality, Studies, and Economy.
Articles came into force entrusting the School Councillor with ‘general care of what concerns
literary and scientific teaching in the Houses of their Congregation, regarding both members and
pupils.’ It was ‘his concern to establish the syllabus for philosophy and theology classes for each
year, and to receive the results [marks] gained by the clerics in the exams’ and pass these on ‘to
the Spiritual Director.’ The Spiritual Director was to: ‘Keep a specific or overall note on the results
70 G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 2, pp. 8-12.
71 G. MARENCO, Verbali, p. 17; cf. G. BARBERIS, Verbali, quad. 2, p. 14.
72 Cf. A. AMADEI, Un altro don Bosco: il servo di Dio don Rua (1837-1910). Turin, SEI 1934, pp. 154-156.
73 Documenti XXII 311-312; E III 637-638.
74 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, VIII-88 p., OE XXXIII 1-96.
75 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, pp. III-IV, OE XXXIII 3-4.

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of exams in theology held on three occasions a year. He will receive this from the School
councillor.’76
The figure of the Rector as formator and animator was reinforced: he was to hold regular
conferences, receive the rendiconto from Salesians, keep in touch with the Provincial, promote the
festive oratory, see that the chronicle of the college was written up.77
But the most relevant novelty were the four completely new chapters on Means for nurturing
vocations to the clerical state, Clerical studies and Philosophical and literary studies, General
Articles relating to the Economy.78 The Chapter on vocations was entirely inspired by Don Bosco,
partly drawn from the introduction to the Constitutions in 1877 (Importance of following our
vocation) and partly from observations he had made over various Chapter sessions. The
deliberations were very generous in prescriptions of principle regarding Studies of members. We
note the influence of the commissions and their presidents, Fr Durando and Cagliero. However,
Don Bosco’s pragmatic approach, which had already emerged inbChapter discussions, and above
all the absence of operational indications, would not have allowed them to arrive at effective
practical conclusions.
The prescriptions that foresaw a very large number of theological students was ambitious but
unrealistic compared to the real state of things and, frankly, quite incredible: ‘There will be a
studentate for theological students in every province.’ Nothing was said, though, about teachers
and structures, nor how they would take clerics away from houses where their work of assistance
and teaching was indispensable. The solution would only be found twenty years later, when the
three year ‘practical training’ period was introduced.79 For the time being the general rule, which
seemed to be an exception in the Deliberations, remained in force: ‘In houses where there cannot
yet be a regular studentate, no fewer than five hours of class a week are stipulated.’80 From the
minutes of the First General Chapter they drew articles relating to priests preparing talks and
sermons for the Forty Hours, and retreats, and instructions for catechism lessons.81
The arrangements established for the two years of philosophy were more flexible and in
keeping with the reality: ‘As far as possible all students of philosophy will remain in the
studentate.’82 Twelve General Articles were intended to create uniformity and centralised
administration.83
3. The FMA Institute – from printed Constitutions to the death of Mary Domenica Mazzarello
(1878–81)
The 21 ‘Works of charity on behalf of poor girls’ run by the FMA, which appeared in the list included
with the ‘Report to the Holy See on the moral and material state of the Pious Society of St Francis
de Sales in 1879, were run by 18 communities: Mornese, Nizza Monferrato, Turin, Chieri, Lanzo,
Biella, Borgo S. Martino, S. Pier d’Arena, Alassio, Nice, Lu Monferrato, Quargnento (Alessandria),
76 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. I, capo III, § 5, art. 1 and 11; § 3, art. 5, pp. 14-
15 e 12, OE XXXIII 22-23 and 20.
77 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. I, capo V, art. 11.13. 20. 22-23, pp. 23-25, OE
XXXIII 30-33.
78 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. III, capo IV; dist. IV, capo I and capo II; dist. V.
capo I, pp. 56-59, 65-69 and 69-71, 77-79, OE XXXIII 64-67, 73-76 and 77-79, 85-87.
79 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Un “nuovo prete” e la sua formazione culturale secondo don Bosco, RSS 8 (1989) 48-55.
80 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. IV, capo I, art. 2 e 3, p. 65, OE XXXIII 73.
81 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. IV, capo I, art. 19-24, pp. 67-68, OE XXXIII 75-
76.
82 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. IV, capo II, art. 5, p. 70, OE XXXIII 78.
83 Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. V, capo I, pp. 77-79, OE XXXIII 85-87.

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Vallecrosia, La Navarre, St. Cyr, Villa Colón, Las Piedras, Buenos Aires.84 There was a vast range
of structures and activities: postulancies, novitiates, public schools, workshops, oratories, looking
after the kitchen and laundry in various Salesian houses, infant schools, female youth associations.
Alongside the Salesians, the Institute shared its purposes and development processes to a great
extent while pursuing some of its own, in harmony with neatly differentiated types of mission,
especially regarding the age levels of its target group, often small children in infant schools. At the
same time it pursued initiatives that would give the Institute increasingly better defined and solid
spirituality and norms.
Beginning with the promulgation of the new text of the Constitution in September 1879, the
Institute was no longer guided by copies of manuscripts reserved for superiors and only indirectly
known by novices and professed. The cover and frontispiece of the printed edition, Don Bosco’s
preface To the Daughter of Mary Help of Christians and the approval, all bore the date 1878.85 In
reality, the text was completed in late 1877. In fact, some notable modifications echoed
‘Observations’ regarding the Institute brought to Don Bosco’s attention by the Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars in April 1879. In the ‘Presentation,’ they noted ‘there was a report on an
Institute of women under the title of Mary Help of Christians yet it says nothing about whether this
Institute has a Superior General on whom the Sisters depend, and if it is fully independent, as it
should be, from the Salesian Institute.’ Don Bosco replied on 3 August 1879: ‘The Institute of Mary
Help of Christians depends on the Superior General of the Pious Salesian Society in temporal
matters, but in whatever concerns the exercise of religious worship and administration of the
Sacraments, they are fully subject to the jurisdiction of the Ordinary.’86 Months later, to the question
as to whether the Institute had a Superior General on whom the Sisters depended and who was
fully independent from the Salesians, Don Bosco replied: ‘In matters relating to the Sisters of Mary
Help of Christians, the Salesians only interfere in spiritual matters within the limits and in the
manner allowed and prescribed by the ordinaries in whose dioceses their houses exist.’ As for their
Constitutions, there had not yet been a request for approval put forward. The Institute had a
‘Superior General and its own Superior Chapter.’87 A Superior of its own meant something quite
distinct. Dependence on the Rector Major of the Salesian Society remained, but the printed text
introduced the notion of ‘aggregation’ into the title.
Don Bosco’s inventiveness was inexhaustible when it came to avoiding solutions that in his view
might become binding.88 On 10 November 1881, to avoid one of the problems with the Archbishop
related to the Bonetti cause, lawyer Fr Constantino Leonori advised Don Bosco to ask for papal
approval of the Institute’s Constitutions. Don Bosco did not agree, because he knew that in this
case the Congregation of Bishops would clearly decide to impose ‘separation of the two Institutes.’
This was already in the 3 October 1879 letter with ‘Observations’ on the Report, since it would
never be ‘approved, especially in recent times, for female Institutes to depend upon male
Institutes.’89 Don Bosco claimed that he had not yet given final shape to the Institute he had
founded and for the moment preferred to follow the example of the Vincentians.90
84 G. BOSCO, Esposizione alla S. Sede dello stato morale e materiale..., pp. 14-16, OE XXXI 250-252 (letter
of accompaniment in E III 462-464): cf. Chap. 28, § 5.
85 Regole o Costituzioni per l’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice aggregate alla Società Salesiana.
Turin, Tipografia e libreria salesiana 1878, 64 p., OE XXX 291-354.
86 To Cardinal I. Ferrieri, E III 507.
87 To Cardinal I. Ferrieri, 12 January 1880, E III 543-544.
88 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 145, 148-149, 154-156.
89 Cf. text quoted in E III 543.
90 Documenti XXIII 254.

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It was this intention which later urged him to ask a Vincentian, Bro. Stella, for a booklet he had
written on the dependence of the Daughters of Charity on the Vincentian Superior.91 The
separation would be approved in 1906 with papal approval of the Institute’s new Constitutions.
Don Bosco justified the first printed edition of the FMA Constitutions with the fact that ‘while the
Institute was focused on the mother house in Mornese, some copies of the manuscripts of the Rule
were sufficient for each Sister to be aware of them, but now that Divine Providence had multiplied
houses and Sisters living in them, they were no longer sufficient.’92 Initially, the text of the
presentation was sent to Fr Lemoyne, the Rector at Mornese, so the ‘Mother Superior’ and/or
himself could read it through and make appropriate ‘observations.’ Don Bosco would also be
‘happy for a copy to be sent’ as a circular ‘to all the Sisters’ houses.’93
For the variations it offered, the printed text takes on special importance for understanding the
decisive though not exclusive role Don Bosco played in shaping the Institute. In fact it depended on
ms G and corrections to it made by four different hand, among which Don Bosco’s and Fr Rua’s. It
also assumes an intermediary document with further changes made by the Daughters of Mary
Help of Christians themselves, on the basis of decisions made at the Superiors’ meeting in August
1878.94
There were some demanding new items involving ‘juridical elements’ which can be thought of
as almost certainly coming from Don Bosco because of their importance. 95 Section 3 on The
internal regime of the Institute, art. 1, was significantly modified by Don Bosco under pressure from
the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars: ‘The Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians is governed and directed by a Superior Chapter made up of the Superior General, her
Vicar, Bursar, and two Assistants, dependent on the Rector Major of the Salesian Congregation.’96
An article on the General Chapter to be held every six years was the result of his intervention in
ms G, Section 5. It said that ‘matters of general interest’ would be dealt with there ‘and it could also
modify articles of the Constitutions but according to the spirit of the Institute.’97 In art. 3 of Section 6
on the Mistress of Novices, one variation and an addition can be found, once again from the
founder: ‘They are to be a model in everything so they can fulfil all the prescriptions of the Rule.
They are also recommended to inspire the spirit of mortification in the novices but to use great
discretion in order not to weaken them beyond their strength and thus make them unable to carry
out their roles in the Institute.’98
Section 9 on Principal virtue … was restructured, these being fundamental for the Institute’s
spirituality: ‘1. Patient and zealous charity, not only with little children but also with older girls. 2.
Simplicity and modesty; spirit of mortification inwardly and outwardly, strict observance of poverty.
3. Obedience of will and judgement, willingly accepting advice and correction without comment,
and roles entrusted to them. 4. The spirit of prayer with which the Sisters willingly attend to works
of piety, remain in God’s presence, and abandon themselves to his sweet Providence. 5. ‘These
virtues must be well–tested and well–founded in the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians,
because they must go in step with the active and contemplative life, emulating Martha and
91 Letter of 13 June 1885, E IV 325-326.
92 Regole o Costituzioni per le Figlie di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice aggregate alla Società salesiana..., p. 3.
93 Letter from Marseilles January 1879, E III 435.
94 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 152-153.
95 Cf. G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 153-160.
96 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 259.
97 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 265.
98 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 266.

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Magdalen.’99 The text was officially consigned to the Sisters on 3 September 1879, not by Don
Bosco but by the Director General, Fr John Cagliero.
Meanwhile, various events followed one another as rapid expansion began. On 12 April 1880,
the Mornese house closed down to the great disappointment of the Mothers. Procedures for its
sale created some hostility and much displeasure among the people at Mornese. Don Bosco set
things in motion with an order to Fr Rua: ‘3. Idem, a tiletto [Piedmontese for poster, notice] for the
house at Mornese and send it to all the notaries, lawyers, main businesses in Genoa.’100 In 1880,
the six year term of the Superior General and her Council elapsed. In accordance with the 1878
Constitutions, elections were called for Mothers on the Council and Superiors of houses. The
retreat began on 20 August. Don Bosco was at Nizza Monferrato at least from 20–22 August, as
we see from letters sent over those days. In the first, to the Cardinal Protector, he spoke of
Vallecrosia.101 Then on the 21st he invited Fr Rua to stop over at Nizza Monferrato to confer with
him, taking advantage of his trip to Marseilles where he was going to preach the retreat.102 Don
Boco also wrote to Fr Tamietti at Este, since his sister was with the FMA at Nizza Monferrato.103
The elections were held on 29 August with the Director General, Fr Cagliero, presiding. Mother
Mazzarello was unanimously re–elected. Mother Caterina Daghero was elected Vicar, while the
Bursar, Giovanna Ferrettino, and the two Assistants, Emilia Mosca and Enrichetta Sorbone, were
confirmed in office. The minutes of the election concluded with the following text signed in Don
Bosco’s own hand: ‘Having viewed them, I approve what is contained in the minutes above and
confirm the election of the Mother Superior and the Sisters making up the Superior Chapter of the
Institute of Mary Help of Christians and I pray to God that he will infuse the spirit of charity and
fervour in them all so that this humble Congregation of ours may grow in members, spread to more
and more remote countries on earth where the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians can win many
souls for God, save themselves, and one day be with the souls they have saved in the Kingdom of
Heaven to praise and bless God forever. Turin, 1 September 1880. Fr J. Bosco, Rector.104
The Second General Chapter of the Salesian Society took place at Lanzo from 3–15
September. Nothing was said about the FMA Institute and in the text of the Deliberations, rules of
behaviour (regarding the Sisters) which had already appeared in the Deliberations from the First
General Chapter, were republished with some modifications making certain prescriptions more
realistic.105
1881 began with great concern at the declining health of Mother Mazzaeallo. On 20 January,
she went to Turin with the missionary Sisters for their farewell function. She then reached them at
Sampierdarena on 1 February and went on board ship with them as far as Marseilles (2–4
February). Don Bosco also arrived there on the 5th by train. He met her and invited her to go to St.
Cyr for a rest. The doctor found her condition to be serious. On 19 March, she undertook the return
journey and was at Nizza Monferrato by the 28th. On 25 April, her pleurisy worsened. Don Bosco
was in Rome. On 10 May, Fr Cagliero, coming from Spain, arrived at the mother house. Mother
Mazzarrello died at dawn on 14 May. The funeral saw a large crowd of people from Nizza, Sisters,
pupils gathered around her coffin, all deeply moved. Fr Cagliero accompanied the funeral hymns
on the harmonium.106 L’Unità Cattolica offered an article (eulogy) on 21 May and the Salesian
99 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 270.
100 Letter of 12 April 1880, E III 566.
101 Letter of 20 August 1880, E III 616.
102 E III 619.
103 From Turin, i25 August 1878, E III 621.
104 MB XIV 815; P. CAVIGLIÀ and A. COSTA (eds), Orme di vita..., p. 310.
105 Cf. Deliberazioni del secondo capitolo generale..., 1880, dist. I. Regolamenti speciali, capo VI. Direzione
generale delle suore (12 articoli), pp. 26-27, OE XXXIII 34-35.
106 Cf. Cronistoria III 403-404.

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Bulletin, following a death notice and brief article in June,107 published her life in five instalments
written by Fr Lemoyne, from September 1881 to June 1882.108 It was republished in the Institute’s
Elenco Generale or Year Book, in 1883.
Mother Mazzarrello left an Institute spread across four nations with 26 houses, 139 professed
Sisters and 50 novices.109 It was not her only or principal legacy. Her final voyage with the
missionaries, her visit to France, her trepidation in the face of her final illness, were all testimony
which spoke of a total embodiment within the history of the Institute. Hers was a presence and
identification with the life of her Sisters and ‘daughters’ in a communion of Spirituality where the
Constitutional virtue of the Novice Mistress and the ‘principal virtue’ of the Institute were hers
above all, possessed and passed on by her. Mother, teacher, guide of a Religious Family, it was
hers in deed more than in words. She was Co–foundress with Don Bosco, calling herself his ‘most
humble Daughter’ ‘first–born Daughter,’ just as she also called herself the ‘most affectionate
Mother’ of the Institute’s ‘Daughters.’110
4. FMA presences in 1881–88
In the final period of his life, Don Bosco’s involvement in the daily affairs of the FMA Institute was
gradually decreasing, given the more pronounced efforts of the Director General, Fr Cagliero, then
Fr Bonetti and local rectors, Fr Lemoyne and Bussi. Just the same, there were significant moments
when the founder was present still, in 1884 and 1885, the years of the Institute’s First General
Chapter and the final edition of the text of the Constitutions while Don Bosco was alive.
4.1 1881–84
In 1881, on his return from Rome after four months absence, Don Bosco established with Fr
Cagliero that the election of the new Superior General of the Sisters would take place on 12
August. He was already in Nizza on 4 August with Fr Bertello and Count Cesare Balbo to take part
in an evening offered by the Catholic Workers Union, whose president was a past pupil of the
Oratory, Carlo Brovia.111 Don Bosco’s intention, essentially, was to be at the retreat for a mixed
group of men and women. Among the retreatants was his grand niece Eulalia Bosco, daughter of
Francesco, his brother Joseph’s son. A year later she was at Nizza to become a Sister.
On 12 August, assisted by Frs Cagliero and Lemoyne, Don Bosco presided at the session at
which twenty–five year–old Caterina Daghero was elected Superior General. On the 14th there
were elections for superiors on the Council. Sr Enrichetta Sorbone was elected Vicar and was
replaced as second Assistant by Elisa Roncallo. Don Bosco had prepared two boxes, one with
sweets, the other with amaretti, with a note to ‘Rev Mother Superior General’ which ran thus: ‘Here
are some sugared almonds to give to your daughters. For yourself, keep up the sweetness to be
practised all the time with everyone, but always be ready to receive the amaretti or rather, the bitter
mouthfuls when it pleases God to send them your way. May God bless you and give you the virtue
107 La Superiora Generale delle Suore di Maria Ausiliatrice, BS 5 (1881) no. 6, June, p. 8.
108 Suor Maria Mazzarello, BS 5 (1881) no. 9, September, pp. 11-13; no. 10, October, pp. 6-8; no. 12,
December, pp. 15-17; 6 (1882) no. 3, March, pp. 50-51; no. 6, June, pp. 105-107.
109 MB X 646-647.
110 Cf. M. E. POSADA, A. COSTA, P. CAVIGLIÀ, La sapienza della vita. Lettere di Maria Domenica
Mazzarello..., pp. 48, 79, 84, 129, 132, 135, 143, 146, 176; M. E. POSADA, Maria Mazzarello: il significato
storico-spirituale della sua figura, in La donna nel carisma salesiano. Leumann (Turin), Elle Di Ci 1981.
111 Cf. BS 5 (1881) no. 9, September, p. 10.

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and courage to sanctify yourself and all the community entrusted to you. Pray for me. I remain
yours in J.C. Nizza Monferrato, 12 Aug. 1881. Your humble servant Fr John Bosco.’ 112
Don Bosco returned to Nizza Monferrato in August 1882 for the retreat for ‘school teachers and
other women.’ The July Salesian Bulletin gave notice of it, then the September issue spoke of its
results, also providing information on what Don Bosco said: ‘Don Bosco, too, gave a talk one day,
showing a practical way of doing good in the world, beginning with one’s family and school.’113
At the goodnight on 5 August, Don Bosco reminded the Sisters of the 10th anniversary of the
Institute’s foundation, and explained why he had undertaken this: Our Lady wanted it to fully carry
out the program of Da Mihi anima cetera tolle, and Don Bosco simply obeyed.’114
Unable to be at the retreat in 1883, he gave the following justification to Fr Cagliero: ‘I would
have liked to spend some days at Nizza Monferrato, but a series of telegrams means that I must
leave for Florence tomorrow morning.’115
On 25 December, replying to best wishes from the Sisters in Nizza, he thanked them with a brief
letter to the Superior General whom he pacified with some clear words regarding certain criticisms
doing the rounds ‘about our houses’, perhaps also presumed to be criticisms he himself had made.
‘They are vague comments,’ he reassured her ‘not understood and spoken with different intent. So
if somebody wants something then the person should say so and speak up clearly. Do not be
concerned. When I believe something is needed I will not send someone else to tell you, but will
tell you myself or put it in writing.’116
At the beginning of 1884, he saw that the circular for the Epiphany was also sent to the
Daughters of Mary Help of Christians in reply to the Salesians and, with necessary adjustments,
the Sisters for their Christmas and New year’s greetings: ‘As a father, I simply reply by saying that I
thank you with all my heart and that you will do the dearest thing in the world if you help me to save
your soul, especially by observing the rules.’117 Months later, resting at Pinerolo over July and
August, he felt obliged once more to write a lengthy letter to Fr Cagliero, asking to be excused for
not being at Nizza Monferrato for the retreat for lay men and women. He rejoiced that there was ‘a
good number of them despite discouraging rumours of cholera threatening our towns.’ He
suggested ‘the usual antidote to remove any fear of illness, the Mary help of Christians medal with
the invocation: Mary Help of Christians, pray for us. Frequent Communion. That’s it.’ Eventually, in
agreement with the Mother Superior, he seized the occasion to suggest a collection among the
girls for the Sacred heart Church in Rome. He put words into the Blessed Virgin’s mouth, perhaps
addressed especially to the Sisters’ postulants, novices and professed when he strongly exhorted
them to: Consecrate yourselves generously to my Son Jesus – all you have, your health, your
heart, let them be now and always for Jesus at the cost of whatever great sacrifice.’ Then by way
of farewell he told them: ‘We will see each other again one day in heaven with Jesus and Mary,
Amen. May God bless you all and may Mary help us take the path to Heaven.’118
The Institute’s First General Chapter was held from 11–22 August 1884. Fr Cagliero presided,
and there was the occasional participation of the retreat preachers, Frs Bertello and Bonetti. A few
months later, Fr Bonetti replaced Fr Cagliero as Director General when the latter was appointed
bishop. The Chapter ran over 15 sessions.119 At the first session, Fr Cagliero read a letter in which
112 E IV 76.
113 BS 6 (1882) no. 7, July, p. 116, and no. 9, September, p. 156.
114 Cronistoria IV 163.
115 Letter of 7 August 1883, E IV 231.
116 To Mother C. Daghero, 25 December 1883, E IV 244-245.
117 E IV 248-250.
118 To Fr Cagliero, 6 August 1884, E IV 282-283.

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Don Bosco sent his blessing and promised prayers.120 The second to fifth sessions were dedicated
to revising the Constitutions, a revision made directly on the 1878 text and not the intermediate
manuscript (ms K) between that and the 1885 printed edition.
Analysis of the minutes makes it clear what the contributions of the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians were to their constitutional text: introduction of new headings and articles, transposition
of already existing ones, modifications, corrections, and additions.121 Also, in the two sessions that
followed, disciplinary and organisational topics were dealt with that found echo in variations to the
1885 Constitutions: common life, a monograph (chronicle) for each house, admission to vows in
the houses, health risks for the Sisters cleaning stoves in the many colleges.
From the afternoon session on 14 August until the afternoon session on Thursday 21, the
Deliberations from the First and Second Salesian General Chapters were read, adapted and
included according to the Institute’s needs.122 At the beginning of the afternoon session on 20
August – as recorded in the minutes – ‘Fr Cagliero announced another letter from our good
Father, D. Bosco.’ Discussion continued on the topic of reading. What was said about novels,
Manzoni and Promessi Sposi, simply echoed what Don Bosco had said in the Second Salesian
General Chapter.123
The letter announced by Fr Cagliero was a brief message sent by Don Bosco to Fr Bonetti from
Pinerolo on 16 August: ‘Tell our Sisters that obedience with humility will make saints of them all. If
that is lacking, all efforts will be in vain. During your lifetime, always preach not to reform our rules
but to put them into practice. Whoever seeks reform deforms her way of living. Constantly
recommend the exact observance of our Constitution. Maintain that qui timet Deum nihil negliget et
qui spernit modica paulatim decidit.’124
Sessions finished on the morning of 22 August without the Chapter having been able to finish
examining the Salesian Chapter Deliberations. ‘The above mentioned Director General,’ the
minutes record ‘addressed some words to us full of charity and zeal for the good of our souls and
the Congregation in general.’ They faithfully reflected Don Bosco’s sentiments and thinking: ‘As a
memento he left us humility and obedience, virtues so much recommended by our Very Reverend
Father D. Bosco as the secure basis of our religious life. He also said to always keep an open
heart with the Superiors and in this regard he let us see how fortunate we are to have the support
of the Salesians, and especially to have a member of the Salesian Superior Chapter as Director
General of the Institute. He will always be a Father to us, taking the place of our common Father D.
Bosco. Let your confidence in the Very Reverend Mother General be unbounded – woe to the
Superior or Sister who begins hiding things! Experience tells us that the smooth running of the
Institute and perseverance in religious vocation depend essentially on confidence and frankness
with our Superiors. Let the local superior instil this openness of heart with Superiors in the Sisters,
and then be assured of the smooth running of the house she is appointed to. If the Congregation
has thus far prospered, thanks be to God it is precisely because of the great confidence placed in
the Superiors. If some unfortunate Sister has left the Institute, it must be because she remained
119 The minutes were passed on in three versions: One in ms orig.; Prima copia delle adunanze del capitolo
generale del 1884, ms orig., with corrections and additions; Verbali del primo capitolo generale delle
Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice aggregate alla Società salesiana. Nizza Monferrato, 11 August 1884, ms orig.,
complete and revised transcript of the Prima copy, pubished in Cronistoria IV 362-377.
120 Attested by Verbali of the Chapter, in Cronistoria IV 364-365.
121 Cf. G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 173-179.
122 Verbali del primo capitolo generale..., in Cronistoria IV 369-375.
123 Verbali del primo capitolo generale..., in Cronistoria IV 374.
124 E IV 288.

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silent or spoke too late. He ended by recommending that the Superiors be kind, zealous and
patient in forming the personnel.’125
Mother Daghero made a brief and deferential report to Don Bosco the same day the Chapter
closed. Among other things she wrote: ‘In the last of the conferences we sought to adopt for
ourselves the beautiful and important deliberations of your worthy son’s and our brothers the
Salesians’ General Chapter. By observing these deliberations, I hope for an excellent outcome for
the smooth running of our beloved Congregation. The Acts [Minutes] that will result and the
deliberations taken will be sent to you as soon as possible, along with the Holy Rule. You can do
what you wish with them in Domino and put your seal of approval to them if you believe it useful for
your Daughters in Jesus.’126
The letter that Don Bosco sent his grandniece Eulalia over those days, expressed his pleasure
and affection. She was admitted to clothing as a Religious at Nizza at the end of the retreat. The
letter was similar to the one sent to Sr Maddalena Martini on 27 June 1883 in that it proposed an
essential outline of the woman consecrated in the religious state.127 Drawn up with a lucid mind and
great warmth it was a portrait of Don Bosco himself and a spiritual testament. ‘I blessed the Lord
when you made a decision to become a Religious’ her uncle wrote in affectionate and inspired
words. ‘Now I thank him with all my heart that he preserved your great willingness to break
definitively with the world and consecrate yourself totally to the good Jesus. Make this offering
gladly and reflect on the reward which is a hundredfold in the present life, and the real reward, the
great future reward. But, my good Eulalia, that is no joke. It is serious. And remember the words of
Chantal’s father when she was in a similar situation: what is given to the Lord is never taken back.
Consider that the religious life is a life of constant sacrifice, and that each sacrifice is greatly
rewarded by God. Only obedience, observance of the rules, hope in the heavenly reward are our
comfort during our mortal life. I have always received your letters with pleasure, though I have not
replied for lack of time. May God bless you Eulalia, and may Mary guide you and be your comfort
until you reach heaven. I hope we see each other again in this life, otherwise farewell and we shall
see each other to speak of God in blessed [eternal] life. Amen.’128
Later, there was a important direct intervention by Don Bosco on behalf of the work at Nizza
Monferrato, given the desire to expand it. While the local spiritual director Fr Luigi Bussi, was in
charge of following up the necessary bureaucratic procedures, Don Bosco sent the request to the
Mayor and City Council in Nizza for authorisation to alter two roads so as to gain a plot of land
which would allow extension to the existing building by around 30 metres. The extension was
justified by moral and hygiene reasons other than the desire to extend the educational activities: ‘A
workshop and recreational yard for the exclusive benefit of the most needy girls of the city, it being
the supplicant’s intention to open a vocational school to teach sewing each day for free to girls
ages 12 –15 and also have an oratory to gather them on Sundays for moral, civic and religious
instruction.’129
A faithful reflection of the Institute’s rapport with the founder can be found in what Fr Cerruti
wrote to the FMA Superior General on 5 November 1884: ‘I myself passed on your letter to our
beloved Don Bosco, who quickly asked me about its contents and what I knew about your holy
Congregation. Naturally, my replies and information were in accordance with what I had already
heard from you when we spoke. He was sad to hear of the poor health of the Sisters at La Navarre
125 Verbali del primo capitolo generale..., in Cronistoria IV 376.
126 Cf. text in Cronistoria IV 307-308; MB XVII 730-731.
127 Cf. Chap. 20, § 6.
128 Letter from Pinerolo of 20 August 1884, E IV 289-290. Eulalia Bosco (1866-1938) for decades she was a
General Councilor of the Superior Chapter of the Institute.
129 Letter of 16 October 1884, E IV 296-297.

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and the condition of Fr Varaja at St. Cyr. He assured me he would keep the letter in his memory to
recall these situations. I noted that he was pleased you had addressed these matters to him since,
as he told me with much feeling, the Sisters too depend on the Superior General of the Salesian
Congregation who is D. Bosco. I found him very well, relatively speaking, and in good cheer.’130
4.2 From the 1885 Constitutions until the founder’s death.
The final stages of Don Bosco’s efforts for the FMA Institute began with the new printed text of the
Constitutions published in 1885, the last ones he saw and approved.131The booklet comprised a
preface, introduction, the text of the Constitutions. The introduction was more or less identical to
the 1885 Salesian Constitutions, with the necessary changes of gender and omission of its
beginning and conclusion.
Among the available documents preceding it were the intermediate manuscript following the
General Chapter in 1884 (ms K), the minutes of that Chapter which had modified the 1878 text, the
revision of the 1878 text by the Salesian Superior Chapter, which had made use of a Commission
made up of Frs John Cagliero, John Bonetti, and John Baptist Lemoyne. All these Salesians
influenced the text, with particular contribution by the local Rector, Fr Lemoyne. He had a specific
role above all regarding the bond between the Sisters and the Salesians, and conditions for
admitting postulants and novices. Don Bosco, too, wanted the text read to him and made some
adjustments, but it is not possible to establish which ones can be attributed to him.132 What is
certain is that ‘from analysis of the 1885 text it emerges that certain changes further reinforce the
dependence of the FMA Institute on the Rector Major of the Salesian Society.’ From an
examination of the variants, one can see that the Sisters also made a contribution.133
Compared with the 1878 printed text, the new one had two extra headings, making earlier less
developed topics more explicit: section X on the General Chapter and XVI On silence (already
found in ms K and somewhat corrected both by Ks (the Sisters) and Kc (Fr Cagliero), which
follows the section On Cloister. The General Chapter section is spelt out in three articles with some
variations, the preceding material concentrated in art. 6 of section V. The variants concern the role
of the ‘Major Superior’ in the General Chapter: ‘If the Major Superior does not take part personally
in the General Chapter, all its proceedings must be submitted to his examination, and will not
oblige before his approval.’ (art. 3).134 Section 11 came into line with the section on the Form of the
Institute in the Salesian Constitutions. The three sections relating to the vows follow immediately,
while the subject of Section VI became Internal government of the Institute. Articles 1, 2 and 5 of
section XIII, Essential virtues, were enriched: ‘1. Patient and zealous charity not only with children
but also the older girls and any individual, in order to do the greatest good possible for souls. 2.
Simplicity and modesty with holy cheerfulness … 5. Emulating Martha and Magdalene, the life of
the Apostles, the life of the Apostle, and the angels.’135
This text regulated the Institute until 1906.
130 AGFMA 412 111, handwritten original 2 pp.
131 Regole o costituzioni per le figlie di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice aggregate alla Società Salesiana approvate da
varii vescovi tra cui l’eminentissimo cardinale Gaetano Alimonda arcivescovo di Torino. Torino [= S.
Benigno Canavese], Tipografia salesiana 1885, 120 pp.
132 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 184-193.
133 An analysis of the variants could be helpful Ks (= Sisters) and Kc (= Cagliero) introduced to complement
the text of the 1885 Constitutions: G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., pp. 169-172 (placement of the
text in the overall development of the Constitutions), pp. 289-353 (text puboished with relevant variant
references).
134 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 311.
135 G. BOSCO, Costituzioni per l’Istituto..., p. 316.

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Don Bosco did not forget the Superior General’s Name day in April 1885, sending her greetings
from Nice, France: ‘Sister Cat. Sup. General etc. May ‘God bless you and all the Congregation that
Mary H.C. has entrusted to you. May she protect and guide you through perils, keep you firmly on
the road to Paradise. Amen. Nice, 30 April 1885.’136
In the letter mentioned previously to Vincentian Bro. Stella137on 13 June 1885, following the new
edition of the Constitutions Don Bosco made his position clear on the dependence of the FMA
Institute on the Superior of the Salesian Society. ‘In our Congregation,’ he stated ‘we have the
category of the Sisters known as the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians and I would like them to
have much the same dependence on the Superior of the Salesians as the Daughters of Charity
have on the Superior of the Vincentians.’138 This was what the Constitutions said. As in the 1878
Constitutions, the Institute was ‘in immediate dependence on the Superior General of the Society
of St Francis de Sales’, (art. 1, section 11), while internally it was ‘governed and directed by a
Superior Chapter made up of the Superior General, her Vicar, Bursar, and two Assistants,
dependent on the Rector Major of the Salesian Congregation’ (section VI, art. 1), and the Superior
Chapter was ‘presided over by the Major Superior or Director General or the local Rector
delegated for that purpose.’ (art. 2). It seems evident, then, that the formula ‘Confreres and Sisters
[Consorelle] which he used did not only have emotional significance but was also a strictly juridical
one. It appears in various letters to his Salesians: ‘Distribute the letters you receive from the hands
of our confreres or consorelle.139 ‘Jealously keep the secret confided to you by confreres or
consorelle and give them complete freedom and secrecy for their letters as our rule prescribes.’140
Don Bosco’s final visit to Nizza Monferrato was an historic one, keenly requested by the Director
General, Fr Bonetti, who was there for the retreat for lay women followed by the retreat for the
Sisters. ‘300 Sisters coming from all over’ he wrote to Don Bosco.141 Fr Viglietti’s chronicle for 22,
23, 24 August, is extremely concise, limiting itself to Don Bosco’s movements from Pinerolo to
Nice, Valdocco, S. Benigno for Salesian retreats.142 Don Bosco was very weak. He was collected
by Fr Bussi, the local Rector at Niza Monferrato, on 22 August, and accompanied by clerics
Viglietto and Festa. The following day, he celebrated Mass for the Sister’ community and in the
morning assisted at the clothing and profession of vows ceremonies. In the address that followed
he introduced himself by referring to his old age and the inconveniences that went with it. Since the
professed had received their crucifix from his hands he continued by speaking of the cross and the
joy of carrying it. At the end, he left them with several reminders one after the other: ‘Do good, do
good works; work, work hard for the Lord and do it all with good will. Oh! Do not waste time, do
good, do much good and you will never regret having done so. Then he immediately added:
‘Would you like another one? Practise the holy Rule! Put your rule into practice and once again I
say you will never regret it. Our Rules, you see, dear daughters, are infallible and they give us
many advantages, but the most important of all of them is the certain salvation of out soul. Do not
be surprised by the word “infallible” because our Rules are approved by the Roman Pontiff who is
infallible, so every article of the Rule approved by him is infallible.’ Then further on he gave them
one more implicit ‘memento’” ‘Be happy, my dear daughters, healthy and holy, and always agree
among yourselves. And here I will need to start all over again, but I am already tired and you will
need to be satisfied with this little bit.’ 143 Then, speaking to Chapter members in the parlour, he
136 E IV 324.
137 Cf. § 3.
138 Letter of 13 June 1885, E IV 325.
139 To Fr Bodrato, 31 December 1878, E III 423.
140 To Fr Fagnano, 10 August 1885, E IV 335.
141 Cf. letter of Fr Bonetti to Don Bosco, 5 August 1885, MB XVII 821-822.
142 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 March 1885 al 14 April 1886, p. 41.
143 MB XVII 555-556; cf. Handwritten text in ASC A 0250215, Ultima conferenza fatta da D. Bosco. Nizza
Monf.to 23 Agosto 1885 [6 fol.].

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spoke of Our Lady’s presence in the house in such a way as to make her almost physically
present: ‘Our Lady is truly here, here among you! Our Lady walks through this house and covers it
with her mantle.’144
When the retreat was over, the superiors and teachers in the infant and elementary schools
stayed at the house since they were invited by the Mothers to take part in conferences on their
respective pedagogical and teaching activities. Fr Bonetti gave one of these about looking after
their health and ways of doing so. One novelty was the lessons on pedagogy Fr Cerruti gave the
teachers. He gave the infant school teachers the booklet he had written, probably with the
collaboration of Mother Emilia Mosca,145 Regolamento – Programma per gli asili d’infanzia delle
Figlie di Marie Ausiliatrice preceduto da un Cennoa storico sull’origine e Sulla istituzione degli asili
in Italia (Regulations and syllabus for the infant schools run by the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians, prefaced by an historical outline of the origin and institution of infant schools in Italy).146
On his return from Spain on 24 May 1886, Don Bosco signed the letter of convocation for the
Second General Chapter of the FMA Institute, held to elect members of the Superior Chapter
whose six year term elapsed in August 1886.147 For her part, the Mother General invited superiors
to Nizza Monferrato for 14 August when Sisters were arriving from all over for the retreat. The
house was full, including the new wing. Don Bosco, who was at Pinerolo for a necessary break,
returned to Valdocco on 13 August, though his health was precarious as always. But he was able
to take part in prize–giving and celebrations for his birthday. He was represented at the General
Chapter by the new Spiritual Director of the Salesian Society, Fr Bonetti. Sessions began on the
morning of the 14th. Fr Rua, now legally Don Bosco’s Vicar, arrived on the afternoon of the 15th to
preside at the meetings. He brought a brief hand–written message from the founder on the back of
a holy picture of Mary Help of Christians: ‘May Mary bring you all the blessings of the good Jesus,
enlighten and guide you in the current elections so that in both affliction and consolation you will
always be able to carry out the Lord’s holy will. Fr J. Bosco.’148
In the afternoon session on 16 August, before they went ahead with the elections, Fr Rua read
a letter Don Bosco had signed from Pinerolo at the Archbishop’s house on 8 August 1886. The
letter granted Fr Rua ‘all the necessary faculties for the election of the Superior General and other
Superiors and for any other decisions’ and he added: ‘I am half blind and my health is failing. Also
pray for me that I will always be your affectionate Father and friend, Fr J. Bosco.’149
All were re–elected, from Mother General to second Assistant. On the following day, Fr Rua left
for Turin and the Chapter continued. In a circular letter on 8 September, Our Lady’s birthday, Fr
Bonetti gave all the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians the results of the elections, telling them
that ‘before and after the elections a range of matters dealing with the development of the Institute
of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians and the work entrusted to them were dealt with in
general and special conferences, including the correct observance of the holy Rule.’ He told them
that in due course ‘decisions taken’ would be passed on after being ‘reviewed and approved by the
Major Superior.’150 The Sisters who took part in the retreat held in Turin from 24 August to 1
September were more fortunate. Don Bosco’s secretary recorded the following in his chronicle:
‘This morning at 10, Don Bosco took Viglietto with him and went to the Sisters gathered for their
144 MB XVII 557.
145 Cf. P. CAVIGLIÀ, Il primo regolamento degli asili infantili istituiti dalle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (1885),
“Rivista di Scienze dell’Educazione” 35 (1997) 17-46.
146 S. Benigno Canavese, Tipografia e Libreria Salesiana 1885, 32 pp.
147 The text of the letter mentioned by G. CAPETTI, Il cammino dell’Istituto nel corso di un secolo, Vol. I Dalle
origini alla morte del Fondatore. Rome 1972, pp. 131-135.
148 Found in Cronistoria V 105.
149 Found in Cronistoria V 105-106; E IV 359.
150 Found in Cronistoria V 235.

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retreat. He gave them his blessing and some mementos and went to Valsalice’ where the Fourth
General Chapter of the Salesians began that afternoon.151
On 2 December 1886, six missionary Sisters (it was the sixth FMA expedition) took part in the
farewell in the Church of Mary help of Christians at which Cardinal Alimonda presided. Don Bosco
was present and received them in audience over the following days.
Towards the end of 1885 and the beginning of 1886, the FMA Institute was included more
substantially in the final parts of the Memorie dal 1841 al 1884–5–6. Don Bosco made brief
reference to the faithful observance by Salesians of their General Chapter deliberations concerning
relations with the Sisters. He also spelt out in some detail topics regarding the internal life of the
FMA Institute: prudence in accepting postulants, the major importance of forming novices since,
’virtues not acquired during the time of novitiate are for the most part not acquired later,’ reserve in
dealing with ‘individuals of the other sex.’ He recommended, in this regard, that the Superior
General, superiors of houses, do not allow any familiarity with lay people of any kind.’ There were
pointers regarding observance of the vow of poverty. In matters of poverty, building repairs and the
like, reference to ‘advice’, ‘orders’, ‘an understanding’ with the Rector Major was obligatory.
Interesting guidelines were provided concerning holding General Chapters – the same for
Salesians and Sisters – granting ‘more freedom of speech, on matters pro and con, ‘use of secret
votes’ in deliberations, punctual implementation of matters decided on, ‘avoiding novelty in
suggestions made at conferences or Chapters,’ without reference to ‘things approved earlier, or
traditions, rules, General or Special Chapters.’152
During the final stages of Don Bosco’s illness, on 5 January 1888, the Director General. Fr
Bonetti, sent the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians a very reassuring letter: ‘By now there is no
doubt that the Lord and Our Lady have heard your prayers and those of many thousands of
individuals for the preservation of the precious life of our wonderful Father.’ He was referring to the
real improvement which had begun on 30 December, and continued through the first twenty days
of January. The Director continued: ‘Meanwhile I take the opportunity to refer to the reminder dear
Don Bosco gave the Sisters in particular, on the painful evening of 29 December, when it seemed
we were facing an irreparable loss. After recommending what was already indicated in the circular
letter to the Salesians, he added in almost a dying whisper: “For the Sisters; obedience, practise it
and see it practised.”’153 Heartened by this, Mother Daghero left for Spain. But the end came. At the
announcement of Don Bosco’s death, the Vicar, with Mother Mosca, left immediately for Turin.
Mother Daghero arrived on 2 February, shortly before the funeral but still in time to view Don
Bosco’s body. The announcement Fr Rua made on 31 January had also gone to the Sisters, a brief
message full of emotion, while Bishop Cagliero sent them a personal letter of encouragement and
exhortation.154
Mother Daghero was present with Mother Mosca on 4 February for the burial at Valsalice, and
on return to Nizza, sent Fr Rua a letter in the name of the Institute in which she renewed her
condolences, expressed her consolation at having him as Superior and promised complete
solidarity and collaboration. ‘After God’ he would be considered to be ‘our Father, guide, support
and everything!’ She then concluded: ‘With this letter, then, dear Father, I put myself and all our
poor, dear congregation, in your hands. I applaud your election and profess our complete filial
obedience and servitude and implore you to also think of us as your daughters.’155
151 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886 al 12 gennaio 1887, p. 34.
152 Cf. Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1885) 121-123.
153 Letter mentioned by G. CAPETTI, Il cammino dell’Istituto nel corso di un secolo I..., pp. 163-165.
154 Mentioned by G. CAPETTI, Il cammino dell’Istituto nel corso di un secolo I..., pp. 169-171.
155 Mentioned by G. CAPETTI, Il cammmino dell’Istituto nel corso di un secolo I..., pp. 172-173.

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Don Bosco’s words, letters from Fr Rua and Fr Cagliero, the letter to Fr Rua from Mother
Daghero are testimony to the well–rooted conviction at the end of the 19th and beginning of the
20th century of the precise historical and juridical rapport between the FMA Institute and the
Salesian Society. Things continued in this climate along a common path of inner growth and
quantitative expansion. For the FMA too, the decade preceding Don Bosco’s death had been
marked by extraordinary development which was in no way slowed by the loss of the founder.156
156 Cf. G. MAINETTI, Madre Caterina Daghero prima successora della beata Maria Mazzarello nel governo
dell’Istituto “Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice”. Turin, SEI 1940, pp. 113-144, 257-318.

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Chapter 30
Building, expanding and consolidating youth works
(1880–87)
1880
5 April: Leo XIII entrusts Don Bosco with building the Sacro Cuore, Sacred Heart
Church in Rome;
11 December: agreement for church and hospice signed.
1881 February 16: opening of first Salesian work in Spain at Utrera;
4 March: opening of Salesian work in Florence;
November: opening of Salesian work at Farnza.
1882 November 18: opening of Salesian work at Mogliano Veneto.
1883
27 August : Propaganda Fides approves the Vicariate Apostolic and Prefecture
Apostolic in Patagonia;
November 16: Brief and relevant decree;
November 20: Brief appointing Fr Cagliero as Provicar.
1884 30 October: Fr Cagliero appointed Vicar Apostolic and Bishop;
7 December: episcopal consecration of Fr Cagliero.
1882 saw the conclusion of events which, while not connected in themselves, made a heavy
impact on Don Bosco’s rhythm of life. He told the Cardinal Protector, Lorenzo Nina, amid the
confusion of the most recent controversies in Turin: ‘At any rate I was and still am ready to make
every sacrifice on condition that it can bring an end to an affair that makes me lose so much time.’1
A few months after the ‘Concordia’, the consecration of the Church of St John the Evangelist took
place and the school issue was settled. Yet Don Bosco had never slowed down in his commitment
as educator and founder. Negotiations continued for the opening of new youth works, the
prestigious responsibility came his way from Leo XIII to undertake the onerous construction of the
Sacred Heart Church in Rome, and his charitable promotion of it and search for funds intensified.
Obviously, nothing had been able to interrupt his normal activity of overall government, including
spiritual direction of youthful communities and the two Religious Institutes. Such efforts were
facilitated, something he could not have foreseen, from 9 August 1883, by the transfer of Cardinal
Gaetano Alimonda (1818–92) to the episcopal see of Turin.
1. Inter–regional development of youth works in Italy, and arrival in Spain (1881–82)
While remaining the key player, Don Bosco increasingly involved qualified collaborators from the
periphery, provincials and local rectors, as well as the Superior Chapter, in expanding his youth
works. Colleges with their classrooms and hospices with their arts and trade workshops were
among the works that emerged. However, the concern was always there to see that the original
1 Letter of 28 December 1881, E IV 105.

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and classic work, the festive or daily oratory, would not decline. It would become the object of
particular attention and regulations at the two General Chapters in 1883 and 1886.
The first two years of the 1880s were interesting because of the consolidation of the Salesian
presence in important regions like Tuscany, where the significant work at Lucca was already to be
found, though with little possibility of development, then Veneto, the extension into Romagna, full of
problems and possibilities for the specific Salesian commitment to education. There was also the
entry to the Iberian Peninsula which soon became a twin Salesian area to Italy for the number and
quality of the works, a parallel flourishing of Salesian vocations, and a readiness to spread out
through the metropolitan area and the foreign missions.
1.1 Italy: Florence, Faenza, Mogliano Veneto
Don Bosco’s connections with Florence in the 1860s and 70s had been intense, given the
extraordinary acceptance he constantly found in the Florentine ecclesiastical world from
Archbishops Gioacchino Limberti and Eugenio Cecconi (1857–74, 1874–88 respectively) and
among many lay Catholics and benefactors. Yet he had little or no contact with local municipal or
provincial administrations or with charitable bodies or educational institutes there.
Don Bosco only established a work of his own in Italy’s second capital in March 1881, despite
there being occasional requests since 1867, set in motion especially by the threat of Protestant
proselytism.2 There appeared to be a glimmer of an initiative in1877, but only in May 1880 did a
Committee lease then make a modest building in Vis Cimabue available for the Salesians, but for
Don Bosco, this offer seemed to have had too fragile a basis. He made a move only when the
Archbishop made a heartfelt appeal. ‘Given your Grace’s moving letter,’ he replied on 25 January
1881 ‘I am ready even to do the impossible as the Piedmontese say.’ Now that he was dealing
directly with the Archbishop he would do everything asked of him. He gave the Rector of the work
at Lucca, Fr Giovanni Marenco, the mandate to go to Florence ‘to arrange matters such that future
Salesians’ might find what they need, ‘ to cook the macaroni’ – ‘a priest, cleric, coadjutor’ – to begin
the work ‘within a few weeks’ to be restricted ‘for some time, to just a festive oratory and
recreational park.’3
Fr Faustino Confortola arrived on 4 March 1881 from Cremona, with a cleric and coadjutor and
immediately opened the oratory. In a letter to Fr Cagliero who was in Utrera, Don Bosco wrote from
Alassio: ‘The house in Florence was established on 4 March last and Fr Confortola is working
wonders.’4 The chapel was blessed on 19 March. It was created from two ground floor rooms and
adorned with a large oil painting donated by a woman who wanted to remain unnamed. The
oratory went from 20 to 200 boys in just a few weeks. On the afternoon of 15 May, Don Bosco held
the first Salesian conference in Florence on his way back from Rome. He wrote in the invitation
circular that it was especially important ‘more so because we are not talking about works, which
have nothing to do with this city but about founding a stable Institute for poor orphans,’5 It was held
in the Philippian Fathers Church. Don Bosco spoke for more than an hour, thanking people and
asking, with his usual insistence on the Gospel’s ‘Quod superset date eleemosynam.’6 He had
2 Cf., for what would be said, A. MISCIO, Firenze e don Bosco 1848-1888. Florence, Libreria Editrice
Salesiana 1991.
3 To Bishop E. Cecconi, 25 January 1881, E IV 6.
4 Letter of 6 April 1881, E IV 41.
5 Circular May 1881, E IV 54; cf. letter F. Confortola 10 May, E IV 53.
6 Cf. report by Fr F. Confortola on the promising beginnings of the work, helped by the “most loving and
encouraging” welcome by the Florentines, and on the conference of 15 May, in BS 5 (1881) no. 7, July,
pp. 7-9.

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support from ‘Mama’ Uguccioni,7 but also sought to broaden the circle of charity through a circular
in which he denounced the ‘huge damage’ caused by Protestants and asked for the ‘zeal and
charity’ of the Florentines for ‘a work aimed at the good of religion and public and private morality.’8
When the one year lease elapsed, a larger building was found in Via Fra Giovanni Angelico in
an area with much more potential for Salesian activity. Some re–adaptation work soon saw a
hospice develop to which the Archbishop entrusted a number of boys he had personally selected,
guaranteeing payment of their boarding fee. The oratory restarted its activities at the new site on 2
November, and the hospice opened on the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, from whom the
house took its name.
Don Bosco returned to Florence on 9 April 1882, Easter Sunday. The following day he gave a
conference to Cooperators, speaking about the new oratory and hospice already in place and
classes for day students still being planned.9 Fr Confortola fell seriously ill in August: he was
assisted by Fr Bruno who had come from the misfortune at Cremona. Don Bosco told him: ‘I will
see that you have the people you need but nurture the festive oratory or see that this is done. It is
so much needed in that city.’10
Fr Confortola publicised the work as a whole in preparation for the 1884–85 school year,
providing information on the different kinds of activities: the oratory and Sunday school for day
boys, a hospice for young orphans and abandoned boys, where they were instructed in arts and
trades, and again, for residents, four elementary classes in preparation for secondary education.11
At the beginning of the next school year, Fr Stefano Febraro from Castelnuovo was appointed as
Rector. In the same city, fifteen years later, he would suffer a serious personal and vocational
crisis. A few days after he became Rector, Don Bosco wrote to him: ‘It was with real pleasure that I
read your letter. It gave me much consolation to know you are happy with your position in Florence.
I will always be happy when you are at peace and can help me save souls other than your own.’12
During his rectorship there was a notable conference for Florentine Cooperators on 6 March
1886 from the Auxiliary Bishop Donato Velluti Zati di San Clemente (1845–1927), a renowned
orator who used the occasion to offer praise of Don Bosco – a prelude to the eulogy he gave after
31 January 1888. ‘This name’ he said with deep respect ‘by now known throughout Europe and
America, rings so dearly on my lips, and struck with admiration for what he has been able to
achieve under the banner of charity, I can only exclaim: oh charity, how powerful you are! You
transform the humble and the little ones into apostles and heroes before the world; you know how
to enliven everyone with your flame; you can do everything.’13
No less significant and productive, but much more opposed by certain secular and anticlerical
forces, was the arrival of the Salesians at Faenza in the Romagna, with a work humble in origins
but with a solid and busy future. Unfortunately it closed in 2000. The initial site was a former
convent situated in s suburb known as Urbecco and the first work was an inter–parish oratory with
night classes. The extraordinary figure of Cooperator Fr Paolo Taroni had supported and prepared
for the arrival of the Salesians. He was the Spiritual Director of the diocesan seminary and was
helped by a no less zealous priest, a correspondent of Don Bosco’s, Canon Giuseppe Cavina.
7 Cf. letter of 6 October 1881, E IV 84; 27 January 1883, E IV 200; 28 November 1884, E IV 304-305.
8 Circ. October 1881, E IV 84-85.
9 Information on the visit and Don Bosco’s conference are provided in a letter by Fr Confortola of 3 May
1882, published in the BS 6 (1882) no. 7, July, pp. 119-121, Notizie sull’Oratorio di Maria Immacolata e
conferenza dei Cooperatori in Firenze.
10 To Fr F. Confortola, 28 August 1882, E IV 165.
11 Istituto Salesiano dell’Immacolata in Firenze, BS 8 (1884) no. 9, September, pp. 134-135.
12 To Fr S. Febraro, 30 October 1885, E IV 344.
13 BS 11 (1887) no. 6, June, p. 71: letter of Fr S. Febraro and much of the text of the address by Bishop D.
Velluti Zati, pp. 69-72, Conferenza salesiana in Firenze

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They established the basis for an agreement in June 1880. Difficulties in renovating the building
and getting authorisation to occupy it posed by the State Property Authority and the Province
meant some months went by. The first Salesians arrived in November 1881, accompanied by Fr
Cagliero. The Rector was Fr Giovanni Battista Rinaldi, with a cleric from Faenza, Enrico Foschini,
and a coadjutor, Paolo Bassignano, the popular ‘Paolino.’ On 20 November, Fr Cagliero presided
at the solemn opening of the oratory.14 To increase activities, a commission was established in
1882 made up of Cooperators, all of them clergy including Bishop Giovanni Strocchi, Bishop of
Cesena. The Provicar General, Achille Emiliani, presided and invited each member to subscribe
with shares of L. 25 each for three years to help with a larger work armed at the education of the
young in a century when people were divided ‘into a hundred parties more or less adverse not only
to religion but even to civilisation and order.’15
The Bishop of Faenza, Angelo Pianori, a member of the Observant Friars Minor, wrote a letter
on 6 March 1882 recalling the encyclical of 15 February, which urged ‘protecting and honouring the
Society of Youth’ and supported the planned subscription.16 Don Bosco visited Faenza on 13 May
1882 and gave a conference on the Sunday afternoon in one of the public churches. While on the
scene he became aware that it would be necessary, for the work to develop, for it to be relocated in
a more spacious area at the centre of the city. On 1January 1883 he drew up an agreement with
the ecclesiastical commission in which he hoped that the typical oratory workshops would be
flanked by a hospice with arts and trades workshops.17 There was a virulent reaction from political
forces and ‘democratic’ newspapers.18 Don Bosco wrote to Canon Giuseppe Cavina, once again
manifesting his indomitable willingness to overcome difficult situations for the cause of God and
souls: ‘Sadly I have understood the matters which make it difficult to establish a work aimed at the
good of the poor and at–risk youth. Should we abandon the field and leave it in the enemy’s
hands? Never. In the face of huge difficulties we need to redouble our efforts and sacrifices. We
will gladly give all that we have got, but it is also essential for you and your friends to give a real
hand in opening a hospice for poor boys. Study how and let’s see that it happens. Fr Rinaldi will
better explain my thinking.’19
The oratory was located nearer the city centre, with night classes and varied activities including
elementary classes. During 1885, a church and small theatre were built following approval by the
Superior Chapter on 29 May 1885, while according to Don Bosco’s claim ‘some workshops need to
begin, but little by little.’20
Opposition translated into violence and threats and the city’s republican administration was
ambiguous in its position. In April 1884, it had supported the establishment of a secular recreation
area clearly in opposition to the Catholic oratory.21 Don Bosco explained the work’s development
and held to his original thinking at a session of the Superior Chapter on 14 December 1885. This
was that Faenza should follow the same path as the Valdocco Oratory in the 1840s through to the
1860s: first the oratory and night classes, then a boarding school and hostel for secondary and
trade or vocational students.22
14 Regarding establishment of the Salesians in Faenza Fr P. Taroni wrote in a letter of 23 November 1881,
published in the BS 6 (1882) no. 1, January, pp. 8-9, Una casa salesiana nella città di Faenza.
15 Documenti XXIV 98-100.
16 Documenti XXIV 101.
17 MB XV 758.
18 Cf. materials in Documenti XXV 332-337.
19 Letter of 17 September 1883, E IV 234.
20 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 57r-v, ASC D 868.
21 Documenti XXVII 119-121.
22 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 90R.

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On the occasion of the first Salesian Conference held on 2 June 1887, Catholics in Faenza
were able, via the more outstanding clergy, to express their thoughts on Don Bosco and the
Salesian work in their city. The Rector sent a report on this to the Salesian Bulletin. The occasion
was a celebration of victory of Catholic efforts over opposition and sectarian aggression. Since for
health reasons Don Bosco was unable to be there, he sent Fr Francesia, his trusted pupil from the
early days, to represent him.
Diocesan Bishop Gioacchino Cantagali presided at the conference. The official address was
given by Fr Filippo Lanzoni a close friend of the Salesians. The Vicar general, Mons. Francesco
Baldassari also spoke, and the Bishop put his seal on things with an erudite sermon of his own,
followed by the singing of the Te Deum. Contributions were very much of an antisocialist nature:
work lay at the heart of Salesian education, in an ordered and stable society where Christian
uprightness was practised and people were content with their state in life, free from the destructive
and foolish aspirations of revolutionaries. The Salesian Work, then, was ‘of benefit not only to the
young but to the whole of society’ Fr Lanzoni proclaimed. The Vicar General insisted: ‘Young
people raised with religious principles by the sons of Don Bosco say ‘Blessed is the time spent
working!’ In fact ‘when the young worker knows and puts these principles into practice, he learns to
love work, is happy with his state in life and does not envy people who are said to be rich, and is
not convinced that revolution brings wealth to anyone, only discord, hatred, and ruin.’ In his
affectionate concluding talk the bishop, himself from Faenza, manifested his consolation at seeing
how, as always happened throughout history, Providence had sent ‘the man for his times’, Don
Bosco, to society which included youngsters reduced to an unhappy state. ‘This man’ he explained
‘with his Houses and Oratories, enriches the souls of the young with study, kindness, love and thus
raises them in true wisdom. Nor is manual work overlooked. In this House you see the blacksmith
and ironmonger, the carpenter and tailor. He takes the heart of the worker, who loves his work, as
he takes the heart of the student who loves study. The worker educated by Don Bosco, an
affectionate son of the Church, sees the rich person but is not jealous, sees work and feels
consoled, sees misfortunes and feels resigned.’23 This was the interpretation given the ‘good
Christian and upright citizen’ which a large swathe of Catholics who were moderately ‘social’ but
substantially conservative gave. It was not the first nor would it be the last such interpretation.
The origin and events of Salesian work at Mogliano Veneto were much more peaceful. This was
a town in the province and diocese of Treviso, 13 kilometres from that city and 19 from Venice. In a
letter from Rome on 16 March 1880 to Fr Durando, who was asked to examine proposals for a
foundation there, Don Bosco wrote: ‘I replied immediately to Mrs Astori that Fr Sala would go. I
enclose the letter that will be a guide for him.’24Two eminent personalities in the Work of the
Congresses had been encouraging the foundation since the previous year. They were lawyer
Giambattista Paganuzzi (1841–1923) and engineer Pietro Saccardo (1830–1803). It was made
possible by an elderly benefactor from Venice, Elisabetta Bellavite, the widow, since 1876, of the
generous Vincenzo Omobono Astori. He had wanted to make land available and150,000 lire
[492,382 euro] to construct the required buildings for an agricultural school.25
With a view to involving Don Bosco, she had gone to Turin for the Feast of Mary Help of
Christians in 1879. On 20 September 1880, the Superior Chapter meeting at Sampierdarena
accepted the proposal. Mrs Astori confirmed the donation by letter on 19 October. Fr Sala left to
put his signature to the agreement and set work in motion. Work began in spring 1881, and was
rapidly and masterfully completed by capable and honest workers under the supervision of Pietro
23 La prima Conferenza dei Cooperatori e Cooperatrici a Faenza, BS 11 (1887) no. 8, August, pp. 90-92.
24 EIII 551.
25 Cf. re the whole affair see G. POLO, Don Mosè Veronesi e la fondazione dell’Astori a Mogliano Veneto
(Treviso), in F. MOTTO (ed.), L’Opera Salesiana dal 1880 al 1922. Significatività e portata sociale, Vol. II.
Rome, LAS 2001, pp. 51-63.

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Saccardo who kept in constant touch with Fr Rua.26 The consent of the diocese was signed on 24
March 1880 by the Capitular Vicar, Canon Giuseppe Sarto, the future Pope Pius X, who had
known Don Bosco at the Oratory in 1875, a few weeks from his appointment as Chancellor of the
Curia at Treviso. ‘I grant the widest faculty and permission for the aforesaid foundation and lend my
fullest assent’ he wrote, foreshadowing more ample development than that of a modest agricultural
school.27
Don Bosco sent a warm message from Alassio on 26 September 1882 to My very dear Fr
Apollonio and Reverend Excellency. This was the newly appointed Bishop of Trevio, Giuseppe
Appolonio. Don Bosco had been his guest in Venice on his first trip to Veneto in 1865.28 But it
seems that God really wants us in tour hand’ he began informing him: ‘We have just founded a
house in Mogliano and you have just been made bishop of that diocese. I will celebrate Mass with
all my heart and will say a Hail Mary according to your pious intentions. I also have a special
intention that God will keep you in good health ad multos annos.’ He then apologised: ‘I write badly.
I am 67 years old and I still don’t know how to write. Will I learn better in the future?’ 29 The house
was opened on 18 November 1882 with Fr Mosè Veronesi as Rector, accompanied by another
priest and two coadjutors.30 However, from 1883–84 the agricultural school was also accepting
young academic students and the following year had fully established both elementary and
secondary classes.
1.2 Spreading to Spain – Utrera in 1881
The entry to Spain was aided by the revered and very Catholic Marquis Don Diego Ulloa, who
wanted to open a hospice for needy boys at Utrera, 30 kilometres from the archiepiscopal see of
Seville. In 1879, the Archbishop, Gioachino Lluch y Garriga, turned to Don Bosco. He was given
some broad hope by way of reply. Fr Cagliero, along with Brother Giuseppe Rossi, were sent to
explore the situation in January 1880. Fr Cagliero would become the principal actor in bringing the
enterprise to completion, naturally with the guidance of Don Bosco and Fr Rua. He was
immediately offered Our Lady of Carmel church and an attached building. Informed of the
negotiations underway, Don Bosco wrote a very cordial letter from Nice to Marquis Ulloa, adding a
postscript: ‘I confirm what my envoy Dottor Cagliero has concluded for the house to be opened in
the city of Utrera, and I hope that with the Lord’s help, everything will be ready for next October
and that my and your Salesian sons will be able to depart at that point for the workplace which
Divine Providence has prepare by your hand.’31
The Salesians arrived in Utrera some months after the proposed date. Writing to Fr Lasagna,
Don Bosco announced: Fr Cagliero, our perpetual courier, is going to Spain, then Lisbon and
Oporto and will return to Turin when he can.’32 Fr Cagliero had accompanied Fr Giovanni Branda,
the Rector, to Spain with two priests, a cleric and two coadjutors, opening the house on 16
February. In a letter to Fr Cagliero, still at Utrera, Don Bosco wrote: ‘Greet Fr Branda, Fr Pane, Fr
Oberti (in 1884 the latter replaced Fr Branda who was sent to start the work at Sarriá in
26 Cf. Astori 1882-1982. Mogliano Veneto, Collegio Astori 1983, pp. 15-17.
27 Cf. G. POLO, Don Mosè Veronesi e la fondazione dell’Astori..., in F. MOTTO (ed.), L’Opera Salesiana dal
1880 al 1922..., Vol. II p. 59; complete text of Bishop Sarto in MB XIV 819.
28 Cf. Chap. 14, § 7.
29 E IV 175.
30 The Bollettino Salesiano December informed Cooperators of this: BS 5 (1882) no. 12, December, pp.
201-202, Colonia agricola in Mogliano Veneto (letter of Economer General, Fr A. Sala, 19 November
1882).
31 Letter of 26 February 1880, E III 547.
32 Letter of 31 January 1881, E IV 15. Fr Cagliero returned to Turin after the trip in early May.

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Barcelona), the music teacher and kitchen master Goitre … Pay our respects to Marquis Ulloa and
family, and also to the Archbishop whom we await in Turin.’33 At the end of June, Don Bosco wrote
a letter of thanks to the Archbishop in proficient Latin, asking him: ‘Tamquam pater nobis semper
dicito.’34
The work was reinforced the following school year with a church, oratory, classes for poor day
students, as we can gather from the following letter to the Provincial in France, Fr Paul Albera: ‘You
will have received guidelines from Fr Cagliero on how to arrange for four or six Salesians travelling
to Spain.’35 On the feast of St Francis de Sales in 1884, the new Archbishop Cefirino González,
wanted to take part in the celebration and was solemnly welcomed at the Vigil. He gave
Benediction in the evening and assisted at Solemn Pontifical Mass on the Feast day. In the
afternoon he presided at a conference for Cooperators. The Auxiliary Bishop, Marcelo Spinola,
took part in the evening ceremony where there was a large crowd, and spoke at it. The following
morning he celebrated Mass in suffrage for the souls of deceased Cooperators, leaving a generous
donation.36 On the Feast of St Francis de Sales the following year, Bishop Spinola,’zealous pastor
and outstanding Cooperator,’ played the leading role as the recently appointed Bishop of Coria.
The new Rector, Fr Oberti, wrote that, ‘It is impossible to return the love he shows for us, the
warmth with which he treats us and the familiarity with which he wished to be treated,’ showing
himself to be ‘father, friend, counsellor and our help from every perspective.’ After the meal
prepared by the Cooperators he also gave the Conference prescribed by the Regulations.37
2. Construction of the Sacred Heart Church and attached hospice in Rome
Don Bosco’s more than seven year involvement in building the church and attached hospice in
Rome – or was it, for him, a hospice with an attached church? – is an ideal observatory from which
we can once more glimpse the true significance aimed principally at the young. This appears in a
clearer light within the framework of the relevant social and economic transformations the Capital
was experiencing in the 1870s and 1880s: strong immigration, tumultuous growth, a building
explosion and rapid crises in 1886–87. Such phenomena had a particular impact on the area
around Termini station next to which a church was about to arise and a parish grow.38
The adventure began on 24 March 1880, when the Cardinal Vicar, Raffaele Monaco La Valletta
(1827–96) spoke to Don Bosco about the impasse the building, so much desired by Leo XIII, had
reached. Four days later he spoke of it again in more demanding terms. During his brief sojourn in
Naples on the two days following, 29 and 30 March, Don Bosco met Ludovico da Casoria, 39 who
was putting up a church in Via Milazzo and had built a temporary chapel then followed by a school
and, thanks to a new opening in Rome in June 1882, had also obtained permission for his own
institutions.40 Finally on 5 April 1880, Leo XIII personally invested Don Bosco with the onerous task.
33 Letter from Alassio, 6 April 1881, E IV 41.
34 To Bishop G. Lluch y Garriga, 30 June 1881, E IV 65.
35 Letter of 26 November 1882, E IV 185.
36 BS 8 (1884) no. 3, March, pp. 40-41, Festa e Conferenza in Utrera (Spagna) (letter of the Rector, Fr G.
Branda 31 January 1884).
37 BS 9 (1885) no. 5, May, pp. 73-74, Conferenza in Utrera (letter of the Rector Fr E. Oberti 1 April 1885).
38 Cf. C. CONIGLIONE, Presenza salesiana nel quartiere romano di Castro Pretorio (1880-1915), RSS 3
(1984) 3-91 (bibliography, pp. 90-91); G. ROSSI, L’istruzione professionale in Roma capitale. Le scuole
professionali dei salesiani al Castro Pretorio (1883-1930), in F. MOTTO (Ed.), Insediamenti e iniziative
salesiane dopo don Bosco. Saggi di storiografia..., pp. 63-135.
39 Cf. Chap. 29, § 1.1.
40 Cf. LUDOVICO DA CASORIA, Epistolario, Vol. I Introduzione, raccoglitori. Vol. II. Lettere sciolte, scritti,
Notizie delle pie Opere della Palma, necrologio delle Elisabettine. Napoles, Provincial Curia of the Friars
Minor 1989, Vol. I, pp. 334 e 549; vol. II, p. 846.

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Don Bosco made the first public announcement of it in January 1881 when he began urging the
involvement of public charity. His role came to an ended on 7 November 1887, when he wrote the
final letter to the Pope’s private secretary, begging him to offer a substantial grant to wipe out the
debt contracted for the church’s facade.
This final reckless adventure reveals in privileged form the extent of his faith and courage: over
these years ‘the stones would cry out’ (Lk 19: 39–40) with sounds that were pretty much universal.
His acceptance of this weighty commitment in all probability stemmed from the fifteen–year–long
desire and failed attempts to establish himself in the Capital of the Catholic world, after Vigna Pia
(1867), S. Caio, S. Giovanni della Pigna, S. Sudario, the S. Michele a Ripa hospice (all during the
1870s), to give the Congregation a world face and at the same time give it new dignity and
prestige.
When Don Bosco took on the responsibility conferred on him by the Pope, the church’s
construction, already begun under Pius IX and continued under Leo XIII, had already reached
ground floor level and the threat of being blocked for lack of funds.41 Nevertheless, already on 2
February 1879, the parish had been canonically erected, and on 28 March 1880, civil recognition
granted. On the evening of 10 April, Don Bosco presented Cardinal Monaco La Valletta with a
provisional note which was the first basis for an agreement between the Vicariate and the Salesian
Society.42 Having been asked to build a church, he immediately associated the construction of a
hospice and oratory with it, analogous to what he had attempted in Turin with the Church of S.
Secondo. Nor does it seem mere chance that on 13 April he followed up with a petition to Leo XIII
to erect an Apostolic Vicariate or Prefecture in Patagonia.43
Once he had the plans for the church in hand, Don Bosco wrote to Fr Dalmazzo, giving him
‘every power to modify and conclude matters in the sense and according to the limits his Eminence
judges best.’ But he added two important notes: one concerned the size of the church, which was
to go from 400 to 900 metres, and the other was a note on the discount for loans from the Banca
Tiberina from which he intended to purchase adjacent land, 5,500 square metres on the south–
east side, so he could extend the church and build the planned hospice next to it.44 In the area
purchased, at the corner of Via Porta di S. Lorenzo (today’s Via Marsala) and Via Marghera, there
was a small two–storey building which became the first residence for Salesians in Rome during
construction works.
Two days later, Don Bosco wrote to his Procurator, Fr Dalmazzo: “As soon as the deed is
completed for transferring the Sacro Cuore Church to us, tell me immediately. Everything read at
the Chapter was approved.’45 The formula Don Bosco proposed for ownership of just the church
and the parish house was agreed upon: ‘The church and parish house on the property belong to
the Ordinary of Rome in perpetuity, but the usufruct of such well belong in perpetuity to the Pious
Society of St Francis de Sales.46
Payment fell due in November 1880, for some 40,000 lire [127,986 euro] borrowed from the
Banca Tiberina for the land, house and building materials. On the other hand, since the contract
had not yet been signed, Don Bosco did not intend making public appeals for charity. So he
mobilised Fr Dalmazzo to look for money: ‘Because of the financial crisis, everyone is crying out
and closing their purses. Is there someone in Rome we can depend on? Think near and far then let
me know. It is urgent to find money for S. Cuore but until matters have been finally resolved it
41 Documenti XXII 87-88, 90-92, 99.
42 E III 564-566.
43 Cf. E III 567-575; cf. further ahead, § 4.1.
44 Letter of 7 July 1880, E III 601-602.
45 Letter of 9 July 1880, E IV 602.
46 Cf. letter F. Dalmazzo, 14 and 15 July 1880, E III 606-607, 607-608.

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seems we cannot go public. We are also out of money. So bring this to a conclusion.’47 This was
the beginning of the ‘building craze’ which lasted till 1887. Cash was scarce and people went
ahead with stacks of bills.48 In a following letter, Don Bosco suggested delaying or paying the debt
with the Banca Tiberina in instalments, while pointing to difficulties with the signing of the
agreement among which a dispute over the length of time building works would take, and the
appointment of the parish priest for life.49 In order to complete the construction of the church it was
broadly agreed that six years were needed, though this could be extended, and that the
presentation and appointment of the parish priest would be in accordance with the usual canons.
The agreement was signed by Don Bosco on 11 December 1880, and after approval by the Pope
and Cardinal Vicar on the 18th it was finally recorded by the Chancellor of the Vicariate on the
29th.50
The way forward was now open, and now that he had a free hand to give construction a greater
push, in January a circular in a number of languages was distribute in many directions.51 It was
integrated with other special circulars to archbishops and bishops in Italy and, in Latin, those
outside Italy. He did similarly, using Latin, Italian or another modern language for Italian and foreign
Catholic journalists.52 He also brought ‘Collectors’ together and gave them rules for their work.53
The first circulars touched on all the motives that characterised his tireless propaganda and
search for aid in so many different settings. The very nature of the sacred building demanded it.
The architectural plan, probably by renowned architect Virginio Vespignani (1808–82), official
representative of Roman architectural culture in the final years of [papal] temporal power, was
overladen with decorative elements by his son Francesco (1848–99), an emerging engineering
personality in the Catholic movement in Rome, who carried out the plan.54 Don Bosco provided
ideas suited to touching the minds and hearts of ‘Christians all over the world.’ The church and
attached works were ‘proposed by the enlightened mind of Leo XIII,’ the church had to serve not
only for pastoral assistance to a rapidly expanding suburb but also as a ‘monument to the immortal
Pius IX.’ He also described the state of construction works (figures reflecting peak numbers of
employees) with ‘around 160 workers including stone masons, brick layers, machine operators.’
Naturally he indicated the two basic ways to help: 1.Financial aid and building materials. 2. Prayer
and encouraging ‘well–off individuals to become benefactors.’ He also addressed Cooperators,
spoke of duly authorised and stringently identifiable collectors, inviting archbishops, bishops and
rectors of churches to become such. He ended by listing the spiritual benefits now and in the future
for donors and collectors. 55
In real terms the building was exceptionally expensive, more than 5 million euro. No doubt a
number of management anomalies played their part in this, leading Don Bosco to complain about
harmful delays, undue interference, and doubts about the contractor’s honesty. He eventually
replaced him. Executive responsibility and financial burden all fell on Don Bosco’s shoulders. As a
consequence, there was no lack of strong involvement on Don Bosco’s part, tireless effort begging
for the Sacred Heart Church in France and Spain as well as in Italy, while he wanted his Vicar, Fr
47 Letter of 24 November 1880, E III 635.
48 Cf. I. INSOLERA, Roma moderna. Un secolo di storia urbanistica 1870-1970. Turin, Einaudi 2001, pp.
52-60.
49 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 9 December 1880, E III 639; to the Card. Vicar, 11 December 1880, E III 640-641.
50 See text in MB XIV 807-810; cf. C. CONIGLIONE, Presenza salesiana nel quartiere romano di Castro
Pretorio..., RSS 3 (1984) 31-32.
51 Text in E IV 18-20.
52 Texts in E IV 20-22.
53 Text in E IV 22-24.
54 Cf. G. SPAGNESI, L’architettura a Roma al tempo di Pio IX (1830-1870). Rome, Edizioni Studium 2000,
pp. 122-123.
55 Circ. from Turin, January 1881, E IV 18-20.

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Rua, with him to share perspectives and decisions when concluding agreements.56 Obviously he
did not leave Fr Dalmazzo in peace. The latter was not accustomed to begging. ‘Prepare the
ground,’ he asked him ‘for the possibility of getting aid from Rome City Council for the Sacred
Heart Church and Institute as well as from the Ministry for Finance, our parishioners [the Finance
building which Quintino Sella had built within parish boundaries], the Ministry for the Interior, Grace
and Justice, and Economy.’57 He also mentioned Canon Colomiatti and Fr Bonetti’s suspension in
the letter. He would speak about it in Rome where he was heading to directly from France. He had
been in France over February and March collecting money for S. Cuore.
During the journey, Don Bosco had come into contact in Toulon with lawyer Fleury Antoine Colle
and his wife. Their sixteen–year–old son Luigi died on 3 April. On 16 June 1881, Don Bosco
petitioned Pope Leo XIII to appoint this French lawyer as a Roman Count, listing his various
charitable efforts, among which an early donation of 40,000 franc [136,837 euro], for the Sacred
Heart Church and hospice.58 He also sent a letter to the Cardinal Vicar to support the request or
see that it was supported. He noted in the same letter: ‘I am working ceaselessly to find money.
God is on our side and is finding some, but Fr Dalmazzo is spending it all for me and never says
enough.’59 Procedure’s for Colle’s title as Count had a rough passage, with various things going
wrong. The Brief conferring the title arrived, following an earlier one with incorrect wording, on 19
July, 1882. The Count ended up being the best of the benefactors for the Sacred heart Church and
hospice as well as for other Salesian works, and was absolutely the most generous of all Don
Bosco’s benefactors: ‘There is only one Count Colle in all of France and Italy’ he wrote to him on
29 December 1884.60 A huge contribution also came from Don Bosco’s triumphant journey through
France, especially to Paris, in 1883 (18 April–26 May).’61
Don Bosco arrived in Rome from France on 20 April 1881 and on the afternoon of the 23rd was
already at an audience with the Holy Father. He referred to it the same day in a letter to the
Cooperators: the Pope was keenly interested in the undertaking and had offered 5,000 lire [17,104
euro], an example and encouragement for Cooperators and benefactors.’62 On 1 May, again from
Rome, he asked the Cardinal Vicar to allow a Cooperator Conference and on 9 May invited him to
come. He also told him: “I am already in the new house on the Esquiline. Construction work is
going ahead quickly. How is the money going? Up till now we have been able to push ahead; for
the future we hope in the Lord’s kindness.’63 The Conference took place at the Oblate Sister’s
place in Tor de’ Specchi on 12 May. Don Bosco spoke, mentioning Salesian works and highlighting
the construction of the Sacred Heart Church and Hospice, beginning with initial efforts under Fr
Maresca up until he took on the responsibility himself. Cardinal Alimonda gave the Conference.64
The enterprise was on track in the early stages, throughout 1881. Donations also flowed in
sufficient amounts to meet the financial commitments. ‘We have already brought around ten
thousand lire to the Savings Bank. Do not lose sight of the request to the Rome City Council’ he
reminded Fr Dalmazzo, probably for authorisation of the lottery he had in mind, since he was
already talking about the printed forms to be sent out to collectors.65 Work proceeded quickly and
56 Letter Fr M. Rua, 4 April 1881, E IV 36, no. 7; to Fr F. Dalmazzo, April 1881, E IV 41; to Fr G. Berto, 6
April 1881, E IV 42.
57 Letter from Alassio April 1881, E IV 41.
58 E IV 60-61.
59 Letter of 14 September 1881, E IV 81.
60 E IV 510.
61 Cf. Chap. 31, § 1.
62 Circ. 23 April 1881, E IV 45-47.
63 E IV 50.
64 BS 5 (1881) no. 6, June, pp. 5-7: the text was taken from a news item on the event which appeared on
13 May in the Roman L’Aurora, no. 109 entitled A Tor de’ Specchi.
65 Letter of 31 May 1881, E IV 56-57.

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while keeping an eye on it and encouraging everyone involved he was travelling, speaking, writing
to provide money to support it. From Turin on 15 July he was able to tell Fr Dalmazzo: ‘All is going
well. May God be blessed in everything we do. I am not wasting a moment, but work is being
blessed by God, so courage.’ He also spoke of a ‘series of undertakings’ in progress, meaning
initiatives for finding money. ‘We are also working at sending you priests and cash.’66 He even sent
a letter of request to Princess Clotilde of Savoy, ‘the saint of Moncalieri’, wife of Prince Girolamo
Bonaparte.67 He mobilised Salesians and boys at the colleges,68 sent Frs Pozzan and Febraro out
begging, preceded by a circular of presentation:69 they spent a month in Trentino asking for
donations,70 then over the final months of 1881 and the first few months of 1882 they went through
the dioceses of Bellino and Feltre, Ceneda (Vitorio Veneto today) and Udine.
On 10 July 1881, the Cardinal Vicar blessed a temporary chapel for the parish built next to the
new church. The decree appointing Fr Francis Dalmazzo as parish priest was issued on the 12th.
Don Bosco went to the Pope and Cardinal Vicar regarding the stipend.71 The Vicar saw to things by
providing 2,100 lire [7,184 euro] a year.
Midway through September 1881, Don Bosco wrote to Fr Dalmazzo about reprinting forms for
several languages for collectors, also giving him encouraging news on donations coming in,
including for the huge pillars, each costing 2,500 lire [8,552 euro].72 At the beginning of 1882 the
Salesian Bulletin published an encouraging summary report on the state of building works at the
end of 1881, written by Fr Angelo Savio, former Economer General of the Salesian Society and
now delegated by Don Bosco to follow up the building.73
But in 1882 there were more pronounced disagreements with the earlier commission headed by
Marquis Mereghi, aggravated by the interference, irregularities, disparity of views on interpreting
and executing contracts and plans and related compensation, especially as claimed by contractor
Gaetano Andolfi. Work was suspended for nearly a year.74 Mediation by engineer and architect G.
Squarcina was useful. He was a member of Parliament75 and felt that a good basis for resolving
matters was the letter in which Don Bosco had sought to clarify and reformulate the mutual roles
shared with the architect, Count Francesco Vespignani: ‘1. Fix up past issues so as not to have to
keep going over and discussing them. 2. Establish principles and a clear basis and thus present
plans and a clear contract with related costs for each master tradesman’ and ‘resume work on the
church immediately.’76 At the same time, through Fr Dalmazzo, he requested papal recognition for
some benefactors, also asking: ‘And Mr Vespignani?’77 There was a hint of irony in the dealings
with Curial officials: ‘We need a pinch of Sun (refined snuff) from Spain to hurry up the completion
of Briefs (taking an exorbitant amount of time) for our decorations.’78
66 E IV 69.
67 Letter of 24 July 1881, E IV 70-71.
68 Offerings also came from colleges in America, e.g. from San Nicolás de los Arroyos, cf. BS 5 (1881) no.
12, December, pp. 8-9.
69 Circ. 10 August 1881, E IV 74-75.
70 To the Bishop of Trent, 15 August 1881, E IV 76-77; L’ospizio e la chiesa del Sacro Cuore in Roma e la
diocesi di Trento, BS 5 (1881) no. 11 and 12, November and December, pp. 4-6 and 10-12; 6 (1882) no.
3, March, pp. 48-50.
71 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 18 October 1880, E III 630.
72 E IV 80-81.
73 BS 6 (1882) no. 3, March, pp. 43-45.
74 Cf. C. CONIGLIONE, Presenza salesiana nel quartiere romano di Castro Pretorio..., RSS 3 (1984) 34-36.
75 Documenti XXIV 169-170.
76 Letter of 9 May 1882, E IV 134-135.
77 Letter to Fr F. Dalmazzo, 11 May 1882, E IV 135.
78 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 19 June 1882, E IV 144.

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Just a few days after the ‘Concordia’ had been passed on, Don Bosco was especially vigorous
in claiming exclusive responsibility for the Congregation in managing construction and the related
financial burdens. He wrote resolutely to the procurator and parish priest: ‘Are works still
suspended? I see it as essential that the Cardinal Vicar is no longer breaking his head over
material things and that he leaves it to the parish priest to pay and deal with matters.’79 He was no
less clear and direct with His Eminence Benedictine Cardinal Raffaele Monaco La Valletta: ‘Fr
Savio is sending me a copy of disputes on construction of Sacro Cuore, the Sacred Heart Church. I
see they want to complicate things and not recognise any authority, not even Fr Dalmazzo’s as
parish priest.’ He was quite frank about it. ‘To get things on the move I believe it essential that Your
Eminence keep out of these disputes and pass on any arguments to the parish priest who has to
find the money and pay. I wanted to try an adjustment. I have written twice to Count Vespignani but
he has not come back to me with a reply which I was waiting for in Rome. I want work to continue
and am making incredible efforts to find money. But if things go like this when will we see the
church finished?’80 He informed Fr Savio of the letter to the Vicar, stressing the inconvenience of
having to feel like a ‘foreigner’ in a world that had been asked for such a huge effort but did not
seem supportive of or particularly warm towards what he was tackling through superhuman
sacrifices: ‘I have written a letter to the Cardinal Vicar in which I have asked him to leave any
disputes to the parish priest and yourself, and that until such time as they recognise us as the
owners they will just cause problems for him and we will achieve nothing.’ ‘Time and money are
being wasted and we are encountering upsets. We are foreigners, therefore … He added a
postscript: ‘You can consult some lawyers.’81
In July he came back to Fr Dalmazzo with a string of questions: ‘We have no news. Tell me,
then, or get someone to tell me, how are things going with S. Cuore? Have works resumed or can
they resume? Can I do something from here? Is there still some money? Are letters chargées ou
recommandées continuing?’ ‘Greet Fr Savio and tell him no fooling around and bring the church to
conclusion despite all the claw marks from Satan.”82There was a touch of sarcasm: ‘Instead of
blaming what we are building in Rome I want certain gentlemen to give us some money.’83 ‘Alii alia
dicant about our things in Rome. I take no notice because we are sure about what we have done.
Just the same, if you can tell me in confidence about our relations with the Holy Father, the
Cardinal Vicar, the Church of the Sacred Heart etc., you will be doing something of great use to
me.’ He ended by suggesting a style of approach that he certainly wanted to be his own: ‘Dear Fr
Dalmazzo, work, but always with the gentleness of St Francis de Sales and the patience of Job.’84
He wrote again to the Procurator in December: ‘Is there not some way of putting an end to the
dispute with the contractor? Between you and Fr Savio in camera caritatis perhaps you can do
something?85 For Christmas, he wished Fr Dalmazzo and the Salesians in the community ‘every
spiritual and temporal happiness’ and recommended ‘exact observance of Poverty, Chastity,
Obedience’ and, mixing the sacred with the profane, went on to write: ‘It will be a wonderful day for
us when we have charity reigning supreme among you, when matters are settled with the
contractor and we can resume our work on the S. Cuore the Sacred Heart of Jesus church. Has
the lottery gone to sleep? Prepare things down there so we can give you a hand from here?’86
Further ahead, on the eve of his great journey through France, the goal being Paris (he would
be away from Valdocco from 31 January to 30 May 1883) he informed the Cardinal Vicar of the
79 Letter of 28 June 1882, E IV 147.
80 Letter of 5 July 1882, E IV 149-150.
81 Letter of 6 July 1882, E IV 150.
82 Letter of 29 July 1882, E IV 156-157.
83 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 27 August 1882, E IV 165.
84 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 26 November 1882, E IV 186.
85 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 6 December 1882, E IV 189.
86 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 18 December 1882, E IV 192.

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fact, asking him to do something ‘to cut the embarrassment by half’ which was tying up the building
works: ‘I am making a trip to Lyons and Paris, collecting money for S. Cuore and recommending
Peter’s Pence.’ ‘I am even prepared for less reasonable sacrifices so long as work can resume. It
has been delayed far too long.’87
By letter on 31 January – but just as Don Bosco was catching the train for Liguria and France –
Fr Dalmazzo told his Superior that the matter was close to a solution and that the economer, Fr
Savio, was dealing with the financial issues connected with ‘completely liquidating the contractor’s
work.’88 On 20 February, Fr Savio told Fr Rua that the winding op of the previous contract had been
signed on 6 February, among other things paying the contractor 40,000 lire [144,807 euro] and
purchasing all plant and building equipment and materials.89 Don Bosco wrote to Fr Dalmazzo
again from Marseilles, sending money and asking him to look for more in Rome: ‘I am doing what I
can. But you and Fr Savio need to go looking for money. You have been sent f. 3,000 [10,860 euro]
from Cannes … A further f. 2,000 were sent from Hyères. You will receive no more this week. I will
do more after I have left here be also need to pay off heavy debts for our own houses.’ After a
number of indications regarding the American works he ended with the same requests: ’Take
courage: there is no lack of money in Rome. I will write as soon as I am away from these scuffles
here. Quaerite et invenietis.’90 But in all probability, come 20 September and the dissolution of the
Papal States and its bureaucratic structures, the occupation, confiscations and the already
mentioned ‘building craze’ and all the money involved, any availability of money in Rome had to be
considerably diminished by comparison with the 1860s.
Work resumed at the end of the winter freeze, under the new contractor from Bielle, Cavaliere
Giacomo Cucco. On his return from France, Don Bosco immediately contacted Fr Angelo Savio,
insisting on acceleration in construction works: ‘Providence will not fail to help us, but we need to
see many men at work, much work completed. You understand. Next winter I want to be able to
use at least part of the church which is usable. Help me with this undertaking. If you have any
problems tell me, but let’s push ahead.’91 But in summer, the sudden resignation of the architect
who was directing works, because he felt he was being over–ruled by Fr Savio’s roughshod
approach, risked causing a new stoppage. Don Bosco intervened immediately with Fr Dalmazzo
and the Cardinal Vicar to smooth ruffled feathers.92 Vespignani understood the situation and
continued in his role, assisted by engineer Valentino Grazioli. Don Bosco facilitated the
collaboration, recalling Fr Savio and sending the Economer General, Fr Sala, to Rome with full
power to act. Fr Sala was gifted with excellent administrative ability and great practical sense (He
used to manage a spinning mill before arriving at Valdocco) in being able to follow up the work in
an authoritative way. Don Bosco wrote to Fr Dalmazzo, also thinking of the hospice: ‘He is coming
to Rome with money and full powers to see how to manage things in such a way that we don’t find
ourselves in trouble every time. You need to prepare what is needed to commence the hospice in
time for next spring. If you come to the next General Chapter, prepare your reflections: either bring
them with you or send them.’93
87 Letter of 30 January 1883, E IV 210-211.
88 Documenti XXV 17.
89 Documenti XXV 27-28; cf. C. CONIGLIONE, Presenza salesiana nel quartiere romano di Castro Pretorio...,
RSS 3 (1984) 36-37.
90 Letter of 19 March 1883, E IV 214-215.
91 Letter of 9 June 1883, E IV 219.
92 To the Card. Vicar, 31 July 1883, E IV 227-228.
93 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 3 August 1883, E IV 229-230.

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By the early months of 1884, work had reached such a stage that part of the church could be
used for worship. On 23 March, the 4th Sunday of Lent, the Cardinal Vicar, Lucido Maria Parocchi,
blessed and opened ‘the long, wide choir and sanctuary’ as L’Unità Cattolica informed readers.94
The plans for building the hospice were first presented, then discussed and approved at the two
sessions of the Superior Chapter on 11, 12 September 1884.95 This work, too, was entrusted to
contractor Giacomo Cucco. The construction began with the first wing along Via Porta S. Lorenzo,
today’s Via Marsala, following plans by engineer Vigna from Turin.96 Don Bosco wanted Count
Colle to be present for the laying of the foundation stone.97
His attention, by this stage, was more focused on launching the lottery than on construction
works, beginning with the difficult task of getting authorisation. He was still looking for benefactors
and requesting honours for the most deserving and outstanding of them. As for the lottery, already
conceived in 1882, Don Bosco complained at the Superior Chapter meeting on 26 February 1884
about the ‘inertia of those in charge’ since the initiative had not yet started. He left for France ‘to
find money’ as he had said at the meeting on 28 January, and returned with 250,000 francs
[922,979 euro]. He wrote to Fr Dalmazzo from Marseilles on 19 March: ‘If you can’t do so yourself,
get someone to write to me, but with a positive answer. Can I bring Count Colle with me to lay the
foundation stone for our hospice next April or the first fortnight in May? He will bring an offering of
of 50,000 francs [184,598 euro] with him. Are there problems with the lottery or can you find
another form of charity? These are the two items of greatest importance for us at the moment. Fr
Sala wrote me a letter which indicated neither yes nor no. This is not enough to make money.’98
The laying of the foundation stone had to wait until 8 December 1885 and both Don Bosco and the
Count were absent. The Bishop of Fossano, Mariano Manacorda, did the blessing, and Count and
Countess d’Ancieu de la Bâtie represented the Colle family.99
When he arrived in the capital on 14 April1884, Don Bosco moved heaven and earth both for
the lottery and the granting of privileges, and arranged for Fr Rua to put all the money from France
for the church and hospice into the Banca Tiberina. Meanwhile, gifts for the lottery were pouring in
and the catalogue was being drawn up: there were more than 7,000 per 200,000 tickets from 1 lire
[3.7 euro] each. Don Bosco asked Brother Giuseppe Buzzetti to come from Turin and asked for
procedures to begin for the Prefect [Rome] to authorise the lottery and find a recognised body to
take on legal representation for it. Things went back and forth for some time between the City
Council and the Congregation of Charity,100 until finally the matter was taken up and approved by
the Council.101 On the same day Don Bosco and Fr Lemoyne arrived back in Turin, Buzzetti was
able to send a postcard stamped 17.5.1884 with the following long–awaited announcement:
94 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 74, Wednesday 26 March 1884, p. 295; cf. Parte della chiesa del S. Cuore
inaugurata al divin culto, BS 8 (1884) no. 5, May, p. 67.
95 Capitolo Superiore, fol 30r-31r.
96 Of two floors (the third was built decades later), the building had to link the ambulacrum on the right side
of the church with the little square on the corner with via Marghera.
97 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 31v-32r, MB XV 762-764.
98 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 19 March 1884, E IV 254.
99 Cf. Bénédiction de la pierre angulaire de l’Hospice du Sacré-Coeur de Jésus à Rome, in “Bulletin
Salésien” 8 (1886) no. 1, January, pp. 9-10.
100 Cf. Letter of Fr G. B. Lemoyne to Fr M. Rua, 19 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO – R. ARENAL LLATA, Don
Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988) 143; cf. Letters of the same on 23, 24, 28 April 1884, pp.
146, 149, 151.
101 Letter of Fr G. B. Lemoyne to Fr M. Rua, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista
Lemoyne..., 5 and 9 May 1884, RSS 7 (1988) pp. 152 e 155: the mayor of Torlonia "with the approval of
the Committe has finally put the question in his name to the Prefect"; the 9th is the day of the audience
granted by the Pope to Don Bosco: "Today the official communication also arrives that the Mayor of
Rome in the name of the Municipality has formally requested the Prefect for a license for the lottery".

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‘Today, finally, we received the following from the Prefecture: the decree allowing a Lottery to be
held for poor boys has already been sent to the Mayor bearing the No 15558 on 17 May.’102
The Mayor was Leopoldo Torlonia, a solid Catholic. All that remained was to sell the tickets, and
Don Bosco also got personally involved in that.103 While getting his men mobilised, beginning with
Fr Dalmazzo as usual: ‘Everything is ready for tickets to be sent out, but send them to us.’ 104 ‘No
one knows why tickets have not be distributed and meanwhile the Lottery is coming to an end.
Patience. At this point put everything else aside and see that you send us stamped tickets at
whatever cost. Buzzetti will write along similar lines.’105The draw took place on 31 December 1885.
In the January 1886 circular to Cooperators, he attributed the merit of capping off the Lottery and
‘bringing the Sacro Cuore, Sacred Heart Church in Rome to a conclusion’ to their ‘alms’ and
‘patient and solicitous zeal.’106
He was no less assiduous in pursuing his activity to obtain decorations, honours, be they
ecclesiastical or civil, a temporal reward for charity which Don Bosco felt was not incompatible with
the hope of eternal reward, since ‘God the father of goodness, when he knows our spirit is willing
and our flesh so weak, wants our charity to have a hundredfold in this present life too.’107There are
many letters, for example, regarding honours, addressed with a degree of impatience to Fr
Dalmazzo in June and July 1884: ‘You write a beautiful letter but have not replied regarding mine
to Bishop Masotti on our privileges, and the one I wrote to Cardinal Nina on decorations. You need
to note the individuals receiving them are ones that have done a lot for S. Cuore and are well
disposed to doing so. But presenting them without the decorations I have announced in the Holy
Father’s name does not look good.’108 ‘For the decorations I have indicated it is good to note that
they are all people who have given and are ready to give for S. Cuore’ and he repeated, warning
him: ‘I understand we have debts and we have to use every means possible to continue the work
but currently the only source of money is the above–mentioned decorations.’109
The vast work of charity would deserve a lengthy discussion to be able to highlight the
incredible spread and network of activity through letters, conferences, sermons de charité.
Especially in France, accompanied by information on progress of work, debts, difficulties, but
especially religious and social motivation. We can note some privileged foreign correspondents to
whom Don Bosco wrote in French. They were women, generally, who functioned as ministers of
charity in their respective families with the warm consent of their husbands.110 Names we have
102 P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988) 156.
103 Don Bosco prepared the way with a circular to Cooperators and improved it with another to them and
the purchasers, dated 31 May 1884 and 10 November 1885, E IV 270-271 and MB XVII 541-542.
104 Letter of 8 June 1884, E IV 272.
105 Letter of 14 March 1885, E IV 317.
106 BS 10 (1886) no. 1, January, pp. 3-4.
107 Address at the opening of he Patronage Saint-Pierre a Nizza 12 March 1877, in G. BOSCO,
Inaugurazione del Patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare..., pp. 36, 38, OE XXVIII 414, 416.
108 Letter of 15 June 1884, E IV 274. it was about five French benefactors for who, he had put a petition to
Leo XIII: Count L. Colle and Baron A. Héraud (Commendam of St Gregory the Great), A. de Montigny
(Roman Count), Dr. C. d’Espiney (Knight of St Gregory the Great), Fr. M. Guigon of Fréjus Diocese
(Confidential Servant of His Holiness.) (letter to Leo XIII, 7 May 1884, E IV 260-261); he came back to
this in a letter to Leo XIII on 10 July 1884, while assuring him he had received the Knighthood of St
Mauritus for Dr. Grindo from Nizza Marittima (E IV 277-278).
109 Letter of 10 July 1884, E IV 277-278; cf. cf. also 18 October 1884, E IV 298.
110 Cf. Letter to Mrs Z. Cesconi, 4 July 1881, E IV 67; to an anonymous woman, a collector for S. Cuore, 21
September 1881, E IV 399; to Mrs A. Lacombe, 1° July 1881, E IV 416; to Mrs Quisard, 14 April and 28
November 1882, E IV 436-437; 13 June 1883, E IV 437; to Ms C. Louvet, 17 June and 18 December
1882, E IV 449 and 453-454; to Count. L. Colle, 30 August 1881, E IV 483; 16 April 1884, E IV 503; 10
May, 18 August and 27 September 1885, E IV 515, 517 and 518; 15 January and 14 December 1886, E
IV 521 and 524; 8 April 1887, E IV 526; to the Duke of Norfolk, 13 January 1888, E IV 407-408.

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already noted reappear from Italy and other new ones, people who also paid attention to local
works like Sampierdarena, Vallecrosia, Florence, Valdocco, and Faenza.111 Don Bosco did not hide
his unhappiness at how slowly work was proceeding.
He wrote to Countess Callori about work ‘almost at a standstill’112 and thanked her for her
spontaneous donations,113 but his priority was always to be attentive to them as individuals. He
wrote to Clara Louvet, the already noted French benefactor from Aire, one of his collectors of
donations for the church and hospice, who was concerned about the agricultural crisis in 1884: ‘Do
not let the agricultural crisis worry you … if returns diminish then you will lessen your good
charitable work … But no, never. God assures us of a hundredfold on earth, so give and it will be
given to you! Be generous with your share farmers and tenants. God is all powerful, God is your
Father, God will provide you with everything you need for yourself and them.’114
During his stay in Rome, Don Bosco had an audience with Leo XIII on 8 May 1884. Referring to
the Cooperators he announced that the Pope had taken the cost of the facade on himself, ‘the
walls, ornaments, windows, and the three doors,’ trusting that other Catholics would help him with
this and other works.115 On 15 January 1886, he made a further dig at Rome, writing to the Colles:
‘Fr Rua will send you information on the orphanage in Rome. Rome is an eternal city. It says a lot,
does little and is happy to do things very slowly. Patience.’116
Also promoted over 1884 and 1885 at the suggestion of Count Cesare Balbo and actively
supported by Cardinal Alimonda and Don Bosco, and publicised on 9 August 1885 by L’Unità
Cattolica, was the initiative of the National vow of Italians to the Most Sacred Heart of Jesus. On 16
16 July, Cardinal Alimonda had sent a letter about it to the Metropolitan Archbishops of Italy,
attaching an appeal to the Catholic people of Italy in which he did not stint in his praise of Don
Bosco’s zeal, and promoted the collection of funds to complete the facade, the cost of which was
estimated at 250,000 lire [922,978 euro].117 In a few months, 172,000 lire [635,009 euro] had been
collected.
There was some theft by workers around the building site at S. Cuore, material carried away. At
the Superior Chapter meeting on 12 June 1885, Don Bosco read out four warning notices provided
in spring 1884: ‘1. Check who comes in and who goes out. 2. Keep an eye on fixed prices. 3. Keep
an eye on materials that could be taken elsewhere, since the chief builder has begun construction
elsewhere: things like carts, bricks, mortar etc. 4. Check that some items, especially tables, are not
ruined or stolen.’118 On the night of 29 September 1885 there was a fire, probably of suspicious
origins, but it was quickly overcome without serious damage being caused.
111 Cf. Letter to Princess C. of Savoy 24 July 1881, E IV 70-71; to Countess C. Callori, July 1881, E IV 71-
72; to Mrs S. Saettone, 7 August 1881, E IV 72-73; to Countess Bonmartini Mainardi, October 1881, 4
February, 23 April, 13 August and September 1884, E IV 93-94, 253, 257, 286-287 and 293; a d. O.
Pariani, 22 March 1883, E IV 215; a d. T. De Agostini, 4 and 12 January 1884, E IV 248 and 250-251; to
Mrs Losana, 1 August 1884, E IV 280-281; to Cavaliere G. Salomoni, 22 December 1884, E IV 307.
112 Letter of 24 April 1884, E IV 257; and on the same date to Sister M. T. Medolago, E IV 258.
113 To Fr T. De Agostini, 13 August 1884, E IV 286-287.
114 Letter of 20 December 1884, E IV 466.
115 Circ. 31 May 1884, E IV 271.
116 E IV 521.
117 Voto Nazionale degli italiani al Sacratissimo Cuore di Gesù was the title that stood out on the first page
of the “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 185, Sunday 9 August 1885. Following was an article on Una dimostrazione
dell’Italia cattolica per la Chiesa e pel Papa Leone XIII and a letter on 16 July by the Card Archbishop of
Turin to Archbishops throughout Italy, an Appello al popolo cattolico dell’Italia e una serie di Documenti e
Schiarimenti (pp. 737-738).
118 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 60v; MB XVII 530. He gave a similar reminder to to Fr Dalmazzo before leaving
for Turin after the consecration of the Church (MB XVIII 351-352).

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Over these years, however, Don Bosco’s interest was not limited to stones. Already since 1882
he had appointed some priests, including aspirants to the Salesian Society, Salesian clerics, and
coadjutors to look after religious functions and some oratory activities initially in any sites they
could find. His first concern, naturally, was to support and encourage Fr Dalmazzo, Procurator of
the Salesian Society, Rector of the community, parish priest, works supervisor, and immediate
reference point in the Roman ecclesiastical and secular world. In one letter to him covering ten
points the ninth was for him: ‘9. Tell me also if you can still breathe amid all your work, and what I
can do to relieve you.’119 Obviously he was often asked to greet ‘our confreres’.
The parish went from 6,000 to 15,000 souls between 1881 and 1887, and as we can gather
from the Annual List of members of the Salesian Society, Don Bosco did not skimp on personnel
for the religious community involved in traditional pastoral activities.120 Fr Dalmazzo wrote a
triumphant report at the end of Easter 1885. Everything seemed like a celebration: confessionals
overflowing with penitents hours on end; retreats for communicants; assisting dozens upon dozens
of the sick and dying. In the same letter he asked Don Bosco to come to Rome where people were
wanting to see him, ‘coming from Poland, France, Spain and Portugal.’121
In the conference to Cooperators on 8 May 1884, the last given in Rome with Don Bosco
present, before the talk from the Cardinal Vicar, he gave copious information on the result of
pastoral activity in the parish and oratory: the ‘people coming to the sacred ceremonies frequenting
the sacraments, adults and children.’ 200 young people were coming to religious and recreational
activities; 300 girls were taking part in religious instruction; thousands of individuals were turning
up at morning and evening events during May.122
The date for the church’s consecration was approaching, with Don Bosco in noticeable physical
decline after his enormous efforts and anxieties. He told the past pupils of the Oratory on 17 July
1884: ‘This colossal undertaking has tired me out with its serious and constant concerns, and I am
bowing under the weight of the enormous expenses.’123
3. The Social and Charitable Question in the 1870s and 1880s in public conferences (1877–
82)
Don Bosco had no precise awareness of the totality of problems – especially economic and social
ones, posed by the industrial revolution, nor in any strict sense could he be considered a
protagonist of ‘social Catholicism’ which sought a solution to the ‘social question’ properly so–
called, through the profound reforms it demanded, including structural reforms.124 But it does seem
legitimate to state that the teaching on almsgiving which he followed and proposed presented
features integrating charity with true expressions of strict justice. As well as his activity on behalf of
119 Letter of September 1881, E IV 81.
120 Cf. C. CONIGLIONE, Presenza salesiana nel quartiere romano di Castro Pretorio..., RSS 3 (1984) 51-52.
But statistics and information, including those relating to the hospice, must be rigorously re-checked with
more reliable sources than those indicated, which date back to celebratory publications. We can say the
same about some data offered by G. ROSSI, L’istruzione professionale in Roma capitale..., in F. MOTTO
(Ed.), Insediamenti e iniziative salesiane dopo don Bosco…., p. 65.
121 Letter of 27 April 1885, MB XVII 816.
122 BS 8 (1884) no. 6, June, p. 88.
123 BS 8 (1884) no. 8, August, p. 115.
124 A number of historical, generic and specific notes on this topic are helpful, found in the essay by F.
DESRAMAUT, L’azione sociale dei cattolici del secolo XIX e quella di don Bosco, in. L’impegno della
famiglia salesiana per la giustizia, Jünkerath Cologne, 24-28 August 1973. “Colloqui sulla vita salesiana”,
7. Leumann (Turin), Elle Di Ci 1976, pp. 21-87, especially pp. 46-77 (L’azione e il pensiero sociali di don
Bosco).

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young workers, this was demonstrated by the considerable number of conferences and Salesian
propaganda talks he gave which were naturally in support of the expansion and consolidation of
his works, especially from 1877 onwards.
We have texts of some of these – such as the ones in Nice in March 1877 and Rome at the end
of January 1878 – checked or added to by him or even in his own handwriting. We have summary
outlines of others. For many there are reports and summaries by secretaries or local rectors. For
the most part, reports can be found in the Salesian Bulletin. We can see Fr Bonetti’s intervention
as editor in many of these, at times extensive. But the content is trustworthy, since Don Bosco is so
direct and unswerving, whether he was speaking or writing, that it is impossible to betray his
thinking. It could only be amplified at the expense of its original essential style but not at the
expense of its content.
3.1 Words of old in changed times but with much more dramatic reference.
Compared to the moral and social framework of the world of young people and the society Don
Bosco worked within between 1840–77, the world and society of his final fifteen years was much
more complex. There were historical changes at every level: moral, religious political and cultural.
But his works were also open to much broader areas as his perception of the ‘youth situation’ grew.
It, at the beginning of his apostolate in Restoration times, Don Bosco saw young people at and of
risk, moving within a rigid and reassuring society belonging to the ancien régime. He had learned
over the decades to see the conditions of life as much more contradictory and difficult in a society
which had become far more perilous.
According to Don Bosco, this degradation had begun in 1848 with abuses arising from the
different ‘freedoms’ – conscience, press, worship, propaganda – brought about by the unstoppable
‘liberal revolution.’125 It was no longer just a case of decline in religious meaning but also one of
agnosticism, even straight non–belief and declared atheism with political and cultural progams
aimed at the extinction of the papacy and Church – at least by some fringe groups – and
repudiation of the traditional, moral and religious basis of society.126
At first glance, it could seem that Don Bosco’s language was not up to so many profound
changes. As the years passed, his vocabulary did not undergo significant change when it came to
his repeated denunciation of the gravity of the problem of young people ‘at risk’ and ‘of risk’. It is
curious to note that the diagnosis of the state of faith in the Church which drew up in the 1854
edition of his book on the Jubilee, returns once more, unaltered in its terminology, in additions he
made to the 1864 and 1865 editions. The other character in the dialogue objects that such a state
of things might not be so disastrous, and the author admits the undeniable successes of the
Catholic Religion, for example, the flourishing of the foreign missions and the many conversions.
But he also highlighted some of the more serious ‘diabolical machinations.’ ‘Precisely because
of the progress made,’ he noted ‘the devil makes every effort to support and spread heresy and
impiety. And then, see how many ways religion today is despised in public and in private, in
speeches, newspapers, books! There is no holy and venerated item not targeted, censored or
mocked.’ To confirm what he was saying, he took the example of the encyclicals proclaiming each
of the three jubilees between 1854 and 1875. The denunciations became more alarming each
time.127 Compared to 1854, the encyclical Quanta Cura in 1864 had a much longer list of errors
125 Cf. Chap. 1, § 4, 5, 7; Chap. 8, § 6 and7; Chap. 9; Chap. 10, § 1; Chap. 13, § 2.1.
126 Cf. Chap. 2, § 6, no. 36.
127 Cf. G. BOSCO, Il giubileo e pratiche divote…, pp. 30-31, OE V 508-509; ID., Dialoghi intorno
all’istituzione del giubileo…, pp. 46-47, OE XVI 120-121; ID., Il giubileo del 1875. Sua istituzione e

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and heresies, with explicit reference to their dangerous nature, including for youth. Their adherents
were using every means ‘to ruin all minds and hearts, lead the unwary astray, especially immature
youth, to corrupt and lead them into error and finally tear them away from the bosom of the
Catholic Church.’128
The Pope did not repeat or add to the list of evils afflicting the Church in 1875, but stated that a
‘filthy flood’ of them was everywhere: ‘So many efforts of [the Church’s] enemies aimed at rooting
out faith in Christ from souls, adulterating healthy doctrine and spreading the poison of impiety: so
many scandals presented to true believers everywhere, corruption of habits and customs on the
increase, vile tampering with divine and human rights so widely spread, such proliferation of ruin
…‘129 At the end of 1870, in the ‘New improved and enlarged edition’ of the Storia ecclesiastica and
also almost certainly with the aid of his warrior Fr Bonetti, justified the convocation of Vatican
Council I by recalling the many moral, religious and political problems facing the Church at the
time.130
While the words Don Bosco used remained virtually unchanged, it is clear that the usual terms
were enriched with new meanings. In the awareness and thinking of Don Bosco, who continued to
employ them, we can presume precise reference to the real and increasingly more serious
circumstances he wrote and spoke about. So, the old words were not stuck in past realities but
were made new through the inevitable huge range of new problems which the times posed. For
sure, his listeners, too, immersed in those problems, perceived them as appropriate to their diverse
experiences and concerns, old and new: in Turin, Milan, Genoa, Florence, Rome and in France:
Nice, Marseilles, Lyons, Paris. Then in Barcelona, Spain. On the other hand, the breadth and
varied opportunities to be sensitive to the concerns and needs of relevant and qualified men and
women of his day: popes, cardinals, bishops, politicians, administrators, benefactors at every
social level: cooperators, businessmen, entrepreneurs in the industrial and agricultural areas, and
other professionals. Nor was information on and denunciation of the periodical press outside his
realm either, beginning with what could be read ‘at home’ in the Salesian Bulletin of which he was
more than just the nominal manager, and the Letture Cattoliche or Catholic Readings.
Only from this perspective will it be possible to have an exact understanding of what Don Bosco
began to often say from 1877 onwards in his many conferences, circulars and individual letters.
1877 was the year the Cooperators Union was finally established and the Salesian Bulletin
founded.
Referring to the new St Leo’s Oratory in Marseilles, the editor wrote that it came into being due
to the need to gather and educate neglected or orphaned boys who would otherwise have become
‘the refuge of society,’ ending up one day as ‘Communist recruits.’131 Among other evils to be found
at La Spezia were ‘Masonic lodges and Protestant houses.’ 132 Other Institutes of his had been
opened in Italy ‘in areas most under threat from Protestant heresy.’ There was also talk of Don
Bosco’s intentions to establish a house in Rome, more so, as the Cardinal Vicar stressed for
listeners at one of his Salesian Conferences, because with the Italian occupation of the city ‘for
reasons which you cannot ignore, these works which cost our Fathers so much have been largely
ruined or corrupted,’133 by which he meant secularised.
pratiche divote per la visita delle chiese. Torino, tip. e libr. dell’Orat. S. Franc. Di Sales 1875, pp. 68-69,
OE XXVI 254-255.
128 G. BOSCO, Dialoghi intorno all’istituzione del giubileo…, pp. 7-8, OE XVI 81-82.
129 G. BOSCO, Il giubileo del 1875…, pp. 10-11, OE XXVII 196-197 (with some adjustments to the Italian
translation).
130 Cf. Chap. 1, § 10.
131 BS 2 (1878) no. 11, November, p. 7.
132 BS 3 (1879) no. 3, March, p. 5.
133 BS 3 (1879) no. 4, April, p. 4.

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At Faenza in 1884, the Salesians would experience opposition to the oratory which Don Bosco
wanted and firmly supported, from the Secular Recreation Centre. This opposition had appeared
earlier in general terms, as presented in an article in the Salesian Bulletin with the eloquent title:
God’s Oratories and Satan’s Recreation Centres. The latter did not exist as such but were well
represented by Masonic Recreation Centres, where, the article said ‘ hatred is sown in the hearts
of children and older youth through lessons, books, pages full of pestilence; hatred of the Church,
family, and society. They create sectarian groups, communes and worse.134
A year later, Il Fedele in Lucca, referring to a Conference Don Bosco gave to local benefactors,
stated that it was a blessing, ‘while so many who are filled with the spirit of Satan are using every
trick to mislead children’ that there were even greater numbers in Don Bosco’s houses promoting
education to belief, knowledge, action.135
A few weeks later, speaking in identical circumstances in Sampierdarena, Don Bosco
highlighted the Salesian Congregation’s involvement in the press, aimed at instruction in Catholic
truths and preventing people, especially young people, from drinking ‘from the poisoned springs of
pages filled with heresy, corruption, impurity.’136 The holistic education of the young, he stated a
month later at San Benigno Canavese, was much more realistic than education inspired by the
three mythical words bandied around by the well–known and dominant ideologies, closed within
their narrow earthly horizons: the productive work of purely material progress, school instruction
which filled the head but ignored the soul and the inner person, and vague anthropocentric
humanitarianism, which ignored God as preached and worshipped in the Church, and replaced
charity with philanthropy.137
Old and new motives appeared in Rome in May 1881 during the Salesian Conference, where
the two main speakers were Don Bosco ‘worn out by the years but vigorous for the fire of his zeal’
and Cardinal Alimonda. Among other things, Don Bosco quoted the saying of Dupanloup, since he
was familiar with him, which said that ‘youth and the future [of society] are the same thing,’ drawing
from this that ‘a serene future’ would be assured for Italy too if there were an increase in ‘charitable
works of educating and saving the youth.’ The Cardinal, almost catching the ball on the rebound,
exclaimed in his address: ‘Poor Italy, full of tribunes of the plebs [an ancient Roman institution],
demagogic passions, atheists corrupting hearts, and novelists, gazetteers, sowing error and
disharmony.’ Not only this: ‘Protestants come and sow dissension. They have reached the point of
sowing schism among our brethren while materialism, communism and socialism are invading
society.’ ‘Once upon a time, the working classes had their societies, a saintly protector … now the
saint had been replaced by other meetings, the congregation replaced by the sect.’138
The September Salesian Bulletin denounced another plague, taking its cue from Leo XIII’s letter
to the Cardinal Vicar at the end of June 1878, in which he deplored the secular education given
young people, an education of the will. Evil results flowed from this, the article commented, citing
cases of suicide by disillusioned students as found in news reports, which attributed the cause to
strict examiners. ‘It is neither the exams nor the examiners,’ the article said ‘but the system of
instruction in vogue today. It is [the result of] imparting atheistic teaching. The true cause of this
breakdown is the nine or more months of the year spent talking to students about anything and
everything but never of God, Jesus Christ, never about a happy or unhappy eternal life, nor of the
means to achieve one and avoid the other … ere is the cause of all our ills, here is the enemy of
134 BS 3 (1879) no. 9, September, pp. 1-3; cf. Chap. 30, § 1.1.
135 BS 4 (1880) no. 6, June, p. 10.
136 BS 4 (1880) no. 6, June, p. 11.
137 BS 4 (1880) no. 7, July, p. 12.
138 BS 5 (1881) no. 6, June, pp. 6-7.

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studious youth in out day: instruction without religion.’139 On the same wavelength, in autumn 1882
the Bulletin again deplored with rather forced over–simplification that in the 2nd and 3rd Congress
of elementary teachers in Italy, it was decided first to remove catechism from the list of school
subjects, making ‘the school secular, as they say, that is, atheist, without God,’ and secondly it was
suggested ‘making the primary schools anticlerical, meaning openly irreligious and impious,’
raising pupils who would be ‘not only ignorant but enemies of Religion, God, enemies of Jesus
Christ, the Church, the Pope,’ anticlerical children, atheist children.140
The Letture Cattoliche, too, sometimes touched on topics of a similar kind. The August 1878
issue stands out. It had a fanciful title, the creative effort of Fr Antonio Belasio, a dear friend of Don
Bosco’s and the Oratory, who some months earlier had published a hefty volume with the Salesian
Press on Catholic truths presented to the people and the learned, explaining the Creed and the
confused modern lack of belief of modern sciences. According to the presentation by Count Cays
(by now a Salesian) in the August issue, pantheism and Darwinism, ‘abstract systems of the
physical sciences, eternal matter, spontaneous production and reproduction ultimately led to
irreligion and unbelief,’ destroying ‘any idea of the existence of a Creator God’ and
‘misunderstanding all the laws of the moral order.’141
The issue which was also the Strenna, in December 1884, dedicated a number of pages to Free
Masonry, represented in very grim tones in connection with Leo XIII’s encyclical of 20 April1884. It
emerged from the same issue that they were talking about communism and socialism at Valdocco,
and how both were a kind of ‘utopia’ vaguely in the ascendency, but mocking them without
seriously trying to understand the reasons for their existence or their importance. In essence it was
all at the level of Catholic conservatism represented by the elderly E. Avogrado della Motta, Saggio
intorno al Socialismo ed alle dottrine e alle tendenze socialistiche (Essay on Socialism and
socialistic doctrines and tendencies) republished at Sampierdarena in 1880.142 Also in La Civiltà
Cattolica, a magazine followed at Valdocco, there was frequent controversy, over ‘liberalism as the
generator of socialism,’ establishing ‘consanguinity in general between liberalism and socialism, of
which communism is just one of its many forms.’ In every case, this engendering was attributed to
liberalism which was both arbitrary and iniquitous in violating the right to ownership and a system
that extinguished any religious sense in the people and authorised the spread of all kinds of
corruption.143
More interesting is what Il Galantuomo said in 1884 of Don Bosco’s intention of taking part in
the National Expo in Turin. The first great Expo for mankind, he said, was God’s at the creation.
This justified his intention to take part. So it is appropriate for man ‘to give glory to God by
discovering the strength God has hidden in nature, improving it and ordering it to human needs,
since an exhibition of works of man’s hands and ingenuity in the end is a hymn of praise to God.’
139 Il giudizio di Salomone rinnovato nella educazione della gioventù, BS 5 (1881) no. 9, September, pp. 1-
2.
140 Dionigi il tiranno e i maestri irreligiosi, BS 6 (1882) no. 10, October, pp. 157-158. The writer could have
discovered some points in L’Unità Cattolica: cf. Le bestemmie di Guido Baccelli [ministro della P.I.] al
Congresso dei maestri in Milano, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 215, Friday 16 September 1881, p. 858; Il
Congresso degli insegnanti a Napoli e la scuola anticlericale, ibid., no. 211, 12 September 1882, p. 842:
“Since,” – the new item noted - “an anticlerical schools means a school without God, like elementary
teachers last year proclaimed in the Congress of Milan, and currently repeat unashamedly in Naples”.
141 Fr. BELASIO, Dio ci liberi! Che sapienti! … Ci vorrebbero far perdere la testa! Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana
1878, pp. 4-6.
142 Cf. San Pier d’Arena, tip. e libr. editrice di S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1880, 2 vols.; two tiny humorous
sketches, both in the “Galantuomo” per l’anno 1884: Torino, tip. e libr. salesiana 1883, pp. 65-66.
143 Cf. “La Civiltà Cattolica” 22 (1871), Vol. II 257-275 and 524-531; Vol. III 16-27.

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‘Moreover, I have been working for about forty years and if something is worth the effort I too would
like to exhibit it.’144
3.2 Increased fervour of practical involvement and multiple appeals
It was worth this sensitivity, then, in the last part of his life on behalf of youth ‘at risk’ in this kind
of society, that Don Bosco never tired of using the spoken and written word to encourage the
involvement of the greatest number of men and women of good will.
Conferences were aimed firstly at Cooperators to clarify who they were, their mission,
possibilities for action, their spiritual perspectives.145 The central and ever present theme, naturally,
was poor and abandoned youth in an increasingly broader sense, including those at risk, on the
margins or excluded, and the necessary efforts to preserve them from greater risk still, or to
recover them. Undoubtedly, Don Bosco brought discussion back to his own works in particular:
those occupied with young people, the enormous sums of money this required, pressing debts, the
urgent need for aid, and the many and substantial duties of charity and its rewards. In order to
obtain this he did not hesitate to stress the number and needy circumstances of boys taken in by
his institutions, the dangers threatening them and the harm that could befall individuals and society
if nothing was done by those who could ensure that boys ‘at risk’ did not end up becoming boys ‘of
risk. This was no mere rhetorical expedient, but a precise desire to stir consciences and call on the
responsibility of those who had [money] and could [act], to arouse sentiments of piety and
compassion as well as fear of now and of eternity in people who might run the risk of believing they
had clean hands because they didn’t kill or steal and faithfully observed the Church’s precepts.
Finally, he sought to move believers’ hearts and open them to active, practical charity.
This was the kind of language we find over the 1870s and 1880s in the celebrative type of
literature presenting Don Bosco’s preventive system as the solution to the entire gamut of youth
problems, pushing it beyond the limits of primary prevention and extending it to preventive
assistance and ‘correctional pedagogy.’ When it was integrated with the professional promotion of
young Christian workers and their resulting quality involvement in the world of work, industry
especially, it was considered capable of resolving the emerging ‘social question’ or the more
specific ‘worker question’ without recourse to revolutionary movements.146
In any case, by the 1870s and 80s, the wider reality of the youth world was part of Don Bosco’s
thinking and pastoral concern for their salvation and charitable efforts. It was no longer just the
world he knew within his own institutions. This wider world, which he had already directly
experienced or considered, even imagined, was more seriously ‘at risk’ in a profoundly altered,
less propitious society. So he was suggesting a wider range of real or potentially real possibilities
for the preventive system. Indeed, theoretically it ended up being thought of as universally
applicable under certain conditions: families, schools, educational institutes, and social work, be it
in protection, recovery, correction or initiatives aimed at moral, religious, civic regeneration or
defence. It resulted in his firm belief that he needed to promote the widest variety of convergence
of the greatest number of people: clerics at every level, political and civil authorities, administrators,
the wealthy, bankers, believers and non–believers.
Nevertheless, such were the needs of the works he already had in place or was planning, that
of necessity he had to begin with these. We find an echo of this in the essential, effective and
exemplary words of the journalist from Le Citroyen on 21 February 1880 in reference to the
144 Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno bisestile 1884, pp. 72-75.
145 Cf. Chap. 22, §§ 6-8.
146 Cf. Chap. 26, § 5.

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conference Don Bosco had given the previous day: ‘Come to the aid of the poor youth exposed to
risk, offer them shelter in the countryside and the city, remove them from vice, educate them in a
Christian way, teach them a trade so they can earn a living, such is the scope proposed by D.
Bosco, inspired by God.’ ‘Every year, thousands of boys leave these institutes and go to serve
society in many different careers. It they had been abandoned to vice they would easily have
become good–for–nothings and disturbers of the peace; instead here they are, transformed into
useful, hardworking, good Christians workers. Some have even become industrialists, others have
gone into fine arts, and fulfilled honourable positions.’147
There was also frequent reference to the action of containment and reconquest in the face of
Protestant proselytism. Various works had arisen in Italy, France, and South America ‘with the
principal aim of providing some protection from the invading heresy of the Protestants.’148
The normal sequence of topics reappeared in the conference at Lucca on 29 April 1880: the
dangers threatening ‘poor boys,’ the Salesian as ‘loving fathers setting them on the proper path of
Faith and Religion,’ the ‘cultivation of the mind’ and a trade that would pay, the urgent need for
alms to help support this work, a duty ‘imposed absolutely by God, else suffer exclusion from
eternal life.’149 Don Bosco followed a similar scheme a few days later, on 5 May, in the first
conference to Cooperators at Genoa, a city with greater financial possibilities. He spoke of the
beginning of the Cooperators Association, the beginning of the oratories and the happy results they
had obtained, the birth of the Salesian Congregation and the institutions it ran or which had
developed from them, the colleges, hospices, schools, workshops, agricultural schools, the FMA
Institute and its work for girls, the Work of Mary Help of Christians for adult vocations, the Missions,
the material means requested, almsgiving, using the strict Gospel interpretation about surplus. He
was not backward in being forthright on this point. ‘A good Christian, man or woman,’ he said ‘ will
always find something surplus at home, in furniture, clothes, dinners, extras, parties, pleasure trips
and so on.’ And whoever has nothing to offer ‘can pray for those who could give alms and don’t,
that is, pray that the word will enlighten them and let them see that they will take none of their
possessions into the hereafter.’150
On 4 June, he spoke for the first time to Cooperators at San Benigno Canavese, a year after the
beginning of Salesian work there. He described the Cooperator, the modern tertiary, called on to be
in harmony with the three great ‘terms’ the modern world was so proud of: ‘Work, Instruction,
Humanity.’ He drew an imperative from this that could not be declined: ‘Work, and work tirelessly’
unless you want to ‘see the complete ruin of the present generation.’ Thanks to the response of the
many Cooperators the Salesians were at work with all their strength in workshops of every kind,
agricultural schools, colleges for boys and for girls, day schools, night and Sunday schools, and
oratories with Sunday recreation. They open hospices, orphanages and patronages for hundreds
and thousands of orphans and abandoned children, bringing the light of the Gospel and civilisation
even to the barbarians of Patagonia, working in such a way that “humanity” is not just a word but a
reality.’ Naturally the appeal to cooperate followed.151
The intense round of conferences to Cooperators continued, with one of the largest of them
held at Borgo San Martino on 1 July in the diocese of Casale Monferrato governed by his friend
Bishop Pietro Maria Ferrè who was present for the huge occasion. There were also ‘illustrious
147 BS 4 (1880) no. 3, March, p. 6.
148 Cenni sulla 3ª conferenza dei Cooperatori della città di Roma [5 April 1880], BS 4 (1880) no. 6, June, pp.
8-9.
149 La conferenza a Lucca, BS 4 (1880) no. 6, June, pp. 9-10. The text is taken from the Lucca Il Fedele 8
May.
150 Prima conferenza dei Cooperatori tenuta in Sampierdarena, BS 4 (1880) no. 6, June, pp. 10-11.
151 Conferenza dei Cooperatori Salesiani tenuta in S. Benigno Canavese, BS 4 (1880) no. 7, July, pp. 12-
13.

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members of the clergy from Casale and Alessandria, many men and an even greater number of
women from nearby cities and towns.’ To begin with, Don Bosco rehashed an address by Pius IX,
stressing the conquering solidarity of combatants in the battle. Even more decisive was his vis
unita fortiori for ‘promoting good and fighting evil.’ He spoke once again of the origins of the
Cooperators and Salesian youth institutions, describing the vast array of ‘works of charity’ to which
every Cooperator, according to his or her possibilities, was called to dedicate him or herself to. It
was a lengthy series of works which went well beyond the classic Salesian ones.
The final, extended part of the conference was dedicated to material cooperation, God’s
inexhaustible ‘bank’ and the obligation of almsgiving. Don Bosco was insistent in rejecting
presumed difficulties in this: poverty, the unpredictable future. ‘If a poor person is a Cooperator, if
he wants to he will always be able to help a work of charity, even materially.’ ‘So many people
whinge about their poverty when invited to do a good work.’ But money appears ‘whenever it’s a
case of a dinner, a party, a pleasure trip, a ball, extras and the like.’ Others, ‘are always afraid they
will lose the ground beneath their feet’ so they are forever scavenging, storing up, keeping
something in reserve’ and they die without having done anything good, leaving their possessions to
greedy and quarrelsome relatives. He assured them: God is a good banker and guarantees a
hundredfold to those who give, now and in eternity. ‘The fatal deception’ was to think that the
precept of almsgiving was merely advice. Whoever does not observe it ‘does not sin against advice
but against charity’ the primary result of which is works of justice.152
He took up another range of topics on 12 May 1880, at the earlier mentioned conference to
Cooperators at Tor de’ Specchi in Rome. He introduced it himself with a brief overview of the many
works opened and run by Salelsians. Then came a more pressing reference to S. Cuore, the
Sacred Heart Church, and erecting a ‘refuge to gather and educate at least five hundred boys.’ The
Romans, who up till then had been generous in helping ‘do good in other Italian cities’ were now
called on to provide aid to help build an institute rising up in their city to ward against Protestant
proselytism and preserve the faith. Then, in more eloquent language, Cardinal Alimonda pleaded
Don Bosco’s cause. ‘You have understood the needs there are. May there be a growing number of
Cooperators for this work which is God’s work. Let us give of ourselves for the salvation of souls.
God has given us so much, so give of yourselves to rescue the children of the populace from
impiety and error.’153
As we know, Don Bosco was in Florence on 15 May, holding a similar conference in the church
run by the Philippian Fathers. The incipient Salesian oratory there was certainly unable to respond
to the demands of the youth situation as Don Bosco had described it. However, it did respond to
the philosophy of ‘doing what was possible’ and this was one that was so dear to him. The
impossibility of doing everything or much, was not authorisation to do nothing. Fr Confortola told
the Salesian Bulletin that he ‘pointed to the purpose of the conference, which was to make the
Salesians known, what they did, what they had done elsewhere, what they came to do in Florence
and how much they needed the support of the Cooperators and all good people to succeed in their
intentions.’
The drama of young people in Florence as put to the Cooperators by speakers at the
conference to encourage their charity, had given even more serious cause for thought to the
Salesians: ‘So many poor abandoned youth roaming the streets of this city of yours today;
barefoot, tramps, living like beggars, and then going to pubs in the evening to behave badly,
without anyone taking pity on their body and soul and looking after them. They grow up ignorant of
things to do with God, Religion, their moral duties, and they curse, steal and are indecent and
engulfed in every vice, capable of doing anything, including the most wicked things. Many of them
152 Una memoranda giornata nel collegio di Borgo S. Martino, BS 4 (1880) no. 8, August, pp. 7-11.
153 La conferenza dei Cooperatori a Roma, BS 5 (1881) no. 6, June, pp. 5-7.

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will end up badly or in the hands of justice, who will march them off to prison. Or what is worse,
they will end up in the arms of the Protestants who by now have opened many dens in Florence
where poor youth are enticed by the glint of gold and a thousand false promises. They have lost
everything else that is good, trampled on every virtue, and make a deplorable mess of their Faith
as well.’154
Don Bosco painted a less localised picture in the conference held on 17 November 1881 in the
Church of St Philip at Casale Monferrato, where Bishop Ferrè was once more in attendance.155 He
chose to speak of works undertaken in various parts of the world and the Missions, the
establishment of numerous hospices and workshops for teaching arts and trades to neglected
youngsters so they could be capable of earning an honest living; the founding of agricultural
schools to teach young peasant boys and girls how to cultivate the land, and this way keep them
from heading to the city where they easily become shipwrecked in faith and customs; the opening
of colleges with low fees to give a greater number of youngsters with intelligence the opportunity to
receive an education and where, in due course, they either became good priests or courageous
missionaries or wise fathers of families; the establishment of festive oratories and recreation parks
with which to attract boys to Catechism, keep them from being idle and help them fulfil their duties
of piety and religion.’
He then dwelt on the topic of ‘alms’ and specifically on its material and spiritual, temporal and
eternal ‘benefits,’ enriching the positive developments he had indicated in Nice on 12 March 1877.
In the Casale conference, however, he introduced new references to what Jesus Christ and St
James had said about ‘troubles of a material and spiritual kind that would befall heartless rich
people.’ More troubles were threatening today for people who were insensitive to so much poverty.
‘Today,’ he said frankly, ‘we complain of major robberies, fires, graft and worse. These are evils,
painful disorders, but let us also say this: a good number of these ills are also the result of people
who could but do not give alms. If some well–off or wealthy individual would extend his hand more
to Institutes of charity, if he would spend some of his money on youngsters who are almost
abandoned, he would remove so many who of them from the risk of becoming thieves and
evildoers. If these men and women with possessions would give alms, they would remove many
individuals for a miserable existence and in the meantime would be loved by the poor, be even
more respected in their campaigns, businesses, and possessions. This way we would have no
need to deplore so much crime. Instead, avarice, charging interest, miserliness, hardness of heart
allows many evil doers to wander the streets and leaves many families languishing in the depths of
poverty, putting them in a situation where they need to provide for themselves by hook or by crook
what has been denied them through charity. This causes ill–will and hatred, and in the event of any
uprising, the [ones who did not care] will be the first to pay.’156
The bishop’s talk followed, on the three main activities of the Salesians at this historical point in
time: ‘1. Good education of youth.2. Evangelisation of unbelievers. 3. The construction of the
Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in Rome.’157
The matter of the obligation and rule of almsgiving was taken up in another conference to
Cooperators held in Genoa in the Basilica of S. Siro on 30 March 1882, in the presence of
Archbishop Salvatore Magnasco. But it was only the final point of a more developed address than
the earlier one. He exhorted his listeners by describing the youth situation and then dealt with
154 Oratorio festivo di Maria Immacolata, BS 5 (1881) no. 7, July, pp. 7-9 (letter of the Rector, Fr F.
Confortola to Fr Bonetti, 24 May 1881).
155 Cf. Chap. 22, § 7.
156 La diocesi di Casale Monferrato e la prima Conferenza dei Cooperatori, BS 5 (1881) no. 12, December,
pp. 5-6.
157 Ibid., pp. 7-8.

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‘some ways of helping young people’ and ‘the St Vincent de Paul Hospice in S.Pier d’Arena.’ The
first part was dedicated to an even more dramatic description of ‘poor boys sometimes orphaned,
often left to their own devices, without religious instruction and moral education and surrounded by
bad companions.’
‘Now we see them roaming the squares, along the beaches, growing in idleness, gambling,
learning obscenities and blasphemies. Then later we see them become thieves, rascals and
evildoers and finally, often in the fullness of youth we see them fall into prison, a disgrace to their
families, birthplace, of no use to themselves and a burden to society.’ But if they were removed
from danger they would have been able to become ‘good Christians, wise citizens and one day be
the fortunate inhabitants of Heaven.
He went on to review the means to use ‘to impede the ruin’ of ‘needy young boys at risk’;
‘Festive oratories with parks or places for honest recreation,’ ‘night school for poor working boys,’
‘day school, free classes for those boys,’ ‘Sunday Catechism lessons, also daily ones,’ also
‘charitable hospices for the most needy boys’ with workshops, schools, institutes for vocations to
the Church. The Salesian Hospice at Sampierdarena was an example.
The strict duty of almsgiving by those with possessions was preceded by a typical comment
familiar to all upright people at the time who were marked by a formation received in the climate of
the Restoration: ‘God made the poor person so he could earn heaven through resignation and
patience, but he made the rich person so he could be saved through charity and almsgiving.’ To
keep everything for oneself went against God’s order of things as well as being a serious infraction
of Christ’s precept, illustrated graphically by the ‘Parable of rich Dives and poor Lazarus.’ If anyone
objected that ‘these are very serious, frightening words’ Don Bosco replied: ‘You are right, and I
regret having to remind you, since perhaps you do not deserve it. Instead, I would much more
gladly remind certain ladies and gentlemen who are not here and who waste money buying and
maintaining fine horses. They could have saved their money and not lost any of their decorum; and
other ladies and gentlemen who spend and lavish money on dinners, suppers, clothing, evenings,
balls, theatre and so on. When, with a little more of a Christian lifestyle, they would have been able
to come to the aid of so much poverty, dry so many tears, save so many souls. These are the ones
who need to hear Jesus Christ’s terrifying words: and the rich man died and was buried in hell.’ He
finished by saying that whoever gave away his possessions, God placed a key in his hands with
which he could open or close ‘drawers, caskets, treasure troves,’ and open either heaven or hell
for himself.158
Don Bosco went even further: it could happen that one day those drawers and caskets,
hermetically sealed, might be opened by someone in less pleasant circumstances. This was part of
an address he gave in Lucca a week later, 8 April, Holy Saturday, when asking for financial help for
the proposed expansion of the local Salesian work, which was too small. ‘By removing young
people at risk from their situation, instructing and educating them, he said, without holding back,
‘you are doing good for all of society. If youth is well educated, over time we will have a better
generation. If not, very soon it will be made up of men of unbridled vice, theft, drunkenness,
wrongdoing. These youngsters are now appealing to you, cap in hand, through their superiors.
With your help you can provide them with bread, teach them to live honestly and with hard work,
give them a future. Instead, left to their own devices, one day they may present themselves before
you and demand your money with a knife at your throat.’
As he moved to conclude, he replied to objections: ‘But how should we act? There are so many
taxes and everyone is asking for something.’ There was just one demanding answer and it came
from Christ: Quod superat date eleemosynam.’ To anyone who asked if this was a precept or
158 Prima conferenza dei Cooperatori in Genova, BS 6 (1882) no. 4, April, pp. 70-73.

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advice, ‘without entering into the theological question’ Don Bosco had them note: ‘Jesus Christ
says that whoever does not give what he has left over in alms will not enter the kingdom of
heaven.’ ‘It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle etc.’ He gave an example: ‘I
come into your home. There I see very much sought–after furniture, a table all laid with fine table
cloths and crockery, items of silver and gold, shiny ornaments, gold coins in a drawer.’ These were
all in the category of ‘surplus’. ‘You are obliged to take that money which is not helping anyone and
do what Jesus Christ commands.’159
After reading a report from the conference in the Salesian Bulletin, a priest from Emilia wrote,
expressing his doubts as to whether Don Bosco’s ideas were in accordance with traditional moral
thinking.160 On 30 June, Don Bosco thanked the priest for ‘the kindness, indeed charity’ of his views
and promised he would respond with ‘an article or perhaps several articles to be published in the
Salesian Bulletin.’161 An essay was published in July – certainly not one he wrote – entitled Reply to
a courteous observation on the obligation and amount of almsgiving. It made plentiful use of a
quotation from St Thomas Aquinas, Laymann, Sporer, Billuart, Alphonus Liguori, Gossuet.162
On 10 April 1882, Don Bosco addressed Cooperators in Florence once more on the problem of
poor and abandoned boys. It was in the Philippian Fathers’ church as usual. The Catholic paper Il
Giorno captured the real essence of the youth project he described, in a news item. It began with
the bare facts of the pitiful reality of very poor youth, meaning those left entirely to their own
devices, and on the way to deprivation, who would soon become the scourge of society and end
up in eternal damnation. He then explained the purpose of the Salesian Work which did as much
as it could to remedy this social scourge through festive oratories, schools and hospices. He
concluded by asking moral and material aid from everyone who sincerely loved their religion and
their country. There was a new factor in this: young people from the Catholic Youth Club gave a
hand after the conference to collect alms, and they all turned up at the railway station to farewell
Don Bosco as he left for Rome.163
The annual Cooperators conference in Turin on 29 January 1883 was held in the Church of St
John the Evangelist. In front of 1500 people ‘including many members of the clergy and Turin’s
nobility,’ as the news item read, ‘the holy man briefly described in simple terms the miserable state
thousands of young people were in today. He noted the constant requests of Salesian houses
everywhere, especially the house at Turin, to take in poor children at risk and worthy of the
greatest compassion. He expressed the real sorrow he felt when they were forced to reply that
there was no more room ... and at having to leave so many boys in their state of abandonment and
on the road to perdition. If they could be removed from danger and prepared for a career, they
would be a most consoling success.’ He also pleaded the cause of the Valdocco Oratory so he
could put up a new building on the western side of the Church of Mary Help of Christians: in by
now well–known terms of his it would make it possible ‘to take in a greater number of neglected
boys teach them arts or a trade, enable them to earn an honourable living, to instruct and educate
them in religion and morals and thus, once they were either removed from poverty or from bad
companions, prevent them from being given over to vice and wrongdoing and perhaps ending up in
159 Conferenza dei Cooperatori di Lucca, BS 6 (1882) no. 5, May, pp. 80-82. Test taken from Il Fedele 15
April 1882. The “knife at the throat” would will be repeated in reference to the Guillotine in France a year
later: cf. Chap. 31, § 1.
160 Letter to Don Bosco from Fr R. Veronesi, 26 May 1882, MB XV 526.
161 To Fr R. Veronesi, 30 June 1882, E IV 148.
162 BS 6 (1882) no. 7, July, pp. 109-116.
163 Notizie sull’Oratorio di Maria Immacolata e conferenza dei Cooperatori in Firenze, BS 6 (1882) no. 7,
July, pp. 119-121.

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prison and as a dishonour to their families and a disgrace to their country.’ To give support meant
‘helping good habits and religion today.’164
Two days later, passing through Liguria, he began his long journey through France, reaching the
final, triumphal stage in Paris.
4. Salesian and ecclesiastical restructuring of works in South America
The great effort to have an Apostolic Vicariate or prefecture decreed for Patagonia in Rome did not
find official recognition in Buenos Aires, either from the Church there or the Government. Yet
Salesian Missionary work had a significant and lasting impact in this vast region and in Latin
America generally, not only or so much in the relatively confined world of the indigenous peoples
but in the wider world of migrants, colonials, inhabitants of Argentina, Chilean cities and cities
elsewhere with parallel missionary perspectives. Nevertheless, the Patagonian enterprise, though
re–dimensioned in quantity and quality, was unequalled as a beginning of the missionary projection
for Don Bosco’s two Religious Institutes, conferring on them a singular note of novelty and
completeness in ends, methods and character.
4.1 Goal achieved in Argentina, entry into Chile
On Sunday, 9 October 1881, Leo XIII gave a special audience to 23 Argentine pilgrims led by Mons
Antonio Espinosa, Vicar General in Buenos Aires. In his address, the Pope praised ‘the zeal of
their pastors who leave nothing to chance in their concern to lead the savage tribes remaining in
Patagonia to a life of Christianity and civilisation and among whom, thanks to the arrival of zealous
missionaries, new missions are being established for this purpose.’165The Pope was not only
referring to the Salesians but they were certainly included. The Salesian Bulletin reported on some
of the encouraging words the Pope said about them to Mons. Espinosa: ‘When we understood that
Don Bosco’s pupils would be taking on the Patagonian mission, our heart jumped for joy and hope
for the future of those poor savages.’166 As the Oratory Diary kept by Fr Chiala and Luzzero
indicate, Mons. Espinosa arrived at Valdocco with two other Argentine priests on Christmas Eve,
1881: on 3 January 1882 they visited the house at S. Benigno, and left the Oratory on the 4th.
With the help of the Provincial, Fr Albera, in Marseilles, Don Bosco prepared a document on the
Salesian Missions in Patagonia. In March 1882, it was translated into French and sent to the Work
of Propagation of the Faith in Lyons. It then came out in the 24 July issue of Les Missions
Catholiques and, in Italian, in the 3 November booklet of the Milan–based Missioni Cattoliche. Don
Bosco outlined there for the umpteenth time his South American mission plan, ending with a
description of the state of the Salesian missions and the difficulties to overcome: lack of personnel,
scarce financial means, menacing competition from the Protestants who ‘went there to put up their
tents in Catholic colonies’ and ‘under the appearance of offering medicine, surgery, pharmacy with
prodigious sums of money’ they were a huge obstacle to the activity of Catholic missionaries.167
In the final days of the events leading up to the ‘Concordia”, he resumed a discussion already
begun with Propaganda Fide in 1876 (and continued, as we have seen, with Frs Cagliero, Bodrato
and Costamagna)168 to arrive at the foundation of ‘one or three Apostolic Vicariates or Prefectures
164 La festa di San Francesco di Sales e la Conferenza in Torino, BS 7 (1883) no. 3, March, pp. 43-44.
165 “La Civiltà Cattolica” 32 (1881) IV 358.
166 BS 5 (1881) no. 11, November, p. 9.
167 E IV 123-127.
168 Cf. Chap. 21, § 6 e Chap. 27, §§ 3.1 and 3.2.

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in Patagonia: the first from Río Colorado to Río Chubut, the second from Río Chubut to Río S.
Cruz, the third from Río S. Cruz down to Tierra del Fuego including the Malvinas [Falkland]
Islands.’ He interpreted the Bishop of Buenos Aires’ and perhaps the Pope’s thinking on the true
reality of the missions in his own manner: ‘Now the Work of Propagation of the Faith, the Holy
Childhood, and the Archbishop of Buenos Aires are asking for these projects and supporting them.
The Holy Father is expressing a keen desire and said precisely that the boundaries of three
Vicariates could be established, but to begin by establishing one, i.e. from Río Colorado to the
interior of Patagonia. They are all savage areas where we already have fifteen colonies
established ... Mons. Gioanni Zonghi has all the relevant documents and is up to date with the
proceedings.’169 The matter was complex and needed time and consideration. In a disappointed
second letter Don Bosco said in a few words: ‘I regret this Propaganda business a lot. This delay
could ruin everything. I will write to Archbishop [Domenico] Jacobini.’170
At the same time, Don Bosco was seeking to restrain suggestions of expansion which the
Provincial felt was inevitable, faced with so many requests. He assured Fr Costamagna that the
Superior Chapter would examine the projects, since they were ‘all agreed on putting them into
practice within the limits of possibility.’ But he did not hide the two main obstacles: ‘The scarcity of
personnel and the immense amount of work weighing upon us.” During the General Chapter in
September 1883, there would be a possibility of providing information and reaching agreement,
while by the end of that same year he was already preparing ‘what is needed for a regular
expedition.’171
The tenacious hammering away at things through the preceding years made it easier, during
1883, for procedures to be set in motion by the Prefect of Propaganda to reach their conclusion.
According to a letter to Archbishop Domenico Jacobini on 7 April 1883, Don Bosco has ‘sent His
Eminence Cardinal Simeoni all replies [to the question] he had about Patagonia.’ The Cardinal had
written to him on 7 July, indicating that since he had to submit the request to erect three Vicariates
in Patagonia to the General Congregation, he should fill out the attached questionnaire regarding
inhabitants in the region and propose three candidates for office. In reply, Don Bosco presumed
the Congregation already knew ‘Patagonia’s geographical and historical details’ based on the atlas
and the report he had already sent on 23 August 1876.172 ‘Here’ he explained ‘I will keep solely to
matters requested by Your Eminence.’ He was more realistic, reshaping the earlier request and
reducing it to ‘One Apostolic Vicariate only in Northern Patagonia and an Apostolic Prefecture in
Southern Patagonia.’ For the moment, a central Patagonian Vicariate did not seem realisable, it
being a region ‘not yet adequately explored’ in parts and the part that was known was ‘almost
entirely in the hands of the Protestants,’ migrants from Wales: the Vicariate for Northern Patagonia
based in Carmen de Patagones could look after it. His preference for the Apostolic Vicariate based
in Carmen with temporary jurisdiction over the Central Vicariate was Fr John Cagliero: ‘He knows
those areas palm by palm and has excellent relationships with all the bishops in the Argentine
Republic, Uruguay, Paraguay and Chile.’ As an alternative, he gave Fr James Costamagna’s
name. For the Vicariate or Prefecture of Southern Patagonia he proposed Fr Joseph Fagnano: ‘He
has a Herculean constitution and does not know either fatigue or fear in difficult undertakings.’ He
continued; ‘This Prefecture could depend on the Carmen Vicariate unless the Holy Father decides
it would be better to actually establish an Apostolic Vicariate.’173
169 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 29 July 1882, E IV 157-158.
170 To Fr F. Dalmazzo, 27 August 1882, E IV 165.
171 To Fr G. Costamagna, 9 August 1882, E IV 160-161.
172 For precedents, cf. Letters quoted in earlier chapters to Cardinal A. Franchi, 23 August 1876, E III 88-89;
to the Secretary of Propaganda Fide, 22 November 1876, E III 118-119; to Cardinal A. Franchi, 31
December 1877, E III 256-261; to Cardinal G. Simeoni, 15 March 1878, E III 320-321; to Leo XIII, 13
April 1880, E III 567-575; to the Archbishop of Buenos Aires, 15 April 1880, E III 575-576.
173 To Cardinal G. Simeoni, 29 July 1883, E IV 225-227.

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He informed the Cardinal Protector, Lorenzo Nina, two days later of the project now underway,
in the terms indicated by Cardinal Simeoni: ‘Currently the Congregation of Propaganda is dealing
with the question of the missions in Patagonia being divided into three Apostolic Vicariates. I will
have a copy prepared of all the paperwork and will see that it arrives in Your Eminence’s hands. He
added his satisfaction at the elevation of Cardinal Alimonda to the archiepiscopal see of Turin.174
Cardinal Alimonda’s move to Turin, as a member of Propaganda, was also a guarantee of a happy
outcome for the Patagonian matter. The solution was also facilitated by the report on the work of
conversion already underway, which Fr Fagnani sent Propaganda in 1883: the two colleges in
Patagones had 69 boys and 93 girls. In four years, 5,328 baptisms had been administered and the
missionaries had reached the Cordigliera, running along the banks of the Limay as far as Lake
Nauél–Huapí and the banks of the Nequén as far as Norquin. They had already explored the Río
Colarado, the Balcheta desert and both banks of the Río Negro: in short, all of Northern Patagonia
over an area of more than 250,000 square kilometres.
The General Congregation met on 27 August 1883. Present were the Cardinals Pitra [ponenti],
Simeoni [Prefect], Franzelin, Parocchi, Nina, Hassum and Sbaretti. Approved were the Vicariate of
Northern Patagonia with jurisdiction also extended to Central Patagonia, and the Apostolic
Prefecture of Southern Patagonia, the Malvinas [Falklands] and Tierra del Fuego. In order to
realise it the Salesian Society was asked to make twelve priests available for ministry. Fr John
Cagliero was accepted as Provicar with the faculty of sub–delegating for Confirmations and Joseph
Fagnano was accepted as Prefect Apostolic. The Pope gave his approval at an audience on 2
September, and Archbishop Domenico Jacobini, Secretary of Propaganda, wrote up the Minutes.
Official communication was given Don Bosco by Cardinal Simeoni by letter on 15 September. On
25 September, Don Bosco replied that the priests requested were already in Uruguay and
Argentina and available to work in the assigned territories. Besides, another expedition of twenty
missionary priests and ten Sisters was imminent.175 On 16 and 20 November 1883, two Briefs were
issued by Leo XIII, one to erect the Vicariate, the other appointing Cagliero as Provicar. On 16
November, the Decree erecting the Apostolic Prefecture was issued.176
Meanwhile, on 31 October, Don Bosco sent a letter to General Roca, President of the Argentine
Republic (1880–86), which the recipient might have found less than acceptable. Attempting a
sterile captatio benevolentiae which did not work at the level of legal definitions of the Mission, he
began: ‘The Pampas and Patagonian desert which have cost Your Excellency so much effort and
which you were often pleased to recommend for evangelisation by Salesian missionaries, seem to
be at the point of taking a steady direction with regard to both civilisation and religion.’ Having
described the work of the Salesians over four years, he went on to express his appreciation,
notably forced, and a hope: ‘The active part you have played in the civilisation of those savages
and the great sacrifices the Argentine Government has made for the social good of the State and
especially on behalf of Salesian institutes, orphanages and schools lets me hope for your help.’ He
then added rashly’ in regard to the Argentine political situation and difficult diplomatic relations with
the Holy See: ‘This trust of mine grows so much more over these days in which the Holy Father
has decided to establish the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy in those areas which I have just had the
honour of mentioning to Your Excellency in his name. The Holy See will soon provide official
communication of everything.’177
174 To Cardinal L. Nina, 31 July 1883, E IV 228-229.
175 ASCPF, Roma, Acta S. Congregationis de Propaganda Fide, vol. 252-II (1883), fol. 1007r-1007v; Ibid.,
lett., Vol. 379 (1883), fol. 523v-524r; Ibid., Nuova Serie, Vol. 75 (1895), rubr. 151, fol. 652: cf. C. BRUNO,
Los salesianos y las hijas..., vol. I, pp. 330-331.
176 Cf. texts in MB XVI 582-584.
177 Letter of 31 October 1883, E IV 238-239. We have already spoken of the earlier letter to Gen. J. A. Roca
on 10 November and to Fr G. Costamagna on 12 November 1880 (E III 633-634).

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But he had failed to take account of the deeply rooted Patronato [Patronato: royal patronage
allowing Spanish rulers to appoint Church officials in the colonies] which had morphed into secular
jurisdictionalism, nor did he bear this in mind when he asked for the episcopal dignity to be
conferred on Cagliero to give greater effectiveness to the activity of the future Provicar. It would
mean the Provicar would be promoted to Vicar. Cardinal Alimonda asked for this promotion by
letter to Leo XIII on 26 September 1884, at the same time asking Cardinal Nina to support the
request. The latter in turn intervened with the Prefect and Secretary of Propaganda, Cardinal
Simeoni and Archbishop Domenico Jacobini respectively. The request was granted ‘in view of Don
Bosco’s merits’ and to ‘make Fr Cagliero’s work for the good of his mission more effective.’ The
Brief relating to this was issued on 30 October 1884.178 On 3 December 1884, Don Bosco sent a
circular (which was also an invitation) to friends and benefactors of the Oratory and the Salesian
Missions for the consecration of the first Salesian Bishop. This took place on 7 December.
In the usual circular at the beginning of the year (1884), Don Bosco dedicated a paragraph to
the Apostolic Vicariate and Prefecture in Patagonia,179 announcing Fr Cagliero’s elevation to the
episcopate and stressing not so much the costs for personally fitting him out but the fact that the
new prelate would not find in his field of work ‘anything he needed to exercise his pastoral ministry
and formation of Christianity – no churches or chapels, no colleges or seminaries.’ ‘He will only find
numerous savage tribes abandoned to inertia and squalor because they are deprived of the
benefits of religion, sciences, arts, agriculture, commerce and everything to do with civil life.’180
One can only presume that this sort of publicity would not find consensus in America. The
Archbishop maintained an ambivalent position. He looked favourably on the Salesians operating in
Patagonia but was against ceding the Vicariate’s territory from the Archdiocese of Buenos Aires.
Archbishop Matera, the Apostolic Delegate in Argentina from 1880 to 1884, was on his side in this.
Therefore the expulsion and return to Rome of the papal delegate would have made Bishop
Cagliero’s office as Vicar Apostolic in Patagonia easier to exercise and would have perhaps urged
the Archbishop to support the Roman decision. He probably would have done so had the erection
of the Vicariate been officially communicated, which it wasn’t. But opposition from the political
authority would have remained impassable.181 Archbishop Aneiros wrote to Don Bosco on 2
January 1885 saying, among other things: ‘At any time, but now more than ever, our Government
will never approve of a Vicariate being erected in its dominion without its permission. I would like
you to ask the illustrious Cagliero to present himself without the title of Vicar of Patagonia. For my
part, I will give him all the faculties needed to exercise all his episcopal powers, both here and in
Patagonia, and I will see that he is honoured and respected as bishop.’182 Don Bosco sent Cagliero
a copy of the letter. He was awaiting departure from Marseilles, delayed because of cholera which
had closed American ports. Don Bosco advised him: ‘Count very much on Fr Lasagna’s prudence
and the prudence of our elder confreres and the bishops who love us in Jesus. But be wary of
taking decisions relating to the civil authorities.’ He added a little pearl from his educational system:
‘Encourage all our men to direct their efforts to two points on which everything hinges: to make
178 Cf. C. BRUNO, Los salesianos y las hijas..., vol. I, pp. 331-333. On pp. 333-334 we find the text of letters
sent by Don Bosco to Bishop D. Jacobini il 7 April, 27 August and 19 December 1883; and Cardinal G.
Simeoni on 25 September 1883, 12 May 1884 and16 April 1885.
179 BS 8 (1884) no. 1, January, p. 3.
180 BS 9 (1885) no. 1, January, p. 3. Don Bosco’s letters at the beginning of 1886 and 1887 dedicate much
room to La conversione della Patagonia e alle Residenze e centri di Missione, but cannot be reasonably
attributed to him, since he was already physically very weak: cf. BS 10 (1886) no. 1, January, pp. 4-6 and
11 (1887) no. 1, January, pp. 3-5.
181 Cf. Repeated information by Fr Cagliero and Fr Costamagna to Don Bosco in A. DA SILVA FERREIRA,
Patagonia: I - Realtà e mito nell’azione missionaria salesiana..., RSS 14 (1995) 16-17, 24-29; letter of 4
June 1878 to Don Bosco from F. BODRATO, Epistolario..., p. 292.
182 Documenti XXIX 12.

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themselves loved and not feared; to make every personal and financial sacrifice in order to
promote religious and clerical vocation.’ There was also a note of warning about reports of dreams
(especially from Frs Lemoyne and Riccardi) circulating between Europe and America: ‘Once again,
I recommend no great store be placed on dreams etc. If they help with understanding moral issues
or our rules, well and good. They can continue. Otherwise give them no value.’183
In his reply to Archbishop Aneiros on 9 February 1885, Don Bosco completely avoided the
problem posed in the 2 January letter and limited himself to renewing the invitation to visit Turin.184
Instead, to help calm the Salesians in Argentina and Uruguay at a time of legislative actions
unfavourable to religious corporations, he sought to draw attention of the Italian Foreign Affairs
Ministry to Salesian Schools in Latin America. The Minister replied to Don Bosco, praising ‘the
superb civic work’ they were doing.185 It had a positive effect on authorities who came to know of it.
For his part, Bishop Cagliero acted with exemplary prudence throughout his mandate (1885–
1912). In fact he was able to carry out his mission as Vicar Apostolic without any restriction, but he
could not nor did he wish to officially claim his title, either before the Archbishop who continued to
exercise jurisdiction by right over Patagonia, nor before civil authorities, though he enjoyed their
unconditional respect as he also did from the ecclesiastical world.186
4.2 From Uruguay to Brazil
From letters and information crossing the Atlantic, from his geographical awareness, and from
chats with Fr Lasagna, Don Bosco became aware that Salesian Uruguay was becoming the
springboard for launching new undertakings, even bigger ones than had departed Buenos Aires for
Patagonia. He was renewing his earlier planetary dreams but with eyes wide open. His spirit of
enterprise was still very much alive and his passion for the salvation of souls, of the young
especially knew no bounds. Despite his increasing physical frailty ‘his faith was alive, his hope firm
and his charity on fire.’
On 8 September 1882, Don Bosco wrote to Fr Dalmazzo, seeing and anticipating a
development in Brazil: ‘If you see Cardinal Nina again … you can tell him that the two Mission
houses in the dioceses of Parà and Rio Janeiro in Brazil have finally been established according to
the Holy Father’s desire as expressed to me by the Cardinal Secretary of State. Building works
and refurbishment have already begun … Everything is finished in Río Janeiro, and our house is a
short distance from the city in a pleasant spot known as Nichteroy … Yesterday, I sent approval of
the contract drawn up to that effect between Mons. Lacerda and Fr Lasagna and a property
owner.’187
After formal contact with the Archbishop of Rio de Janeiro in January 1882, Fr Lasagna opened
the first work in Brazil at Niteroi. In July 1883, he accompanied the Rector, Fr Michele Gorghino,
and two priests, a cleric and a coadjutor to the place, where they opened the S, Rosa hospice and
oratory. They found great acceptance in the Catholic world beginning with Emperor Pedro II and
especially Princess Isabel Cristina and her husband Gaston d’Orleans, the Count d’Eu, whom Don
Bosco had met in Paris two months earlier.188
183 To Bishop G. Cagliero, 10 February 1885, E IV 313-314.
184 E IV 312.
185 Letter to Comm G. Malvano, Secretary General of the Ministry, 9 February 1885, E IV 312-313.
186 Cf. A. DA SILVA FERREIRA, Patagonia: I - Realtà e mito nell’azione missionaria salesiana..., RSS 14
(1995) 34-43.
187 Letter of 8 September 1882, E IV 172..
188 To Princess I. Braganza, who had asked for prayers through the family chaplain, Don Bosco replied in
French on 19 August 1883 (E IV 402-403).

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Another work was opened in June 1885 in Sao Paolo, the Sacred Heart secondary school. Fr
Lorenzo Giordano, former Vice–rector at Villa Colon with Fr Lasagna, was appointed Rector.
Naturally, Don Bosco intuited the promising future this offered, but also understood the endless
need for personnel. He wrote to the new Rector in Sao Paolo: ‘You will certainly face no little
difficulty, especially at the beginning of such an extensive mission as S. Paolo, true?’ He also
concluded from this that the recipient had the job of ‘finding companions’ through local vocations,
inviting him to eventually send ‘some hundreds’ to Turin for formation. ‘We will instruct them and
send them back to you capable of helping you in the Mission as far as Mato Grosso.’ Meanwhile
they were doing what was needed in Turin to provide Gospel workers, ‘as many as needed.’189
In March 1886, he wrote to Princess Isabel, thanking her for the kindness and charity she had
shown the Salesians in Brazil, recommending them to her and her father, promising the prayers of
their pupils for all the imperial family.190
There were a good number of American references in 1886, 1887 to Don Bosco’s plans and
announcements to further moves, other than consolidation of existing works, in the peaceful
conquest of Latin America.191
189 To Fr L. Giordano, from S. Benigno, 30 September 1885, E IV 341-342.
190 Letter to Princess Isabella, March 1886, E IV 353. The letter, brought personally by Fr Borghino was
followed up by a visit of the Emperor and Empress to the house at S. Paolo.
191 Cf. Chap. 31, §§ 2-3 and 6.

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Chapter 31
MIRACLE WORKER IN PARIS AND FROHSDORF AND
FOUNDER IN TURIN (1883–84)
1883
1884
31 January–31 May: journey to Liguria, France (14 February–30 May), Paris (18
April–26 May), with brief stopover in Lille (5–15 May);
31 May: Conference to Cooperators in Turin;
24 June: Address to past pupils on educational politics;
2–7 September: Third General Chapter of Salesian Society;
29 October: Conference on the Salesian Coadjutor.
24 January: Salesians go to Lille;
15 February: Salesians go to Sarriá, Barcelona;
December: Salesians in Paris.
We have arrived at a point where we see two sides of Don Bosco’s life. On the one side we see
him still showing great mobility, sustained by exceptional strength of will which overcomes his
physical fragility. The struggle to keep his youth institutions afloat and stay on top of the costly
construction of Sacro Cuore, the Sacred Heart Church, made him feel there was no other
alternative than to take to the road and meet old and new benefactors, go begging for money as
laborious as that may be. He felt he would be crazy not to. His physical energy was draining and
old ills were re–emerging more seriously with new ones, too, at times endangering his life.
Nevertheless with a few breaks here and there he was always at work. This was the period of the
greatest structural and juridical consolidation for the two Religious Institutes, for significant
journeys, expansion of works, depth of understanding of his spirituality, liveliness of animation and
growing visibility.
But there was another side where the biographical picture changes radically. Don Bosco’s life
will be seen to be increasingly marked by times of closure. His life will be largely spent within the
ambit of ‘family events’, even while constantly surrounded and enriched by spiritual extension, his
broader impact, and the projection of his educative, missionary and spiritual messages.
1. Don Bosco the educator, social worker, miracle worker during the trip to Paris (1883)
As a tireless beggar, Don Bosco had known for some years which direction to turn to with greater
profit – France where he built up a huge family of benefactors, men and women. As a country,
France was much more consistent in terms of financial resources than Italy, which had only been
seeking political unity and an acceptable economic structure for about two decades and had only
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areas and huge numbers were feeding a colossal migrant outpouring into Europe, France itself,
and overseas.
Even before the end of 1882 and early 1883 Don Bosco was forewarning some charitable
individuals: ‘If France remains calm,’ he told Claire Louvet ‘I will leave on 20 January next for
Genoa and Nice, the Alps, Cannes, Toulon, Marseilles, Valence, Lyons and be due in Paris at the
end of March.’1 A few days before departure, which was 31 January, he indicated a more detailed
itinerary: Sampierdarena, Varazze, Alassio, Ventimiglia, Nice, Toulon, Marseilles from 31 January
to 1 April, between arrival and time spent in each of these places.’2 From Marseilles he indicated
the stages to follow: Lyons and Paris and his residence in the French capital: ‘I will leave for Lyons
on 1 April and hope to arrive in Paris on the 15th … Address in Paris: Chez Mme. De Combaud, 34
Avenue de Messine.’3
In this his most extensive journey to France and triumphal time in Paris, there was no mention
of the political problems with Italy caused by the French occupation of Algeria, which became a
French Protectorate in May 1881 or, from Italy’s side, with the signing of the Triple Accord with the
German and Austro–Hungarian Empires on 20 May 1882, news of which filtered out at the
beginning of 1883. Nor did there appear to be any notable effects from the political, social and
cultural shift provoked by the republican, secular and anticlerical revolution which took place in
France in 1879, reinforced by rapid and drastic school legislation in 1880–1882.4 In some respects,
Don Bosco’s journey seemed to be outside history. Other than the usual people he spoke with in
the south, in the north he seemed to be surrounded by people who represented the past more than
the future: legitimists, monarchists, pretenders to the throne or their supporters. Just the same, he
was also able to ‘create history’ in the Catholic world as the spokesman for hope in God who was
involved in human affairs, and for confidence that charity could bring about the eternal kingdom of
God rather than human kingdoms. However, his journey to France was not actually an apostolic or
missionary pilgrimage. His long stay in Paris, as in Nice, Marseilles, Lyons and elsewhere, had the
purpose of meeting benefactors and encouraging charity for Salesian works and to build the
Sacred Heart Church in Rome.
The itinerary was substantially adhered to with one or two days delay. Having left on 31 January
with Fr Durando and French Salesian Fr De Barruel, he made brief visits from 31 January to 14
February to houses in Liguria from Sampierdarena to Varrazze, Alassio, Vallecrosia. He arrived in
Mentone towards midnight on the 15th where he was the guest of an English Lord. On the 16th he
was in Nice at the Patronage Saint–Pierre. He began the intense activity of money collection at
that point, speaking in public and in private, visiting and receiving people, blessing them, collecting
donations for the various works.
He remained in Nice until the end of February, then went on to Cannes, Toulon, La Navarre. On
16 March he was in Marseilles where he remained until 2 April. He was certainly informed of
Archbishop Gastaldi’s sudden death, which happened on 25 March, Easter Sunday. We do not
know any of his reactions. It was Fr Rua’s decision, in agreement with his absent superior, that at
10.00 am. on 5 April, as reported by L’Unità Cattolica, ‘the Salesian Congregation’ celebrated ‘a
solemn funeral Office’ in the Church of Mary Help of Christians in the presence of some of the
deceased’s family.5
Friends and benefactors in Marseilles were invited by a circular, dated 22 March, to take part in
a Mass celebrated by Don Bosco, the blessing of a statue of Mary Help of Christians and a
1 To C. Louvet, 5 December 1882, E IV 453.
2 To C. Louvet, 18 January 1883, E IV 454.
3 To C. Louvet, from Marseiiles 2 March 1883, E IV 455-456.
4 Cf. Chap. 2, § 9.
5 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 79, Wednesday 4 April 1883, p. 515.

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conference for Cooperators followed by Benediction.6 It was a day of celebration at the Oratoire
Saint–Leon. The diocesan Bishop, Jean Robert, was present in the evening, as well as Canon
Clement Guiol and his brother Mons. Louis, the Rector of the Catholic Faculties in Lyons. Don
Bosco gave a lengthy address. The first part was dedicated to a review of works undertaken and
needing support ‘for the benefit of religion and civil society.’ He dwelt in particular on French works
he had visited a few days earlier at La Navarre, Saint–Cyr and the Oratorie Saint–Leon. He drew
his listeners’ attention to this latter, especially the chapel that had been built, and land that had
been purchased for a third building under construction which would allow them to go from 300 to
400 or more boys. But debts had also increased by some 200,000 francs worth overall. Moreover,
the boys’ appetites were excellent. How can we meet all this? Simply by making a profession of
very concrete charity, recalling the ‘words of the Gospel: Date et dabitur vobis.’ Whoever offers his
neighbour charity is lending it to God and will be sure of a hundred percent interest: the best
paying bank of all.7
On 2 April, with Fr Barruel as his secretary, he left for Avignon and stayed there on the 3rd as
guest of Michel Bent, a religious items and furniture merchant. On the 4th he went to Valence.
During the trip from Valence to Lyons he stopped over at Tain at the home of Albert Du Boÿs, his
important biographer as we have seen. He was guest of Mons. Louis Guiol in Lyons from 7–16
April. On the 8th he visited the Sanctuary of Notre–Dame de Fourvière, where he was received by
Benedictine Dom Pothier and the Superior General of the Sulpicians. On the 15th he returned to
Fourvière to visit the Sisters of the “Société de N. Dame de la Retraite du Cenacle,’ blessing a sick
sister and the co–foundress Thérèse Couderc (1791–1885) who was also ill. On 11 April he was
invited to dinner at the seminarian’s holiday house, addressing them with words of advice and
encouragement.
A certain Fr Boisard had founded the Oeuvre des ateliers d’apprentissage in the suburb of
Guillotière in Lyons. In 1882, he had spent a month at the Oratory and was inspired to introduce
the preventive system and spirit of piety he found there in his own work. Don Bosco visited him and
addressed his educators and co–workers ‘in picturesque language.’ He prefaced his words by
saying that children are God’s delight and developed his thesis on the relationship between the
education of youth and the good of society: ‘Society’s salvation, gentlemen, is in your pockets,’ he
told them in his well–known words. ‘These boys taken in by the Patronage, and the boys sustained
by the Oeuvre des ateliers await your help. If you hold back now, if you allow these boys to
become victims of Communists theories, the benefits you refuse them today they will come and
demand from you one day, no longer with cap in hand, with your goods they will also want your
life.’ When a journalist asked him who he was referring to he replied: ‘These are works that not
only Catholics should support viribus unitis, but all people who have the morality of childhood at
heart. Humanitarians no less than Christians need to get involved. It is the only way to prepare a
better future for society.8 In Lyons, Don Bosco obtained an audience with the Central Council of the
two Works, the Propagation of the Faith, and the Holy Childhood. He pleaded passionately for the
Patagonian Missions. At the headquarters of the Société de Geographie on 14 April, he also gave
a conference on the ‘progress of Christian civilisation’ in Patagonia, thanks to the religious, moral
and humanising activity of the Salesians among the Indios.9 On 16 April he wrote to Fr Albera from
Lyons, sharing out money, one of the results of his stay in Avignon: ‘We are leaving for Paris, but
with a day’s stopover in Moulins. You will receive 5 thousand francs from Mrs Duros of Avignon,
6 Text of invitation with order of rites in MB XVI 466-467.
7 Festa e conferenza dei Cooperatori nell’Oratorio di San Leone in Marsiglia, BS 7 (1883) no. 5, May, pp.
78-80; “Bulletin Salésien” 5 (1883) no. 6, June, pp. 70-73; cf. Chap. 22, § 7.
8 Echo de Fourvière, 12 April 1883, in Répertoire analytique des lettres françaises adressées à don osco
en 1883, ed. F. DESRAMAUT, “Cahiers Salésiens”, no. 8-9, April-October 1983, pp. 112-115.
9 Don Bosco à la Société de Géographie de Lyon (14 avril 1883), “Cahiers Salésiens”, no. 8-9..., p. 115-
117.

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half of which is for you and half for S. Isidore or Saint–Cyr. Our address in Paris: Countess de
Combaud, Avenue de Messine 34.10 Keep praying. Things are going well.’11
On arrival in Paris, late in the afternoon of 18 April, Don Bosco immediately asked Turin for
items both sacred and secular: ‘Tell me quickly: 1. An address for getting medals, holy pictures of
Mary Help of Christians. 2. If they can’t be found here in Paris, send them to me from Turin.
Avenue Messine 34.’ He wrote to Fr Berto: ‘Send me my summer coat.’12
Since Countess de Combaud’s apartment where Don Bosco was staying was on the fourth
floor, and not convenient for audiences, the Paris community of the Oblate Sisters of the Heart of
Jesus in Rue de la Ville l’Evêque made part of their premises available to receive the many people
who came to visit Don Bosco in the afternoons. He continued to see visitors from Friday, 20 April to
Monday the 30th. Between letters, various documents among which a memoir of a ‘Former
Magistrate’ from Paris,13 and especially an interesting diary of events kept daily by young Oblate
Charlotte Bethford, we have an almost live picture of the throng that crowded in hour after hour to
see Don Bosco.14 People came from every level of society, seeing the saint and miracle worker in
him. They came to ask him to pray for them, bless them, be their spokesman with the Virgin Help
of Christians, mediatrix of spiritual and material graces, healings, solutions to personal, family, and
business problems. Sometimes the diarist thought she could identify some traces of superstition as
well as expressions of sincere devotion. Don Bosco welcomed and listened to them all with
‘incredible’ kindness and patience, advising, handing out a medal or holy picture of Our Lady,
receiving alms, thanking and farewelling them with an exhortation to faith and Christian hope. His
hosts had to work ‘firmly and kindly’ to control who came in. There was an endless queue of
visitors, and they needed to extend the hours initially planned for.
However, it was just one side of Don Bosco’s exhausting daily commitments. Before and after
the protracted chore of audiences, the day was packed with meeting large groups in public
churches and private chapels, religious celebrations in monasteries in male and female
communities, Catholic educational institutes; conferences, visits to the sick and families under
particular stress.
The day following his arrival he went to the Archbishop’s palace, where he was met by the
Coadjutor Bishop with right of succession, François–Marie Richard (1819–1908), and in the
afternoon by eighty–year–old Cardinal Archbishop Joseph–Hippolyte Guibert OMI (1802–86), who
invited him to preach and ask for money at the Church of the Magdalene. On the 21st he visited
the work at Auteuil, which abbé Roussel had offered him without hesitation three years earlier. He
returned there on the afternoon of 20 May, when he spoke to the boys and prayed with hem.15
On 22 April, Don Bosco dined with the Assumptionists. Among other things it seems he
encouraged them to turn the periodical La Croix into a daily paper.16 Since he was just coming
away from a lengthy battle on behalf of the Catholic school, he was able to understand and share
the vehement defence of the Church’s rights and of Catholicism which the Assumptionists had
vigorously mounted, led by their resolute founder Fr Emmanuel d’Alzon (1810–80).17 But Don
Bosco, who belonged to no party and was looking for money, probably had to remain outside the
10 E IV 216.
11 To G. Rossi, 19 April 1883, E IV 216.
12 To Fr G. Berto, 19 April 1883, E IV 217.
13 Dom Bosco à Paris, par un Ancien Magistrat, 5ème édition. Paris, Ressayre 1883.
14 Cf. F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco, rue de la Ville l’Evêque, à Paris en avril, in April 1883, RSS 7 (1988) 9-34.
15 “France illustrée”, 26 May 1883 and in E. GUERS, Une grande oeuvre à Paris. L’orphelinat d’Auteuil et
l’abbé Roussel. Paris-Auteuil, Librairie de la France illustrée, s. d., pp. 238-239.
16 Cf. Le Pèlerin 12 May 1883 and La Croix del 1 December 1934. La Croix became a daily on 16 June
1883; reference to the visit in E. LACOSTE, Le P. Vincent de Paul Bailly Fondateur de “La Croix” et la
Maison de la Bonne Presse - 2 décembre 1836 - 2 décembre 1912. Paris, Bonne Presse 1913, p. 79.

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intransigence of the feisty group behind the newspaper which was at the heart of Catholic
intransigency. In contrast to a ‘viscerally realist and counter–revolutionary’ France, Don Bosco
represented ‘the efficient action of the regenerating preservation of society.’ 18 Le Pèlerin which the
Assumptionists had been publishing for years, gave a more earnest theological interpretation of
Don Bosco’s presence in Paris on 12 May: ‘As for us, we believe Don Bosco’s arrival in Paris, at
the heart of France, uplifting souls as he does, is one of the most impressive results of the prayers
and penances at the beginning of the year, and of the pilgrimage to Jerusalem. The sentiment
involving all of Paris, which seems indifferent to the passing through of a priest, religious, saint, so
shortly after the expulsions, and which throws money into his hands almost as if it were a ransom,
is certainly a supernatural deed of the first order and we believe that Don Bosco, an old man
shuffling along, gently supported by the arm of a friend, failing in eyesight and who reads no
newspapers, provides France with nothing more or less than the solution to the worker question.’19
On the evening of 23 April, Don Bosco visited the St Sulpice Seminary. He gave the clerics a
brief talk on Erat lucerna ardens et lucens and stayed for supper. On the 28th he celebrated Mass
in the parish church of Our Lady of Victories.20 In January, Don Bosco had sought hospitality from
the parish priest there during his Paris sojourn, stressing the coincidence of the two Marian titles:
Our Lady of Victories and Mary Help of Christians. But because the presbytery was just too small,
Fr L Chevojon, much to his regret, had to tell him it was impossible to take him in and that he had
found no other solution.21 It was the day for the Archconfraternity Mass. Don Bosco ‘spoke of
charity and Mary Help of Christians.’ He ‘explained the purpose of his works, asked for alms for his
poor orphans.’ The collection resulted in the considerable sum of 2,000 francs. 22 Sunday 29th was
full of commitments. It began with the celebration of the Mass at the Church of St Thomas of
Villanova with a nearby community of Sisters whom he visited. He then went to a church adjacent
to the St Sulpice parish, which was the headquarters of the ‘catechism of perseverance’ for
women, run by Fr Sire. Don Bosco spoke ‘slightly hesitant’ French ‘with a quaint Italian accent,’
giving a short talk which was listened to with bated breath. The talk was included in the meeting’s
minutes. He said he was happy to be in a chapel where Pius VII had been, and to be in
communion of heart and spirit with his listeners. He gave them some advice: ‘Above all be good
Catholics, preserve the fear of God which alone can make you very happy in this life and after
death. Spread this around. May God give you the grace to infuse it in your parents, your friends
and enemies. I bless you. May you be the honour and glory of St Sulpice and the support of the
Church.’ One of the women who later became a sister, gave a description of him in her diary,
highlighting his imminent physical decline: ‘Don Bosco still has dark hair. He is of ordinary stature,
slightly bent over, with a long thin face. He walks very slowly, since his labours have weakened him
so; he also sees very poorly. How good is it to be in contact with a saint.’ 23
At 3.00 pm. he gave a comprehensive conference in Paris’s most aristocratic church, La
Madeleine. We have a shorthand version of the text of the conference which was advertised
beforehand and had an extraordinary effect.24 ‘We are going to talk to you about young people’ he
17 Cf. Emmanuel d’Alzon dans la societé et l’Église du XIXe siècle. Colloque d’histoire sous la direction de
René Rémond et Émile Poulat, 4-6 décembre 1980. Paris, Éditions du Centurion 1982.
18 F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco en son temps (1815-1888). Turin, SEI 1996, pp. 1172 e 1175.
19 “Pèlerin”, 12 May 1883, “Cahiers Salésiens”, no. 8-9, p. 119; “Bulletin Salésien” 5 (1883) no. 5, May, p.
64.
20 Cf. Chap. 2, § 2.
21 Cf. letter undated [January 1883], MB XVI 460-461.
22 Documenti XXV 146-148, 166-167.
23 MB XVI 187-189, 498-499.
24 Published in the Gazette de France, supplement on 30 April 1883, taken up by the Ancien Magistrat from
Paris and, with some variations, by L. AUBINEAU, Dom Bosco. Sa biographie, ses oeuvres et son séjour à
Paris. Paris, A. Josse [1883], pp. 21-31; brief news items and summary in BS 7(1883) no. 6, June, pp.

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said. ‘According to the words of one of your most illustrious prelates, Bishop Dupanloup. “society
will be good if you give its youth a good education. If you leave them prey to evil, society will be
perverted.’ ‘When you speak to me about youth,” a holy priest said, “I don’t want you telling me
about projects, plans; I want to see the results that ensue.” This is why I simply explain to you what
divine providence has allowed us to do for youth; your hearts will be touched by it.’ He then went
on to speak of the purpose and the importance of his work, explaining that he intended to refer to
‘abandoned boys who run around through the streets, squares, lane ways, and who, if ignored, will
sooner or later become the scourge of society and end up populating the prisons.’ He told them
about the beginnings and developments of his work in Turin, first the Oratory then the hospice, how
it spread throughout Italy, France and later Latin America, the founding of the FMA Institute. He told
them that ‘Today the number of houses we have founded and run has reached the huge figure of
164. They take in more than 150,000 boys and each year around 35,000 to 40,000 enter and
leave. Every year we have the consolation of having co–operated in the salvation of souls we have
enabled to serve God, religion, their country, family and society.’ It had been very difficult finding
the money required, nevertheless ‘here is the great mystery’ that up until now we have succeeded
despite being ‘poor and without means of sustenance.’ It was the ‘secret of God’s merciful
goodness. He has been pleased to favour my work because the good of society and the Church
lies in the good education and upbringing of youth. For us the Holy Virgin has really been Our Lady
Help of Christians; we owe the success of our labours to her’ and ‘She blesses those who busy
themselves with the young.’ He finished by thanking his listeners, and Our Lady Help of Christians,
who would not fail them with her heavenly assistance. ‘As a reward for your charity to the orphans,’
he said ‘she will protect your interests, your families and be the guide and support of your children.
I ask her to always be our Mother and to be our supreme protector at the hour of our death. May
She be our strength and hope here below as we wait to be able to praise and bless Her in
Heaven.’25 When the conference was over, Don Bosco was picked up by Fr Pietro Gasparri (1852–
1934), future Cardinal and Secretary of State for Benedict XV and Pius XI, who went with him to
the Catholic Institute where Gasparri had been Professor of Canon Law for a number of years.
The following day, he returned to the Madeleine to celebrate Mass for the collectors at the vigil –
the night before they had collected the considerable amount of 15,000 francs – and for benefactors
of his work.
On Tuesday, 1 May, he celebrated Mass at the church of St Sulpice, ‘the queen of parishes’ in
Paris, with a crowd of faithful as many as for the largest of solemnities. After the Gospel reading
the two assistant priests accompanied him to the communion rail where he spoke for ten minutes
before a public which listened in profound silence. ‘Religion’ he said ‘softens the miseries and
afflictions of our exile. Only religion can assure us of happiness after our exile on earth. Persevere
in your tradition of generous charity for all good works. The most important one is the Christian
education of youth. Begin at home, bring your children up well.’ ‘I am sorry I cannot talk to you
about the work I am asking alms for. It consists at gathering orphans and vagabonds to instruct
them, make good citizens and Christians out of them. Your donations are used to develop this
good work. This way you will attract God’s blessing on yourselves.’26 In the afternoon Don Bosco
was taken to the Vincentians, and spoke to the assembly at the patronage about the orphans. The
group included the Dame Patronesse and the committee of founding members.27 On 2 May, Fr
87-88.
25 Documenti XXV 167-172. The text is taken from Gazette de France; also the case in MB XVI 526-530.
26 Dom Bosco, “Le Rosier de Marie”, 12 May 1883; cf. L. AUBINEAU, Dom Bosco..., pp. 35-36; Documenti
XXV 184-186.
27 Cf. L. AUBINEAU, Dom Bosco..., pp. 37-42; Documenti XXV 189-191; MB XVI 538-540.

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Rua arrived from Turin to help Don Bosco and Fr De Barruel. On 3 May, Don Bosco celebrated
Mass and spoke at the Church of St. Chlotilde.28
With regard to the first stage of Don Bosco’s stay in Paris, Leon Aubineau, in his Dom Bosco.
Asked himself: ‘Why so much emotion surrounding Don Bosco in Paris? A fortnight ago Don
Bosco’s name was barely known, yet all of a sudden countless Christians surrounded him in
acclamation, flocked to the churches where he was celebrating Mass to pray with him and receive
his blessing. He is close to their hopes and sorrows, consoling, blessing, encouraging. He is a
priest of works, in France too, and spokesman for Divine Providence which supports them; a
messenger of a living, spontaneous, joyful piety; on the one hand there is wealth that gives and
charity that abounds, and on the other there is the poverty that gratefully receives.’ 29
Don Bosco was away from Paris for ten or so days. On 5 May, he went to Lille, the départment
in the north on the border with Belgium, where he remained until the 14th as guest of Mr de
Montigny. He visited and accepted the orphanage of St Gabriel.30 Archbishop Alfred Duquesnay of
Cambrai, the diocese Lille then belonged to, thanked him for his visit to the city and for accepting
the work, in a letter on 18 May.31
Particularly touching was the Mass he celebrated at the Sacre Coeur Sisters Institute and his
meeting with the Sisters and their pupils. He visited other religious communities and celebrated
Mass in some parish churches, and went to bless the sick. On the return trip to Paris he spent two
days at Amiens asking for money from some charitable families; he said Mass and spoke in the
cathedral. Perhaps it was not by chance that Don Bosco declined the invitation of the 12th Catholic
Congress, which began in Paris on 9 May, to preside at one of the sessions,32 and he returned to
the capital when the congress was over. He probably wished to avoid the risk that Christian
philanthropy would be seen to be in collusion with political aims.
On return to the Avenue Mesine on the 16th he remained there a further ten days. On Thursday
17 May, he gave a conference to a packed public audience in St Augustine’s church. Among other
things he expressed the hope that the pious men and women of Paris who were so open to charity
would help him found a work like the ones in Marseilles, Nice, Turin, a house to accept poor boys
and vagabonds, a simple place that would not create a stir.33 The following day, 18 May, he
celebrated Mass at the Hotel Lambert where Prince Ladislao Czartoryski was staying, and which
members of the d’Orleans family attended. The Count de Paris belonged to this family and was
next in line, as pretender to the throne, to the Count de Chambord. After Mass, Don Bosco spent
time with the thirty or so people there, including Augusto Czartoryski who served at Mass, and who
would later take his vows in the Salesian Society after a brief but difficult journey.34 On 21 May, he
visited the Mathilde refuge for incurable patients where he celebrated Mass and blessed the sick.
In the early afternoon that same day he resumed audiences at the Oblate Sisters of the Sacred
Heart and gave a conference in the church of Saint–Pierre–du–Gros–Caillou. The first to speak
was Cardinal Lavigerie, Bishop of Carthage, who dearly wanted to meet the ‘Italian Vincent de
Paul’. He seized the opportunity to invite him to go with his religious family, ‘half Italian, half French’
to Tunisia: many Italian families had established themselves there, he said, and ‘there was a need
28 Documenti XXV 198-200.
29 L. AUBINEAU, Dom Bosco..., pp. 6-18, 38-42.
30 Cf. § 5.
31 Text in MB XVI 555.
32 Cf. Il Congresso Cattolico di Parigi, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 113, Tuesday 15 May 1883, pp. 450-451.
33 Don Bosco..., par un Ancien Magistrat, pp. 103-105; Un discorso di don Bosco nella chiesa di S.
Agostino di Parigi, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 119, Tuesday 22 May 1883, p. 474.
34 J. DU BOURG, Les Entretiens des Princes à Frohsdorf. Paris, Librairie Académique Perrin et Cie 1910,
pp. 134-135; MB XVI 226-227; cf. Chap. 34, § 5.

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to gather up the orphans and all the children without essential support.’ He concluded by calling on
the ‘Father of orphans in Italy. Come. I am appealing to your heart which has already responded to
the voice of Europe, America; now it is Africa presenting you with its abandoned children reaching
out their arms to you. Your charity is so great that it will be able to accept them.’ 35 Don Bosco
declined much of the praise he heard, thanked him and said he was open to the possible
involvement in Africa. Then once again, he asked for ‘French charity, Parisian charity,’ help for
works that relied on charity.36
On the afternoon of the 22nd, at the invitation of the President of the St Vincent de Paul
Conferences, he met with the Central Council, giving them a brief address. According to the
minutes for 22 May, signed by J. Josse, Don Bosco, ‘as a long–standing member of the St Vincent
de Paul Conference’ highlighted ‘all the good that had come from the Society of St Vincent de Paul
working with parish clergy for works of charity.’ He then spoke of his foundations, saying he had
come to Paris ‘to establish a new house here for poor abandoned boys.’ The principle of education
is to win the hearts of children and obtain their good behaviour and work through the affection they
show their teachers,’ Don Bosco was offered 1,000 francs.37
There was a reception held on the 23rd by many men and women to farewell Don Bosco. It was
held at the hôtel Fauchier belonging to Madame de Combaud’s brother. Various visits to
communities and families filled in the final two days in Paris. A notable one was to the Collège
Stanislas, run by the Marianists, where he spoke to pupils and superiors. Don Bosco then went to
bless the girls staying at the hostel run by the Sisters of Our Lady of Sion. The Carmelite sisters of
the Sacred Heart in Avenue Messine later sent him affiliation to their monastery.38
On 26 May, accompanied by Fr Rua and Fr De Barruel, he left Paris. In an extensive article in
L’Univers, Leon Aubineau wrote up a condensed summary of Don Bosco’s stay in the ‘Ville
Lumière’.39 On the way from Paris to Dejon and Dole, during the stop at Reims to catch the second
train, he met Léon Harmel, friend of Val des Bois. He remained in Dijon from the 26th to the 29th
as guest of the Marquis of Saint–Seine. On the 27th, accompanied by Fr Rua, he celebrated Mass
at the Carmelite Sisters’ Monastery and blessed the Prioress, Maris della Trinità, who was ill,
praying for her recovery. On 28 May she thanked Don Bosco and sent him a donation of 700
francs, then sent him a further 509 francs, taken up in a collection at their chapel, through the
chaplain.40 The month of May preacher at Notre Dame de Dijon sent him a donation of his own,
recommending a long list of intentions for his prayers.41 In Dijon, Don Bosco visited the Jesuit
college where first communions were being celebrated and various families were in attendance.
On the afternoon of the following day he gave a conference at Our Lady of Good Hope. On 29
May, the De Maistre family was waiting for him at Dôle. He left there on the 30th and, passing
through Modane, arrived in Turin towards 9.00am. on Thursday the 31st.
On 2 February 1884, during an address on the social question to the French House of
Representatives, the Bishop of Angers, Charles–Émile Freppel, recalled Don Bosco’s visit to Paris
thus: ‘Yes, Religion! In reality, only St Vincent de Paul brought a solution to the workers question in
his day, more than did all the writers in Louis XIV’s century, and now today, Don Bosco, a Religious
in Italy who visited Paris, succeeds in preparing the solution to the worker question better than all
the speakers in the Italian parliament. This is the truth. That is undebatable!’42 The miracle worker
had also been seen through socio–political eyes: principally, as he had said himself at so many
35 Text in MB XVI 253.
36 Italian and French text in MB XVI 254, 549.
37 Documenti XXV 264-265; MB XVI 208-209, 499-500.
38 Documenti XXV 260-261.
39 Documenti XXV 280-283.
40 Text of the letter reproduced in MB XVI 563. The prior died on 4 November 1889.
41 MB XVI 563-564.

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conferences, because of the strict connection between youthful educative assistance, regeneration
and social peace. But also, according to some of the press, because of some of the hidden
motives Don Bosco’s trip to Paris had in supporting Catholic conservatives, candidates for the
coming political elections. In effect, looking at the circle of admirers and benefactors around Don
Bosco, for those who were unaware of his true personality, he could have appeared to be allied
with the enemies of the new Republic.43 This impression could have been reinforced by his trip to
Frohsdorf. It was, of course, unthinkable that the exhausting chore of audiences in July only be
interpreted as a gesture of forced condescension to friends and of clear pastoral value.
Don Bosco returned home during the novena to Mary Help of Christians, and celebrated the
Feast with his Salesians and boys on 5 June. His arrival at Valdocco on 31 May was especially
joyous. A large banner had been prepared which read; Dear Father, France honours you, Turin
loves you! He stood on a podium and addressed a few words to the large group of Salesians and
boys, calming them, telling them it was still him even if his hat was a French one: he was ‘still your
most affectionate friend so long as God leaves a little bit of life in me.’ Then he went on to
celebrate Mas in the Church of Mary Help of Christians.44
In the evening he gave a conference to the Cooperators, telling them of the central theme of his
tour de France involving both Salesian works and the collaboration of Cooperators in an activity of
undoubted relevance and success. He put his habitual message to them once again, reconfirmed
many times over in the proceeding weeks:’ Work on the good education and upbringing of youth,
especially the poorest and most abandoned, who are in the greater number, and you will easily
succeed in giving glory to God, procuring the good of Religion, saving many souls and effectively
cooperating in the reformation and well–being of society. Reason, religion, history, experience all
demonstrate that religious and civil society will be good or bad according to whether its youth are
good or bad.’ He added, though, that the activity of the Cooperators, in fact and by right, was not
only aimed at supporting Salesian works but also ‘according to their purpose’ procuring ‘the moral
and religious well–being of your own towns.’ He knew ‘how everyone’ was working for ‘the noble
purpose of nurturing young people … in their families, school, parishes.’ Finally, in keeping with
the spirit of their Regulations he indicated practical means and methods ‘to use to help youth.’45
On the evening of 4 June he gave a conference to female Cooperators, touching especially on
looking after ‘boys and girls’. The maternal side of their sensitivity. He applied the following
Scripture passage to the Virgin Mary: Si quis est parvulus veniat ad me ….. Venite filii, audite me:
timorem Domini docebo vos. ‘She is a mother’ and mothers have children of a tender age more
than adults. ‘Mary loved little children both because they are innocent and more easily seduced
and also because they are more worthy of compassion, help, defence.’ They also see Jesus in
them ‘who went from childhood all the way to being a young man under her very own eyes.’
‘Therefore Mary loves and favours people who see to their spiritual and bodily well–being,’
obtaining ‘special and even extraordinary graces’ from God. He assured them they would never
lack the ‘reward’ promised by the Saviour. He demonstrated this by recalling recent events. ‘Most
recently in France, in all the places I went to, Nice, Saint–Cyr, Toulon, Marseilles, Lyons, Amiens,
Paris, Lille, Dijon and many other cities I heard people tell me about favours reported, unexpected
recoveries, the cessation of squabbles and discord, the end of confusion and long–awaited
conversions achieved, and so many other graces obtained through the intercession of Mary Help
42 “Journal officiel de la République française”. Chambre. Débats parlamentaires, 3 February 1884, p. 280
(session on 2nd); cf. Mons. Freppel, Don Bosco e gli operai nella Camera dei deputati francesi, “L’Unità
Cattolica”, no. 36, Sunday 10 February 1884, p. 142.
43 Cf. F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco en son temps..., pp. 1172-1176.
44 BS 7 (1883) no. 7, July, p. 103.
45 BS 7 (1883) no. 7, July, p. 104; cf. Arrivo di D. Bosco a Torino e la conferenza dei Cooperatori salesiani,
“L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 129, Sunday 3 June 1883, p. 514.

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of Christians as told by people who had been benefactors of poor youth.’ Date et dabitur vobis was
his final appeal.46
The feast of Mary Help of Christians was an exceptional one. The Coadjutor Bishop of Ceneda
(Vittorio Veneto today) presided, Bishop Sigismondo Brandolini Rota (1823–1908) of an ancient
noble family. He stayed four days at Valdocco, thoroughly charmed by Don Bosco, the Oratory, the
life led by the Salesians and boys. He expressed his astonishment in evening talks (goodnights)
given to the student section on 7 June and the trade boys section on the 8th, the eve of his
departure. ‘I am leaving you very much moved, profoundly impressed by what I have seen,’ he
said. ‘I will go to Veneto and speak about D. Bosco everywhere, about his wonderful institute, the
majestic ceremonies I have been at, his boys’ ‘Ah! How I would love to stay with you, live your
life!’47 It was not just wishful thinking. In August he asked if he could be accepted among the
Salesians, put aside any episcopal signs and carry out any pastoral service assigned him.48 Don
Bosco replied positively49 but the Pope did not give his assent. As Coadjutor with right of
succession, in 1885, the bishop, who remained very affectionate towards the Salesian Society,
replaced his predecessor, Bishop Cavriani.
2. From Paris to Frohsdorf: Don Bosco’s religious, social, and educative politics
Don Bosco also recalled events in France for the past pupils when they came to pass on their best
wishes on 24 June. The argument had already been broached the year before in his usual meeting
with the Oratory past pupils. At Valdocco on 23 July 1882, Prof. Alessandro Fabre had read a
speech which was then published on Don Bosco’s politics.’50 At the time, Don Bosco did not pick
up on it in his own address,51 but he did so on this 24 June occasion, with explicit reference to the
French experience .
‘Recently, as you know, I was in Paris and gave talks in various churches to plead the cause of
our works and, let us be frank, to get money to provide bread and soup for our boys, who never
lose their appetites. Now, among the listeners there were some who came along only to hear D.
Bosco’s political ideas.’ But his words were enough to dissolve their presumptions. With the past
pupils he both denied and affirmed the social and political worth of educative and social work. It
was the kind of activity that society would never threaten and indeed would strengthen. ‘No, really’
he stated ‘we do not do politics with our work,’ meaning party politics and, ultimately revolutionary
activity. ‘We respect constituted authority, observe laws that should be obeyed. Pay taxes.’ But
politics could also be understood in constructive terms, and he did not shrink from this. ‘If you like,
we also do politics, but in an innocuous way, indeed a way that benefits any Government.’ In fact
‘the work of the oratories’ in its broadest sense tends to ‘reduce the number of unruly types,
vagabonds, by coming to the relief, especially, of the most needy youth.’ ‘It lessens the number of
little miscreants and young thieves.’ ‘It empties the prisons … forms good citizens’ who will support
authorities in ‘maintaining order in society, tranquillity and peace.’ ‘This is our politics’ he
concluded, revealing his moderation and confirming his political neutrality, which he ended up
recommending to the past pupils themselves.52
It was not affected by the episode in which Don Bosco was the main character three weeks
later. An unforeseen event, experienced and interpreted differently, took Don Bosco away from the
46 BS 7 (1883) no. 7, July, pp. 104-105.
47 Documenti XXV 306-308.
48 Cf. text in MB XVI 567-568.
49 To Bishop S. Brandolini, 16 August 1883, E IV 232-233.
50 A. FABRE, La politica di don Bosco. Turin, Tip. G. Derossi 1882, 16 p.
51 BS 6 (1882) no. 9, September, pp. 149-150.
52 BS 7 (1883) no. 8, August, pp. 127-128.

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relative quiet of Valdocco: the quick but exhausting trip to Frohsdorf Castle in Austria to be at the
beside of Count de Chambord. Apart from the person he was invited to visit and what he meant
politically, and to whom he was to bring the blessing of Our Lady, it was a case like too many
others for Don Bosco, to whom many turned in time of hardship and need. He felt he was simply a
priest who, despite some resistance due to health and probably also political opportunity, believed
in the saving power, as well as its therapeutic value, if it were God’s will, of the Blessed Virgin’s
intercession in the order of temporal and eternal salvation if someone asked for protection. This
was not the case for many who saw in the Count de Chambord, the legitimate pretender to the
French throne and the guarantee of a new political, moral and religious restoration. What they were
looking for from the miracle worker, his prayers and blessing, was a miracle in favour of the
Count’s health and along with this, the Catholic cause in France and the Church. Similar
expectations, because of their intimate bond with their father, were shared by the small world
closest to Don Bosco, the Salesians at the Oratory and in the neighbouring houses, as well as by
moderate Catholics in Turin, readers of the L’Unità Cattolica or those who sympathised with it.53
The event was closely followed by various secular and anticlerical or irreligious newspapers, but
for quite the opposite reasons. The main spokesman for a range of ‘anti’ views in Turin was the
Gazzetta del popolo, which ran articles on 20 and 22 July.
Four telegrams came to Don Bosco on 1 July regarding the state of health of the Count Henri
de Chambord (1820–1883), resident at Frohsdorf Castle in Nieder–Österreich, 40 kilometres from
Vienna, close to the station at Wiener–Neustadt.54 After letters and insistent requests, Count
Joseph Du Bourg from Tolouse arrived at the Oratory on 13 July, sent by the man who was ill, and
with the support of Baron Ricci des Ferres they convinced Don Bosco to go. He left the Oratory
that same evening with Fr Rua, arriving after an interminably long journey across Lombardy,
Veneto and Friuili to the Wiener– Neustadt station at 5.00 am. On 15 July, the memorial of St
Henry, the Count’s name day. Don Bosco went immediately to pay his respects to the patient and
then went off with Fr Rua to celebrate Mass. He then had a long conversation with the sick Count,
preparing him prayerfully to receive the blessing of Mary Help of Christians. The meal was at dusk,
during which the patient made a brief appearance in the dining room in his wheelchair.
The Count had a brief period when his illness subsided. On the 16th, the Feast of Our Lady of
Carmel, he wanted Don Bosco to say Mass in his room and to receive communion from him. On
the morning of the 17th the two travellers celebrated Mass, one at 5.30. the other at 6.00, and left
for Turin where they arrived towards midday on the 18th. The patient had apparently improved over
time. The interviewer for L’Unità Cattolica referred to the details of the occasion he had heard from
Don Bosco and commented: ‘He is far from speaking of miracles, but whatever the reason, it is
certain that before D. Bosco’s arrival in Frohsdorf, the Count de Chambord was pretty much given
up on by the doctors and had no further hope of recovery. The Italian papers used the headline
Dying Man from Frohsdorf as the headline for news on the Count, saying ‘Now he is much better:
we certainly cannot say he has recovered and he might get worse and still die, but the latest
telegrams from Frohsdorf tell us that the improvement continues.’55
53 Cf. among the dozens of articles and notices dedicated by the magazine to the sickness, death and
memory of the Count from 4 July to 8 September, D. Bosco a Frohsdorf presso il Conte di Chambord, La
festa di S. Enrico e D. Bosco al castello di Frohsdorf, D. Bosco a Frohsdorf, I trionfi di Maria Ausiliatrice
da Torino a Frohsdorf, “L’Unità Cattolica”, nos 165, 167, 168, 169, Tuesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday,
17, 19, 20, 21 July 1883, pp. 658, 666, 670, 673.
54 Cf. Chap. 2, § 9. For reconstruction of the whole event there is an interesting account by the Count’s
chaplain, ab. Curé, sent to Bishop Serafino Vannutelli, Papal Nuncio at the Court of Vienna (text in MB
XVI 571-575); Viaggio di D. Bosco a Frohsdorf, handwritten ms by Fr Rua with an incomplete report,
published by A. AMADEI, Il servo di Dio Michele Rua, Vol. I. Turin, SEI 1931, pp. 326-329; J. DU BOURG,
Les Entretiens des Princes à Frohsdorf..., pp. 112-169.

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Back at the Oratory, Don Bosco resumed normal work. He had to abandon the meeting with lay
past pupils of the Oratory on 15 July but was not missing on the 19th for the past pupil priests.
Probably also because of controversies that had arisen over his journeys to France and Frohsdorf,
he took a firm stance on what was being said about his miracles in various parts. ‘For some time’
he noted ‘they have been saying and publishing in newspapers that D. Bosco works miracles. This
is a mistake. Don Bosco has never pretended to nor even said that he works miracles. And none of
his sons should agree to propagating this false notion. Let us say clearly how things stand: Don
Bosco prays and gets his boys to pray for people, with a view to obtaining this or some other grace
and many times God, in his infinite goodness, grants the grace that is asked for, including
sometimes extraordinary and miraculous ones. Our Lady Help of Christians: there is the miracle
worker, the worker of graces and miracles through the power she has received from her Divine Son
Jesus.’ She does so in particular on behalf of Don Bosco and his works, bestowing graces on
those who helped him–.For example, She says: “Do you want to be healed? Well, do something
charitable for hose poor boys, lend a hand to these works, and I will do you the charity of healing
you.”’56
At the beginning of August, Don Bosco sent a message in the form of a prayer to Frohsdorf,
written in French on the back of a holy picture of Mary Help of Christians: ‘O Mary in honour of your
Assumption into heaven, bring a special blessing to your son Henry and his charitable spouse, and
grant hem good health and perseverance on the road to Paradise. Amen. Turin, 4 August. 1883.’57
But the illness, a malignant cancer, followed its inexorable course. On 14 August, Don Bosco
wrote to the Count’s wife, Archduchess Maria Teresa Este, assuring her of his prayers and a
memento in his Mass ‘to obtain this earnestly desired grace: the complete recovery of the Count de
Chambord. These prayers of ours, joined with so many others for the same purpose in almost all of
Europe must undoubtedly be heard, unless God in his infinite wisdom sees it better to call our
august patient to enjoy the reward for his charity and other virtues. In this case we humbly say: Let
it be done as God wishes. But I am convinced we have not yet reached this moment.’58
The Count de Chambord, Henry V of Bourbon, died on 24 August.59 A summary of the events
involving Don Bosco can be found in one of his detailed complaints against Il Secolo, a Milan
newspaper which, with many others, had flagged a presumed deed of corruption at the Oratory
and then wriggled out of it with a forced, miserable retraction.60
But August held in store an unexpected gift for Don Bosco which made his final years more
serene. ‘I cannot adequately express the enthusiasm with which the appointment of Cardinal
Alimonda as Archbishop of Turin has been received’ he wrote to Cardinal Nina on 31 July.61 ‘It will
make history in this diocese.’ On 2 August, he sent his personal congratulations and those of the
Salesian Congregation to the new Archbishop, who replied on the 5th from Castellamare with great
55 D. Bosco a Frohsdorf, e I trionfi di Maria Ausiliatrice da Torino a Frohsdorf e viceversa, “L’Unità
Cattolica”, nos 165 and169, Tuesday 17 andSaturday 21 July 1883, pp. 658 and 673. The text of the
interview was also published in the Bollettino Salesiano in August (pp. 130-131).
56 BS 7 (1883) no. 8, August, p. 129; cf. Almost identical expressions in Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985)
103: see also Chap. 32, § 4.
57 Documenti XXVI 462-463.
58 E IV 232.
59 Beginning from 14 August “L’Unità Cattolica” informed readers about the worsening situation of the
Count’s illness until his death: “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 189, Tuesday 14 August 1883, p. 754, La salute del
Conte di Chambord; no. 190, Wednesday 15 August, p. 758, Notizie del Conte di Chambord; no. 192,
Saturday 18 August, p. 767, Le preghiere di Francia per il Conte di Chambord; no. 199, Sunday 26
August, p. 793, Morte del Conte di Chambord.
60 “Il Secolo” di Milano e l’Istituto di don Bosco a Torino, BS 7 (1883) no. 9, September, pp. 141-145.
61 E IV 228.

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affection: he asked for prayers for the arduous task, signing off as, ‘Your most affectionate servant
and friend.’62
Over those days, through the Capitular Vicar General in Turin, Don Bosco expressed his
availability to the Archbishop of Naples, Cardinal Sanfelice, to immediately take two boys orphaned
by the disastrous earthquake which struck on 28 July 1883, at Casamicciola on the island of
Ischia.63
On Cardinal Alimonda’s name day, he offered him a few words and some books and ‘the
respectful homage of the whole Salesian Congregation,’ adding a prayer to St Cajetan which he
wrote himself: ‘May the Lord give him good health, but may he soon come among us where his
flock earnestly awaits him, and we offer ourselves and place ourselves in his hands to do and say
what he decides best for the greater glory of God – Don Bosco’s and all the Salesians’ prayer.
Turin. 7 August 1883.’64
Then, on the 8th he made a quick trip to Prato to bless a man who had been struck down with a
severe mental illness.65 Over the days that followed L’Unità Cattolica wrote much about the new
Pastor, the 9 August Consistory, and the imposition of the pallium on the 10th.66 Cardinal
Alimonda’s entry to the Archdiocese took place on 18 November in a fully religious solemnity, since
the Cardinal, while grateful for the intention of the Mayor and Council to welcome him officially, and
knowing the journalist’ ‘controversies over this, wanted to be ‘a minister of peace, harmony and
love’ and forestall the ‘risk of any disorder or unpleasantness.’67
The celebration of Don Bosco’s birthday on the conventional 15 August date was an especially
festive occasion. Fr Rua had sent out a circular and invitation to the academy at 6.00 pm. The
Father’s birthday was ‘solemnised by his sons with singing, instruments and literary compositions’
and distribution of prizes to the trade boys. In the lively address of thanks, Don Bosco wanted to
point to the example of a crowd of 200 or more boys, solid in their faith and without any human
respect who, at the initiative of a past pupil of the Oratory, Carlo Brovia, had established a Society
of young workers at Nizza Monferrato, which ‘is a model today for the whole city,’ he assured them
as an eye witness.68
3. The Third Salesian General Chapter (1883)
From reading documentation on the work of the Third Salesian General Chapter held at Valsalice
from the afternoon of 2 September to the afternoon of 7 September 1883, we gain the distinct
impression that it had not been prepared for with adequate study of the proposed topics.69 Fr John
Bonetti had been appointed moderator, He announced that the Chapter would be held from 1–9
September, the latter date brought forward later,70 The letter of convocation invited rectors of
houses to meet with the local chapter, not all the confreres, and together formulate proposals to be
62 Documenti XXVI 464.
63 To Mons. A. Vogliotti, 4 August 1883, E IV 230.
64 Letter of 7 August 1883, E IV 231.
65 Cf. letter to Fr G. Cagliero, 7 August 1883, E IV 231.
66 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, nos 185 and 186, Thursday and Friday 9 and 10 August 1883, pp. 737 and 741.
67 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 269, Sunday 18 November 1883, p. 1074.
68 Cf. BS 5 (1881) no. 9, September, pp. 8 and 10-11; Chap. 30, § 3.
69 Cf. Verbali del terzo Capitolo generale tenuto al Collegio Valsalice nel Settembre del 1883 byGiovanni
Marenco, unnumbered pages, ASC D 579, FdB 1863 and 7 – 1864 B 3 and Note pel Cap. Gen. tenuto
nel September 1883 by Fr Giulio Barberis, unnumbered pages ASC D 579, FdB 1864 C 10 – D 8. Also
preserved in the ASC are documents relating to the time of preparation and the work of Chapter
Commissions: cf. in total on General Chapter III, FdB 1859 B 4 – 1864 D 10.
70 Draft and printed copy, in ASC D 593, FdB 1859 B 5-7.

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sent to the moderator no later than August. To facilitate this work, ‘topic outlines’ were attached to
the letter, as ‘main topics for discussion.’71 They were simple headings rather than outlines, eight in
all: 1. Regulations for retreats. II. Regulations for novices and their studies. III. Regulations for
parishes run by Salesians. IV. Culture of Coadjutor confreres. V. Directions to give the workers
section in Salesian houses and ways of developing the vocation of the young trade students. VI.
Rules for sending members away. VII. Establishing and developing festive oratories in Salesian
houses. VIII. Revision and modification of the Regulations of the houses.72
Given material from the House Chapters, personal proposals from confreres, the commissions
set up within the General Chapter whose work we have the relevant documentation for, there was
plenty of preparatory material, including dozens of proposals, most of them signed. But it was
improbable that in the brief space available between one general session and the next they would
be able to draw up documents that could be voted on adequately. Chapter members soon realised
this from the rough state of texts to be discussed and approved, as of the afternoon session on 4
September: ‘It was noted that since things have not been sufficiently prepared earlier, none of the
topics can be complete. Don Bosco said: ‘We are here for this now, however, and we will not leave
until we have done all we can do. The entire Congregation is interested in this.73
The number of problems to be dealt with and resolved was disproportionate both to the time
available and the preparedness of the men dealing with them. Some headings, IV and V in
particular, on the coadjutors and formation to be given to young trade students, had been aired in
the previous Chapter, but treating them as topics in their own right was quite new. Six working days
could certainly not exhaust discussion, one of those being Sunday, anyway, bearing in mind the
unforgettable impromptu interventions by Don Bosco and the frequent change of direction: in fact,
he spoke at length on the Salesian Bulletin and ‘monographs’ or house chronicles. He even took
up almost a complete session recounting a dream. Hence the Deliberations were not published.
Discussion of the important topics IV and V was taken up once more in the Fourth General
Chapter, 1886, which could be seen as completing the preceding one.
Nevertheless, the Third General Chapter is notably significant for Don Bosco’s biography thanks
to the active role he played and the ideas he passed on to the Salesians as founder and superior
regarding issues he thought essential for the spirit of the Congregation. They were spread across
all the sessions. His presence at the Fourth and final one, while symbolically significant, was
relatively poor in terms of his specific contribution to the problems that were debated there.
The first session on 2 September was taken up with preliminary matters: selection of two
secretaries, Frs John Marenco and Giulio Barberis, appointment of members of the eight
commissions, establishing the schedule for meetings: from 9.00–12.00, 1600–20.0074 At Don
Bosco’s suggestion at the morning session on 3 September, a further commission was added to
study ways of fostering morality among members. He also spent time offering ‘clarification on the
spirit of the rules’ concerning the novitiate. As we know, some articles were missing from the Italian
translation of the Constitutions which the Salesians had. Don Bosco explained things already
spoken of: ‘The Holy Father said on several occasions that in forming Salesians we aim to make
our novices good; as an exemplary priest should be in the midst of the world so should they be too,
and therefore there needs to be works of piety conducive to this. At the same time, it is good for
them to carry out their duties so we know how ready they are.’ Yet care needed to be taken so
these duties did not get in the way of their ‘practices of piety.’ ‘Regarding the novitiate for the
coadjutors’ the Minutes record: ‘D. Bosco still considers the basics to be what has been done up till
71 Letter of Don Bosco 20 June 1883, E IV 221-222.
72 ASC D 579.
73 G. BARBERIS, Note..., fol. 2v.
74 G. MARENCO, Verbali..., pp. 1-2.

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now, that is, to make them good Christians. And he says: a novice must put the rules of the house
into practice, as well as the general rules of the Congregation, and fulfil his religious duties. That is
enough. What is important is to find someone to think seriously about them and to help and guide
them.’75 The morning session on 4 September was mostly taken up by Don Bosco telling his dream
about America which he had the night before the feast of St Rose of Lima on 30 August.76
He also spoke at the beginning of the afternoon session on ideas relating to separation between
Salesian Religious and the men and women outside, the motivation being: ‘The Congregation
needs to be purged.’ ‘No one from outside,’ he recommended ‘should be admitted to the common
table, so there needs to be an appropriate refectory.’ For reasons of personal morality and social
honour he gave indications to be taken into ‘serious consideration’’ regarding ‘closing the house to
women: 1. No woman should sleep in the house, none. The laundry should also be separate from
the house.’ 2. What has been established for keeping the Sisters separate should be carried out
‘as soon as possible’ ‘because it is of the greatest importance.’ To reinforce this recommendation,
Don Bosco referred to an apostolic visit’ to the Congregation averted due to the Pope’s intervention
but suggested by some people, and more precisely by Cardinal Ferrieri following a report to Rome
on presumed improper behaviour by one Salesian with a Sister when visiting the Sister’s
workshop. He then went on to remind the rectors of their duty to see to the ‘monograph’ or house
chronicle. Among the various proposals that emerged during the session was that of ‘writing a
letter when a confrere dies.’ By way of closing, Don Bosco resumed a reflection harking back to the
First General Chapter on the importance of the discussions under consideration: ‘One of the things
we must aim at is that matters we deal with should be a guide 10, 20, 100 years on; we must be
like an artist: aeternitati pingo.’77
At the afternoon session on 5 September, dedicated to the festive oratories, the chronicler
noted:
‘D. Bosco insists on carrying out the old regulations already printed separately; that if it requires
too many people, one person could cover several roles: clerics or boys could be involved: the
rectors could also be helped by laymen from outside but the said regulations should be carried out
as far as possible.’78
In the morning session on 6 September, dedicated to topic IV, Culture of coadjutor confreres the
Minutes record: ‘D. Bosco and many others are of the view that we should change the name
“Coadjutors”, but it would be better not to call domestic servants coadjutors.’ And further on: ‘D.
Bosco noted that it is appropriate to preserve the terms adopted by the Congregation of Bishops
and regulars in their entirety: Fratre Coadjutores.’ The canons regarding the Culture of the
Coadjutors were approved with various modifications, though we do not know the precise voting,
and they moved on to reading studies on topic V, Direction to be given to the workers section.79
Though the Third General Chapter did not arrive at any document capable of being voted on
regarding this issue as well, just the same, prior to the Chapter in 1880, a Coadjutor had presented
a Plan for a well–regulated administration according to the current needs of the Oratory of St
Francis de Sales in the trade/working boys section and the Councillor for the group had highlighted
various requirements of the trade boys to be proposed at the Gen. Sup. Chap. During the Third
General Chapter or following it, someone had developed it into Proposals on the direction to be
75 G. MARENCO, Verbali..., pp. 3-4.
76 G. MARENCO, Verbali..., pp. 6-7; cf. C. ROMERO, Sogni di don Bosco..., pp. 79-93: the three remaining
manuscripts of Fr Lemoyne bring corrections and additions from Don Bosco; on the content, cf. Chap.
34, § 6.
77 G. MARENCO, Verbali..., pp. 8-9.
78 G. BARBERIS, Note..., fol. 3v.
79 G. MARENCO, Verbali..., pp. 11-12.

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given the trade boys and means for developing and cultivating vocations among them. Over
various drafts it became the document that would be approved at the Fourth Chapter in 1886.80
On the afternoon of 6 September, after some discussion on development of the workshops, they
went on to deal with regulations for the novices. Don Bosco took up the matter once again, since it
was dear to him, of the name and nature of the novitiate, claiming the authority of Pius IX and Leo
XIII in support of his own thinking: ‘The Holy Father, Pius IX, recommended it not be called a
novitiate but by some other name, because the world is not ready to accept this name.’ He ‘gladly
allowed the novices to do studies during their trial year, and have some other occupation.’ In the
first audience he had with Leo XIII, the Pope had confirmed ‘Pius IX’s concessions.’ Further on
‘regarding the aspirants’ the Minutes record that ‘D. Bosco warned everyone in confidence: never
accept anyone as an aspirant to the clerical state if you are certain or even fear that he has had the
misfortune to be involved in cases of wrong–doing.’ Decision instead, was ‘suspended’ on opening
‘a novitiate for trade boy novices’ while seeking ‘to set something up at S. Benigno.’81
In the morning session on 7 September, since ‘the question of parishes was left in abeyance
because it had not been studied sufficiently,’ discussion began on a Rule for the Salesian
Cooperators Association. As we have seen, Don Bosco prefaced this with wide–ranging
explanations on the nature of the Cooperators and ways to promote awareness and animation in
their regard, and on the function of the Salesian Bulletin.’82 Finally he recommended that everyone,
rectors especially, understand the purpose of the Cooperators, make it known and promote it.83
Don Bosco had many reflections to offer at the final session on the afternoon of 7 September.
According to the Minutes he ‘recommends: 1. Understanding and adapting ourselves to our times,
that is, respect for people and, where possible, speaking well of authorities or otherwise remaining
silent if there is no reason to offer an opinion in private. And what I have said about civil authorities
I say a fortiori regarding Ecclesiastical Authority. Let us see that it is respected and that we get
others to respect it even at some sacrifice. These sacrifices will be rewarded in time, with patience
by God. 2. Up till now we have been able to hold our heads high for morality. But due to someone’s
imprudence we have been somewhat compromised. Our good name has been re–established, but
let rectors make every effort to preserve morality, because they are responsible before the public.
The means are the Rules and our Deliberations which they and their dependants must observe.
Therefore, they need to know them. Let these be known through the two monthly conferences.
There is no need for learned conferences; it is sufficient to read the items and give a brief
exhortation and explanation. The basic things that must be instilled most of all are morality etc.’ To
safeguard this, he recommended ‘absolute silence from night until morning’ and caution in
relationships with outsiders. And again: ‘Remind the confreres that if they are lacking in morality
they compromise the House and the Congregation not only before God but also the world. Before
God we lose our soul; before the world, our honour. 3. Nemo repente fit summus, nemo fit malus.
So, attend to these principles. ’Avoid ‘letting go of meditation, practices of piety,’ and avoid certain
newspapers, particular friendships with the boys. ‘They are small, they do not speak, but they do
when they are with their families and they expand on things to the detriment of respect etc. and
God’s glory. For the boys, certain innocent acts of affection can be shown by the superior but not
by others, and only to encourage them to be good.’ He then suggested ‘the preventive system’
once again, regarding use of punishments, and vocations and the good outcome of all their
education: the teacher can scold, upbraid them, but corporal punishment? Never. This refers to the
Rector who will practise the preventive system. It often happens that boys are less guilty than we
80 Cf. J. M. PRELLEZO, La “parte operaia” nelle case salesiane. Documenti e testimonianze sulla formazione
professionale (1883-1886), RSS 16 (1997) 355-368, 373-391.
81 G. MARENCO, Verbali..., pp. 13-16.
82 Cf. Chap. 22, § 7.
83 Cf. G. MARENCO, Verbali..., p. 17.

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believe, as experience shows.’ ‘The Rector can advise, but never in public, never in front of all the
other boys. One on one it is very easy to get them to bend to the will of the superior and to the
preventive system. Benefits: 1. You gain the boy’s confidence. 2. We will increase the number of
vocations. 3. They will be friends when they leave, otherwise enemies. 4. They will never become
worse. They will give good example, not bad example. 5. The Superior of the house cannot
pretend to have all perfect confreres. Be fathers to them, help them, urge them to perfection.’ ‘The
Rector should keep to the rules and never be brusque in his treatment: do this or out! Be
charitable, and if someone does not seem to fit into the house, write to the Superior General etc.
etc., who will fix everything. Finally came the farewell: ‘When you go to our houses greet the
confreres and all the boys. Carry with you the thought that the glory of the Congregation goes with
you. It is all in your hands. God’s help will not be lacking. You have a Father and friend in Turin.
Pray for him, and he will not forget to pray for you at Mass.’84
It was the Don Bosco of always – concrete, given to practical morality, attentive to human
situations small and great which can assist or hinder even the most audacious undertakings.
These were what occupied him at the core of his being, mind, faith and heart. It is no accident that
in an otherwise ‘underwhelming’ Chapter, he told the dream of a recent August night, the second
dream on the American missions. There were ‘thousands and millions’ awaiting help and the faith
from Salesians.85
4. A follow-up on Coadjutors
For active and attentive coadjutors, as well as for priests more sensitive to their problems, the
Chapter’s discussions on the Salesian layman could have seemed fundamentally rushed. We can
also argue this from an analysis of the expectations seen from the proposals which came to the
moderator prior to the Chapter from coadjutors and priests working alongside them in technical
schools or administration roles.
The moderator could have read a number of complaints in response to Don Bosco’s circular on
30 June and his own, requesting proposals on 30 July.86 ‘Word is around among coadjutor
confreres’ the vice administrator of the Oratory wrote ‘that they are held as people of no
consideration in the Congregation. Some even go further and say that Salesian Coadjutors are
regarded as simple servants. So it seems useful to me to prove that this is erroneous and that they
are regarded as people of great consideration in the management of the Congregation’s affairs,
equal to the priest in many things. Although they cannot hold certain positions … They can be
involved in other more or less important roles, for example as Director of workshops, Provider and
other roles where it is better for a layman to be in charge to be able to deal more freely with the
world. Then, the Lord equally rewards in Heaven the one who holds a high position and the one
whose life is spent in menial tasks, indeed, the former has more to fear than the latter.’87
‘It would be better,’ urged the Catechist for the trade boys ‘to find a way of increasing the little
esteem for them on the part of some young confreres, priests or clerics.’88 An authoritative Rector
touched on the question of their qualifications and spiritual uplifting: ‘Ignorance generates
suspicion and murmuring;’ to overcome these two faults in the Coadjutor confreres by instilling
84 G. MARENCO, Verbali..., pp. 18-21. The text of Fr Barberis’ minutes is similar, G. BARBERIS, Note..., fol.
6v-7r.
85 Cf. C. ROMERO, I sogni di don Bosco..., p. 88.
86 Capitolo generale III, ASC D 579 FdB 1859 B 6. Observations and proposals from particular houses and,
in particular, from the artisans section of the Valdocco Oratory are offered in a comprehensive review by
A. PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore nel 1883, RSS 13 (1994) 169-180.
87 Fr S. Fumagalli, ASC D 579, FdB 1859 E 2.
88 Fr A. Ghione, ASC D 579, FdB 1859 E 11.

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great piety and obedience to the rules in their hearts, hold a conference every week instructing
them on the religious state.’89
Others suggested: ‘Let them be given importance on certain occasions to break down the
barrier there is imagined to exist between the layman and the priests.’90 For one Rector and
teacher of literature, the separation of Coadjutors from ordinary laymen took on a less benevolent
meaning: ‘The Coadjutors should be totally separated from outside service people, otherwise they
are more a hindrance than of use, like people who usurp authority to be members of the
Congregation and easily dispense themselves from their duties.’91
One of the most qualified of them, the brother of Don Bosco’s preferred building contractor,
hoped for a good basic culture for lay Salesians and as a consequence, further specification of
what it meant to say that one was a Coadjutor. ‘It would be good’ he explained ‘if he did some
hours of schooling, principles; some even struggle to write their own name.’ ‘The word “Coadjutor”
does not sound good among us. For example, a poor prisoner is accepted in a house and is called
a coadjutor … There is too much difference in clothing among us. Someone with more panache
dresses as he wants; what he can’t get from one superior he gets from another etc. Meanwhile we
see many dressed in the latest fashion with watch–chain dangling, gloves, gold buttons etc. etc.’92
This was supported by the Prefect or Administrator and Vice rector of the Oratory: ‘The word
“Coadjutor” sounds base to them because service people are called that too. It seems they need
much courage and there is need for someone to take very special care of them in each house. In
the workshops they should always have the upper hand even over outside bosses and possibly it
not so well–known that a workshop assistant is superior to them. It would be wonderful if every
Rector were to give them a conference to hear their needs and complaints from them
themselves.’93
We have seen that Don Bosco had insisted at the Chapter on why the term ‘coadjutor’ not be
extended to domestics. Weightier still were the considerations of a very balanced coadjutor,
Andrea Pelazzo, in charge of the printing press, and the very active and concerned Pietro Barale,
in charge of the bookshop, who had originally considered the structure of government of the
Salesian Society as a ‘clerical–lay Society.’94 Fr Lemoyne, an almost blue–blood traditionalist, had
mostly negative views on the matter, perhaps shared by others: ‘1. Most of them only entered the
Congregation to change their status and were prompted by pride. 2. The main cause of their ruin is
keeping money. 3. The lack of a regular Rector or someone to look after them, so they completely
ignore the rules. This is at the Oratory. 4. In particular cases they are regarded as servants without
conferences adapted to them and without making a rendiconto, thus making them almost a
separate category.’95
It is in this context that we can locate and understand a brief family–style talk Don Bosco gave
on 29 October 1883 to coadjutor novices gathered at San Benegno Canavese at the beginning of
the school year.96
89 Letter of Fr D. Belmonte, Rector at Sampierdarena, to Fr G. Bonetti, 11 August 1883, ASC D 579, FdB
1862 A 2.
90 Fr G. B. Branda, Rector at Utrera (Spain), ASC D 579, FdB 1860 B 10.
91 Fr P. Guidazio, Rector at Randazzo, ASC D 579, FdB 1861 C 5.
92 Bro. G. Buzzetti, ASC D 579, FdB 1859 C 9 e 11.
93 Fr S. Marchisio, ASC D 579, FdB 1860 A 5.
94 Bro. P. Barale; Bro. A. Pelazza, and a further document of his on 1 September 1883, ASC D 579, FdB
1859 C 1-7; 1860 A 8 and D 1-8.
95 Fr G. B. Lemoyne, ASC D 579, FdB 1860 E 8.
96 On the conference and its authenticity, cf. A. PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore..., pp. 143-
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As we have seen, the Oratory and hospice at S. Benigno Canavese came into existence as a
festive oratory with elementary classes initially, and technical classes from 1881, but above all it
was a novitiate for clerics who were already numerous in 1879–80 and numbers continued to grow
in subsequent years. The second year of philosophy was also introduced from 1881–82. This
meant that between trade students whose numbers grew with the development of workshops
(typography, limited just to printing, began in 1883), the many Sons of Mary, novices and post–
novice students in 2nd year Philosophy, the house had 300 residents.
From 1881–82, Fr Eugenio Bianchi helped Fr Barberis as de facto novice master for the clerics,
since the latter was also Rector of the house. From 1883, Fr Luigi Nai was delegated for the
coadjutor novices.97 The ratio of cleric/coadjutor novices from 1880 to 1886 was as follows; 50/2
(1879–80), 54/6 (1880–81), 55/6 (1881–82), 63/11 (1882–83), 69/25 (1883–84), 57/25 (1884–85),
87/24 (1885–86).98 The coadjutors, still being formed in poor workshops, were really a ‘pusillus
grex’ by comparison with so many clerics, novices and post novices.
We do not have a text drawn up immediately on the basis of notes taken as Don Bosco spoke,
but a summary drawn up in November by the titular novice master and Rector of the house, Fr
Giulio Barberis. But Fr Luigi Nai was there as Prefect of the house and delegate of the novice
master for the coadjutor novices. He assured members at the General Chapter in 1922 of the
authenticity of the talk and explained the reasons ‘which moved D. Bosco to speak in the way he
did. In that conference, D. Bosco gave a precise concept of the Salesian Coadjutor and sought to
lift the spirit of these confreres due to the little regard some held them in.’99
Don Bosco seemed to want to compensate good, hardworking Salesians whom he loved and
respected, but whose role he had not clearly defined until then. He emphasised in his talk that it
was the first time he had gone to S. Benigno since the coadjutor novices had come there. He
wanted to explain ‘two ideas.’ The first was to refine the portrait of the coadjutor within the Salesian
Society. Their twin apprenticeship in ‘skills’ and ‘religious and piety’ obeyed a precise mission. ‘I am
in need of helpers. There are things priests and clerics cannot do which you will do. I need to be
able to take to some of you and send you to a printing works and tell you: this is yours to look after
and make it progress well; or send another to a house and tell him: see that this workshop or these
workshops run in an orderly way and lack nothing. See that they have whatever they need so the
work succeeds as it should. In other words, you are not the ones who do the work directly or tire
yourselves out with it, but the ones who run it. You must be the employers of the other workers, not
servants. All done, however, in a regulated way and within essential limits, but the management is
all yours. You are in charge of everything in the workshops. This is the idea of the Salesian
Coadjutor.’
Their position and behaviour had to respond to the dignity of their function. They had to be
‘dressed appropriately and cleanly,’ with proper beds and cells’ ‘because you must not be servants
but masters, not subjects but superiors.’
He then explained his second idea, related to their more essential inner nobility. ‘Since you need
to help with large and delicate works, you need to have many virtues, and since you are presiding
over others you first of all have to give good example. I need there to be order, morality, good, etc.
etc wherever one of you is ; that if sal infatuatum fuerit … etc. …’ ‘So let us conclude as we have
begun. Nolite timere pusillus grex: do not fear, your number will grow. But it needs to grow
especially in goodness and energy and then you will be like lions, invincible, and you will be able to
97 Cf. A. PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore..., pp. 186-192.
98 A. PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore..., p. 195.
99 Minutes of session on 29 April 1922, cit. by PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore..., p. 146.

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do much good. And then: complacuit dare vobis regnum – kingdom, not servitude, and you will
have an eternal kingdom etc. etc.”100
It was mostly a description of functions, offered by a practical operator rather than a theorist.
Nor was any significant progress evident in two interventions he made at the Superior Chapter in
the following years. According to the minutes of a session on 6 September 1884, Fr Rua wanted
two categories of coadjutor to be established, claiming it did not work to put qualified professionals
on the same level as coarse and ignorant individuals, good though they may be. Don Bosco said
he was decidedly against this, suggesting the latter group not be accepted as coadjutors and be
employed as domestics without vows instead.101
Further on he was even hesitant about the name. ‘D. Bosco suggests that instead of calling
coadjutors lay brothers we find another term like employees in the Bursar’s office or the Prefect’s,
bookstore etc. etc. This is something that needs to be looked at.’ 102 The conceptual foundation at
various levels followed gradually over the years, especially after the death of the founder, thanks to
the increased presence of coadjutors in the Salesian Society with their extraordinary enrichment in
qualities, works and ideals.103
5. Salesians go to Lille, Paris
In August 1883, Don Bosco told his great benefactor in the Aire départment near Lille, property
owner Miss Claire Louvet: ‘The St Gabriel orphanage in Lille has been accepted by the Salesians
and I hope we can see each other more often.’104 Further on he specified: ‘The house in Lille will be
in our hands beginning from next year.’105 The early contacts were directly with Don Bosco during
the visit he made to Lille from 5–15 May as guest of Mr de Montigny, whom he had put in touch
with lawyer Michel.106 Don Bosco then asked the Pope to bestow the title of Roman Count on
Montigny, presenting him in these terms: ‘Rich and generous Catholic from Lille in France, a
powerful promoter of Catholic works, he opened a hospice for poor boys for the Salesians … The
Bishop of Cambrai has sent Your Holiness a special letter of recommendation.’107
In Lille, Don Bosco was given a festive welcome at the Saint Gabriel orphanage where the St
Vincent de Paul’s Sisters of Charity had looked after sixty or so children for years. When they
reached 16 or 17 years of age they needed education adapted to their age and gender. On 21
December 1883, Don Bosco was able to tell Louvet: ‘Fr Albera and Fr De Barruel are in Lille at the
moment to fix the day for opening the St Gabriel orphanage. We will go there in the early days of
the year. For the moment, don’t worry about setting up bursaries at the orphanage. All in good
time. We currently have many debts to pay, especially for building our church and orphanage in
Rome, and then there are the enormous costs we have to face for our missions and missionaries
in Patagonia among the savages.108
100 A. PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore..., pp. 221-222.
101 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 27v, session on 6 September 1884.
102 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 66r, afternoon session, 24 August 1885.
103 Cf. A. PAPES, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore..., pp. 212-215.
104 Letter of 19 August 1883, E IV 457.
105 To C. Louvet, 15 November 1883, E IV 459.
106 Cf. La nouvelle maison salésienne à Lille et quelques renseignements sur nos maisons de France,
“Bulletin Salésien” 6 (1884) no. 4, April, pp. 31-33; L’orphelinat St.-Gabriel à Lille, ibid., no. 12,
December, pp. 119-120; v. § 1.
107 Petition from Rome, 7 May 1884, E IV 260.
108 Postscript of letter of 21 December 1883, E IV 460.

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The agreement with Lille was reached on 19 December 1883 with the Provincial in France, Fr
Albera, and was discussed and approved at the Superior Chapter meeting on 16 January 1884.109
On Monday, 24 January, the new Rector, Fr Joseph Bologna, arrived in Lille with two clerics. They
took up residence in the house on 29 January.110 Don Bosco told Louvet of their arrival: ‘You asked
me when our religious will be in Lille. They began on Monday [24 January] this week and any time
you pass by the city you can stop there or spend some time as you wish.’111
At the Superior Chapter meeting on 27 September 1884, Fr Rua read out a letter from Fr
Albera, who had visited the work and seen that Fr Bologna was working ‘miracles in progress.’112
Really, he had brought the spirit of Valdocco to Lille.113 Louvet created five free places for orphans.
Don Bosco immediately went to work on public opinion to found the establishment of arts, and
trades workshops which were built two years later.114
Don Bosco’s lengthy time in Paris was also decisive for establishing the Salesians there.115 Two
individuals, men with considerable social awareness and prestige, were enthusiastic and very
active supporters of a future establishment there: Count Amable–Charles Franquet de Franqueville
(1840–1919) and Mons. Maurice Le Sage d’Autreroche de Hulst (1841–96), founder in 1876 and
Director until his death of the Catholic [University] Institute in Paris and from 1875 Vicar General of
the Paris Archdiocese and Archdeacon of St Denis. The Count de Franqueville had already begun
in June 1883. Encouraged in general terms by Don Bosco, he presented a number of proposals.
Plans for a possible site between Saint–Omer and Saint–Denis were examined by the Superior
Chapter at their meeting on 5 May 1884. Having made some observations, Chapter members
asked the Economer General, Fr Sala, to go there to explain some details, but no conclusion was
arrived at.116 Don Bosco’s wishes and those of his Parisian friends were supported by Fr Paul
Joseph Pisani (1852–1933), who wanted to guarantee continuity for the youth patronage he
founded in 1877 in the popular and difficult suburb of Ménilmontant. 200,000 francs [738,382 euro]
was the asking price for purchase of the property with 4,600 metres squares of land, and to
establish an anonymous society comprising Don Bosco, the Count de Franqueville and other
French friends. Don Bosco explained the project at the Superior Chapter meeting on 12 September
1884. Fr Durando was invited to go to Paris with Fr De Battuel and after a positive meeting with
Mons d’Hulst and Fr Pisani on 23 September, matters were referred to the Superior Chapter at its
29 September meeting. The project was accepted.
The Count de Franqueville was not lacking in his support and English Countess Georgiana de
Stackpoole made 40,000 francs [147,676 euro] available as well.117 With pressure from Fr Ronchail
109 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 5r, session in Don Bosco’s room on 16 February 1884; il text of the agreement in
MB XVII 771-772.
110 Cf. Letter of Fr G. Bologna and A. de Montigny to Don Bosco, MB XVII 772-774. Another letter, a
fortnight later, was published by the “Bulletin Salésien” 6 (1884) no. 3, March, p. 25.
111 To C. Louvet, 26 January 1884, E IV 461.
112 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 53r, session on 28 December 1884.
113 Cf. Letter to Don Bosco of 1 August 1885 and article Lille. Une promenade générale de 100 orphelins de
St. Gabriel published by the “Bulletin Salésien” 7 (1885) no. 8, August, pp. 101 and 104-105; La
distribution des prix à l’Orphelinat Saint Gabriel de Lille, ibid., no. 9, September, pp. 120-121; L’orphelinat
Saint Gabriel à Lille (Nord), ibid., 8 (1886) no. 2, February, p. 22.
114 Cf. Bénédiction des nouveaux bâtiments et ateliers de l’Orphelinat S. Gabriel rue NotreDame 288 à Lille,
le 5 Juillet 1886, “Bulletin Salésien” 8 (1886) no. 8, August, pp. 91-93.
115 Cf. On the events leading up to the taking up of the Patronage Saint Pierre by ’abbé Paul Joseph Pisani
and his quick renaming as Oratoire Saint Pierre et Saint Paul a Parigi, Y. LE CARRÉRÈS, Don Bosco et les
salésiens à Paris: de l’Oratoire Saint Pierre-Saint Paul au Patronage Saint Pierre (1884-1945), in F.
MOTTO (ed.) L’Opera Salesiana dal 1880 al 1922, Vol. II..., pp. 239-256.
116 Cf. Capitolo Superiore, fol. 11r, session on 5 May.
117 Cf. Capitolo Superiore, fol. 32v-33r, session on 12 September 1884. Don Bosco would give a grateful
acknowledgement to Countess de Stackpoole, 5 April 1885, from Marseiiles: “Through your efforts there

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who wanted matters concluded, as well as Fr Pisani, the Chapter examined and approved the
contracts at its sessions on 1 and 5 December 1884, giving Fr Albera the mandate to go to Paris to
sign the agreement, and to immediately call the Rector to go there, French Salesian Fr Charles
Bellamy, who arrived with a very young novice, Léon Beissière (1869–1953).118 They were warmly
welcomed, especially by Mons. Maurice d’Hulst. Don Bosco thanked him in a letter of
acknowledgement, asking him to ‘consider the Salesian houses as totally yours’ and inviting him to
Turin. He concluded: ‘I ask you to continue your efficient protection of the house recently opened in
Paris and to help it with advice and the means which, in your enlightened wisdom, you judge best
for the greater glory of God and the salvation of souls.’ 119
Just as content was Fr Pisani, who now saw his patronage in trustworthy hands. It had begun
with so much zeal and been managed in collaboration with a well–prepared young layman.120 A
week later, Don Bosco sent Fr Bellamy the text of a circular to Parisian Cooperators to review then
send back: Don Bosco would see to its printing. Among other things he wrote: ‘We are limited for
now to a Sunday patronage and to taking in some of the poorer and more abandoned boys. But
with the good God’s help and the support of your charity, I hope we can see an increase in the
number of pupils and help a great number of the dear youth of this great capital. We have already
bought a reasonable dwelling with a devout chapel, a site for classrooms and a courtyard or
recreation, but much is still to be paid for.’121 Six months after beginning, the Rector Fr Bellamy,
wrote a flattering picture of the activities. Bellamy was an outstanding Salesian mystic in action. He
spoke of the boys at the patronage, or hospice, the Thursday classes for students and Sunday
ones for trade boys, the Congregation of the Blessed Virgin, the ‘little conferences of St Vincent de
Paul,’ the daily night classes for young workers and finally, ‘evening catechism lessons for adults.’
He also mentioned the varied recreational activities, finally, dedicating a fleeting passage to the
orphanage ‘which we have taken on and where we work with great consolation.’122 In fact, the first
residents were added to day students with the opening of the workshops in 1886, 1887 in
carpentry, shoemaking and tailoring, to a total of 30 boys.
Meanwhile, as a sign of recognition for the great benefactor Countess Cessac–Montesquiou,
who had lost her son Paolo, the Patronage, called an Oratory like the one in Turin, was placed
under the twin patronage of Sts Peter and Paul.
6. The second Salesian work in Spain: Sarriá in Barcelona
As we have seen, the founding of an Institute of Artes y Oficios at Sarriá, close to Barcelona, had
been prepared for at a distance by the learned and feisty editor of the Revista Popular, Fr Felix
Sarda y Salvany, who had already published four lengthy articles on Dom Bosco y los Tallereres
cristianos in 1880.123 He said he was satisfied with the favourable acceptance shown the
presentation of Don Bosco’s work and especially the ‘admirable institute of the Talleres cristianos.’
He was convinced that faced with an apocalyptic social situation dominated by selfish, self–
focused wealthy people, it was urgent to cooperate in spreading these institutions which were a
true anti–internationale, a new reality, a different and relevant one. A work of this kind would find an
is a house in Paris” (E IV 322).
118 Cf. Capitolo Superiore, fol. 47v-49v, session on 1 December 1882. On the important figure of Charles
Bellamy, a man of action, apostle and mystic, cf. Y. LE CARRÉRÈS, Fidèles en amitié. Les lettres de
Charles Bellamy à Julien Dhuit (1883-1911). Paris, Maison Provinciale Salésienne 2002.
119 Letter of 10 January 1885, E IV 309.
120 Cf. La première maison salésienne à Paris, “Bulletin Salésien” 7 (1885) no. 1, January, pp. 5-6.
121 Circ. of 29 January 1885, E IV 311.
122 Cf. Lettera parigina (del 12 May 1885), BS 9 (1885) no. 7, July, pp. 98-100.
123 “Revista Popular” 10 (1880) nos 517, 519, 521, 525, pp. 297-301, 329-333, 361-364, 401-404.

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excellent place in a region like Catalonia where a flourishing textile industry was in full
development.
The Revista Popular continued to support the Salesians, using the Italian and French Salesian
Bulletin and, in 1882, echoing d’Espiney’s Don Bosco in 1881.124 The Barcelona Catholic
Association decided on accepting Don Bosco as a member in 1882. He replied, accepting
gratefully and thanking them.125
The same year, the aristocratic Dorotea de Chopitea de Serra came on the scene to make his
wishes and dreams a reality. She had been widowed in 1882 after 50 years of marriage and
wanted to remember her husband with a work dedicated to teaching poor and abandoned orphans
a trade. Having known about the Salesians in Utrera through Marquis Ulloa, she wrote to the
Rector of the college there, Fr Branda, to get information on Salesian works. When she had this
she wrote to Don Bosco on 20 September 1882, explaining her suggestion of contributing to
founding an institute of artes y oficios in the Barcelona area run by the Salesian Society. She
wrote again on 12 October, asking Don Bosco to come personally or send another Salesian able to
deal with the project.126 Frs Cagliero and Albera were sent. Matters were quickly concluded.
Chopitea bought a large piece of land at Sarriá near Barcelona and had the previous owners’
existing home changed into a building used as a hospice with some Talleres which were initially
humble ones but showed promising development.
Fr Branda spent a month in Barcelona seeing to these works and returned on 15 February 1884
as the Rector with two Salesians taken from the house in Utrera. Don Bosco spoke of it at the end
of an earlier mentioned letter on 31 January 1884: ‘There are repeated requests from Barcelona to
open the house, which is already ours, because they have seen that a considerable number of
poor boys are already knocking at the door for it to be opened. The only thing lacking is the
Salesians to take care of them. As you see, we can delay no longer. In a few days I will split the
people at Utrera and with a sufficient group will go and open a house in Barcelona. I will write in
due course.’ 127
The Superior Chapter gave its approval on 28 February.128 Halfway through the first year of
activity the Rector, as well as providing news, explicitly invited Don Bosco to visit Sarriá. ‘Our
house of Niño Jesús,’ he wrote on 16 February 1885 ‘has continued to develop in a normal and
gradual way. The boys are keen, intelligent and very active and show promise of unexpected
progress in literature and skills. Piety is flourishing and increasing daily in their ardent souls, along
with the desire to finally see you come to Barcelona. It is a powerful stimulus for them to progress
in virtue. They hope Don Bosco will come and visit this house of his sometime or other. They are
saying: it is not far from Marseilles to Barcelona and we are praying to the Lord so that Don Bosco
can make this journey without his health being affected. If Don Bosco comes he will see how many
happy celebrations [there are] and how, without having known him personally, these youngsters
love him.129
In August 1885, concerned about the cholera spreading to Spain, Don Bosco encouraged Fr
Oberti at Utrera and Fr Branda at Sarriá and invited them to open their houses to possible
emergencies. ‘While we submit to the Divine will,’ he wrote ‘let us not lose heart. God is always
124 Cf. R. ALBERDI, Una Ciudad para un Santo..., pp. 70-73; R. ALBERDI - R. CASASNOVAS, Martí-Codolar.
Una obra social de la burguesía. Barcelona, Obra Salesiana Martí-Codolar 2001; su Ch. d’Espiney, cf.
Chap. 26, § 5.
125 R. ALBERDI, Una Ciudad para un Santo..., pp. 115-116.
126 Text of this latter in MB XVII 770-771.
127 BS 8 (1884) no. 3, March, p. 41.
128 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 8r, session on 28 February 1884.
129 BS 9 (1885) no. 4, April, pp. 52-53.

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with us and all the Salesians are ready to make any sacrifice to help you. If you ever find the need
to help children orphaned by cholera, tell me and we will find a way to help them. We intend to do
the same for France and Italy where up till now, thank heavens, we are unharmed, at least so far,
by this terrible scourge.’130
Although physically resting at Mathi Torinese, Don Bosco was as vital as ever in heart and mind.
The following year, his health even more fragile, he willingly accepted the invitation from Spain to
visit them.
130 To Fr E. G. Oberti, 10 August 1885, E IV 330-331; cf. Letter to Fr G. B. Branda on the same day and to
Fr P. Albera, Provincial in France, the day before: 9 and 10 August 1885, E IV 329-330, 331-332. Over
the same days he also wrote important letters to Bishop G. Cagliero and Fr G. Costamagna: cf. Chap.
33, § 2.

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Chapter 32
CONSOLIDATING THE RELIGIOUS INSTITUTIONS OF
HIS SALESIAN WORKERS (1883–85)
1884
1885
January: begins writing the Memorie dal 1841;
February: Don Bosco’s illness;
1 March–3 April: in southern France;
April: the Salesian Bulletin on Don Bosco’s health;
14th: departure from Rome;
28 June; decree granting privileges;
July: interventions at Superior Chapter meetings;
Interventions with past pupils on the preventive system;
19 July–22 August: resting at the Bishop’s house in Pinerolo;
September: a switch in style in the Memorie dal 1841 – a testament, prediction of death;
24 and 28 October: the Pope’s wish concerning appointment of a successor or Vicar;
27 November: papal rescript appointing Fr Rua as Vicar and successor.
24 March–27 April: journey to southern France;
6 May: returns to the Oratory;
8 December: official communique of papal appointment of the Vicar and successor.
Despite health problems, 1884 continued to be a productive year for Don Bosco regarding the two
Religious Institutes he founded and, to a different extent, the youth works. It was also productive
for the spiritual and pedagogical animation of the Salesians. He presided at and carefully
moderated a good thirty–one Superior Chapter sessions in 1884, only missing ones in the second
half of September when he was indisposed. Fr Rua presided at those. The other exception,
obviously, was the one held on 5 May, while he was in Rome. He was forever active in the
governing of the Congregation, thought with diminished intensity particularly during his thirty–day
holiday at Pinerolo, asked questions and was supported by his collaborators. Evidence of his
activity can be found in the most important events over this period: the two trips to southern France
in the early months of 1884 and 1885, the final achievement of the privileges, the gradual and
ultimately non–traumatic process for appointment of a Vicar, the structural and juridical

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consolidation of the FMA Institute,1 discussion on founding new youth works, the constant
reaffirmation of the educative spirituality of the Salesians, both consecrated Religious and
Cooperators.
1. Forewarning of physical decline in 1883–84 and new ‘Memoirs’
Don Bosco’s peak physical vitality was coming to an end over 1883, and by early 1884. From
then on, though, it varied: there was a gradual physical decline, diminished energy, though in
inverse proportion to this fact, his fame spread even wider through demonstrations of respect and
veneration for the priest educator, social worker, and saint. Fr Michael Rua, soon to be Vicar with
full powers, a devout and submissive son and a man of absolute trust, was a discreet, efficient
support to him. Until the end and without the least disagreement, he acted in such a way that the
founder was always seen by everyone as the Major Superior in the fullness of his fatherly authority.
Don Bosco remained that, too, for Cooperators, benefactors, admirers as well as civil and religious
authorities. On the other hand, as far as his physical strength allowed, he continued to maintain
warm, ongoing personal relationships and kept in touch by letter.
Over the final four years, references were more frequent to the physical discomfort and
tiredness that were the result of work and illnesses endured in earlier decades, especially his
serious collapse in 1846, but this was known for the most part only by the inner circle, including
certain benefactors.2 His new physical ailments – anaemia, liver dysfunction, bronchial infection,
circulatory problems – were added to failing eyesight and curvature of the spine, which had already
begun to manifest itself at the beginning of 1883 and by 1885–86 had obliged him to use a walking
stick. By 1887–87 he would always have someone with him to lean on, among others his strong,
robust secretary Carlo Viglietti. However, there were many more frequent occasions when Don
Bosco seemed far more concerned with the health of other people rather than his own.
He kept up certain family–style presences in particular: the goodnights for the boys, though
more rarely, involvement with the Cooperator conferences, meeting with past pupils, meetings with
the fourth and fifth year secondary students for whom he loved being their special confessor and
experienced adviser on vocational choice. He was also the key player in certain special events,
some old, some new, of particular importance. There are some diary fragments that became more
detailed from when Carlo Viglietti, still a student of theology, was asked on 20 May 1884 to come to
Turin as Don Bosco’s secretary and factotum. The previous one, from summer 1883, was Fr
Lemoyne, brought from Mornese to fulfil the delicate role of secretary to Don Bosco and the
Superior Chapter.
From time to time, the Salesian Bulletin provided news of him and sometimes, though minimally,
regarding his state of health. News of this began filtering through, especially after the journeys in
February and July to France and Frohsdorf. Moreover, he himself admitted to it after a period of
considerable tiredness and some discomfort toward the end of 1883 and beginning of 1884: ‘I’m
coming up a bit short because my stomach is very tired’ he wrote to a priest at the beginning of
January.3 Writing to a benefactor he said: ‘My health is not bad, but nor is it very good. I am always
very tired.’4 The problem of Don Bosco’s health emerged clearly at the Superior Chapter meeting
on 28 February 1884. The Chapter secretary, Fr Lemoyne, noted: ‘D. Bosco has asked Fr Bonetti
1 Cf. Chap.29, § 4.
2 Many confidences shared with correspondents have already been listed in the study by P. BRAIDO, Il
sistema preventivo di don Bosco. Zürich, PAS-Verlag 1964, pp. 114-116.
3 To Fr T. De Agostini, 4 January 1884, E IV 248.
4 To Countess Bonmartini, 4 February 1884, E IV 253.

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to write to Fr Dalmazzo letting him know that since he cannot even remain standing due to his
infirmities, he needs to go to France to look for aid for his works.’5
However, fortunately for Don Bosco and his Salesians, January 1884 saw some consoling and
reassuring events, ones he had only been able to dream of over many years.6 Cardinal Alimonda
had already been at the Church of St John the Evangelist on 27 December, the Apostle’s feast day,
to celebrate the morning Mass and address ‘brief but fervent words’ to the people in preparation for
Holy Communion.7 On the morning of 15 January, he gave Don Bosco and the Oratory the gift of a
visit, as affectionate as it was unexpected.8 On the 24th he was at Valsalice for the anticipated
Feast of St Francis de Sales.9 His demonstration of sincere friendship towards Don Bosco and his
Congregation reached a peak on the 29th when he dedicated pretty much the entire day to
Valdocco. Having celebrated a communion Mass at the Visitation Sisters monastery (the Sisters
founded by St Francis de Sales), the Cardinal assisted pontifically at Solemn Mass in the Church
of Mary Help of Christians, where the Schola Cantorum at the Oratory provided supporting music
by Luigi Cherubini. He was feted at the end of lunch with songs, addresses from the boys and a
toast from the prior of the festivities, Col. Rocca, and a priest Cooperator. Don Bosco also spoke,
his heart filled with gratitude for the Archbishop, and invited everyone to come to dinner for his own
Jubilee Mass in June 1891. Carlo Gastini told jokes. In the afternoon, the Cardinal gave solemn
Benediction, wanting Don Bosco beside him. The latter agreed, though had difficulty ‘walking, and
climbing the steps to the altar.’ The Cardinal also accepted the invitation to the theatre
performance, leaving the Oratory at night amidst lights, and hurrahs from the boys.10 In his
appointments book, called Ricordi di gabinetto,11 trustworthy Fr Lemoyne noted for the 29th: ‘For
me, every minute of this day has been a triumph and a consolation. D. Bosco has not had a
heartfelt friend like Alimonda since Fransoni’s death.’12
Over the same days, however, there was a noticeable decline in Don Bosco’s health, and in
February, a sudden collapse. In the depths of winter, on the afternoon of 31 January, utterly
exhausted, he had gone to visit the novices at S. Benigno. Given his physical state he could not
have found a worse enemy than the damp cold of Canavese. He was unwell on his return to the
oratory.
Beginning with these days, Don Bosco’s life was spent with growing intensity between grateful
recognition of the past and meditation on his death, a testament projected towards the future for
his disciples. He himself helped interpret it in this sense, via a document he probably began writing
at the beginning of the new year and continued intermittently over the months and years to follow.
His secretary had often seen it in his hands, as emerges from what he told him. Four years later,
on 24 December 1887: ‘Fr Viglietti’ he whispered at 11.30 pm., shortly before receiving the
Sacrament of the Sick, ‘look, on my table there is a booklet of memoirs, you know the one I am
talking about. See to getting hold of it and give it to Fr Bonetti so it does not fall into just anyone’s
hands.’13 It was the manuscript entrusted to a notebook–diary–accounts book with 308 pages, its
5 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 8r, session on 21 September 1884.
6 The February Bollettino Salesiano recalled it in: La benevolenza dell’arcivescovo di Torino onore e
conforto dei salesiani, BS 8 (1884) no. 2, February, pp. 21-22.
7 BS 8 (1884) n. 1, January, pp. 6-7.
8 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 16, Friday 18 January 1884, p. 62.
9 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 23, Saturday 26 Jan. 1884, p. 90.
10 Three valuable visits of Card. G. Alimonda, BS 8 (1884) no. 2, February, pp. 22-27; “L’Unità Cattolica”,
no. 29, Saturday 2 February 1884, p. 114.
11 In ASC A 0060803. The heading Ricordi di gabinetto has nothing to do with the contents; it is simply the
titel of the agenda recovered by Fr Lemoyne for his notes.
12 G. B. LEMOYNE, Ricordi di gabinetto..., p. 37.
13 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di Don Bosco. Dal 23 December 1887 al 31 January 1888, pp. 8-9.

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original title being Memorie dal 1841 al 1884 (Memoirs from 1841 to 1884), then extended to ...
1884,–5–6: 7 had not been added.14
Variation in context, ink, handwriting, many pages left blank (pp. 94, 105, 106, 116, 129–266) for
possible additional assertions which never happened, also suggest varying intentions as
suggested by life’s unpredictable events. In fact, in the early pages, which were also
complementary to the Memoirs of the Oratory, Don Bosco wrote briefly of his priestly ordination
and the resolutions he took at the time, offering pointers on hearing the confessions of children and
caring for vocations. He then recalled benefactors in general and some ‘outstanding’ ones. But as
he went on and his health grew more precarious, he became more concerned with listing many
particular benefactors, assuring them of his gratitude and prayers even after death. This was the
first change in tone which was then further accentuated in September. For the earlier notes there
was a precise date: ‘These are the names of some of the most outstanding benefactors up until
today, Feb. 8, 1884,’ later adjusted to 1885 when he corrected the text.15
The change in tone can be noted in facts and documents. Don Bosco returned from Canavese
with serious bronchitis, accompanied by some disturbing spitting of blood. From 9–12 February he
was practically confined to bed all day. His heartbeat was weak and he had trouble breathing.16
(16) ‘My chest feels a bit laboured, pray for this poor priest’ he confided to Claire Louvet.17 We find
a note on 18 February that Don Bosco had prepared the circular which his successor would have
to send to Cooperators following his death, but we find no actual trace of it.18 However, it seems
that the planned trip to Côte d’Azure was not hindered by his health circumstances. Indeed it could
have even been medicine for it: ‘My health is a bit upset’ he wrote to Count Colle ‘and I am still a
prisoner in my room, but the doctors tell me that I can and would do well to make a trip to the south
of France.’19 And on another occasion: ‘The doctors have told me to go to our houses in the south,
and on Saturday, God willing, I will leave for Nice with Fr Barberis.’20
Nevertheless, before undertaking this new journey to beg for money in Liguria and France and
back through Liguria then on to Rome, given the concerns of the doctor attending him, Dr
Giuseppe Albertotti, he dictated his will on the afternoon of 29 February.21 He left the following day
with Fr Barberis as his secretary, and travelled as follows: 1–3 March to Alassio, staying overnight
at Mentone; 4–12 Nice, 12–13 Cannes, 13–15 Lyons, 15–25 Marseilles. He then returned to Italy,
passing through Toulon on the 26th, then Navarre from the 27th to the 30th, Castille and Castello
della Bastide on the 30th and 31st, Antibes on 1 April and Nice on the 2nd. By evening on the 3rd
he was again at Alassio in Liguria.
On his way to France, the conference to the Cooperators on 2 March at Alassio was given by
the Rector of the college, Fr Cerruti, since Don Bosco was indisposed. News of it was published in
the Salesian Bulletin with a note on the Superior’s health: ‘This is a propitious occasion for us to
recommend our beloved D. Bosco to the Cooperators’ prayers. For some time now he has felt his
life ebbing away. There is nothing to be alarmed about at the moment, but a good doctor who
visited him before he began his journey said we should not rejoice too much. Taking into account
the labours he has endured, he added that Don Bosco be thought of today as being a 100 years
old even though he is not yet 70. Let us pray then, with all our hearts so he may live for many
14 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 73-130.
15 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 97, no. 1.
16 G. B. LEMOYNE, Ricordi di gabinetto..., pp. 49-52.
17 Letter of 14 February 1884, E IV 462.
18 G. B. LEMOYNE, Ricordi di gabinetto..., p. 57; Documenti XXVII 56.
19 Letter of 20 February 1884, E IV 502.
20 To Count L. Colle, 27 February 1884, E IV 503.
21 Cf. Documenti XXVII 79-80; on his physical ills from January to February, cf. Documenti XXVII 22, 33, 45,
53-55, 78, 82-83.

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years still, despite his weakness and the fact that in natural terms he should succumb, and so he
may help and comfort us by the grace and in virtue of Almighty God.’22
In Nice, Don Bosco was immediately visited on 5 March by his biographer there, Dr Charles
d’Espiney. On the basis of his diagnosis – ‘congestion of the liver’ – which differed from the one in
Turin, he gave him what he thought would be more suitable prescriptions.23 His health improved,
and on the evening of the 10th he wanted to give the conference to the Cooperators. The
Chronicler noted: ‘All the best in Nice and the foreign colony, for their intelligence and heart, were
present.’24
In Marseilles, the event that stood out was the Mass celebrated on the 24th, preceded by the
baptism of a young black boy who then made his first communion, and in the afternoon, the
conference to Cooperators, attended by the diocesan Bishop, Jean–Louis Robert, who lavished
praise on the ‘holy’ orator.25 The following day, renowned Dr Paul–Matthieu Combal, Professor at
the University of Montpellier, visited Don Bosco and gave him a thorough medical examination.
The detailed diagnosis he wrote up is the most exhaustive we have of Don Bosco’s illnesses:
general weakness, with anaemia, congestion of the respiratory tract, nervous hypertension,
possible after–effects of marsh fever, slight swelling of the liver. The treatment: a teaspoon of ‘vino
di Vial’ [a potion with no connection with wine!] morning and evening before meals, and during
meals half a glass of mineral water from Vals mixed with wine. He was to loosen the bowels with a
teaspoon a week of laxative powder from Vichy, dissolved in a quarter of a glass of water, a mixed
diet of meat, cooked legumes, soft–boiled eggs, dairy products, and some rest from normal work
habits and especially from prolonged mental effort. A practising Catholic, not only did Combal not
accept a fee, but he made a significant donation.26
On the evening of the 26th, still with Fr Barberis and accompanied by Count Colle and his wife,
Don Bosco arrived in Navarre. The solemn blessing of the new chapel at the orphanage took place
on Thursday the 27th before a large number of distinguished benefactors: from Marseilles, Mr
Jules Rostard, President of the Société Beaujour, Canon Guiol. Mr de Grouling, the widow
Jacques; from Nice there were Baron Héraud de Chateauneuf and Chevalier Levrot. Don Bosco
performed the rite of blessing assisted by the Vicar General de Terris, various parish priests, the
Provincial, Fr Albera, and the Rectors from Nice and St.–Cyr. He then gave a conference to
Cooperators. Next day was the solemn feast of St Joseph, patron of the orphanage. Don Bosco
celebrated a general communion Mass early at which the two children of the Viscounts of
Velleneuve, Jeanne and Alexis, received Jesus in the Eucharist for the first time. At the Solemn
Mass at 10.00 a.m., the boys sang Fr Cagliero’s Mass of Mary Help of Christians.27 Fr Barberis
gave detailed news in his letters of the various return stages. Don Bosco left Navarre on Sunday
30th and with a brief stop at the Castille farmstead and an overnight stay at the castello della
Bastide and a further stop at Antibes on the 31st, arrived back in Nice.
On 3 April he was in Alassio, and on the early afternoon of 4 April, arrived at the hospice at
Sampierdarena, where members of the Superior Chapter arrived from Turin around the same time,
holding a meeting with Don Bosco on the afternoon of the 5th. Fr Lemoyne had already met him at
Alassio.28 From Sampierdarena, Don Bosco, who was not feeling well, wrote to Fr Berto who had
22 BS 8 (1884) no. 4, April, p. 58.
23 Documenti XXVII 87.
24 Dom Bosco à Nice, “Bulletin salésien” 6 (1884) no. 4, April, pp. 29-30.
25 Fête et conférence à Marseille, “Bulletin salésien” 6 (1884) no. 5, May, pp. 43-44.
26 Documenti XXVII 107-108; MB XVII 56-59. The original text of the “Consultation” by Dr. Combal is founf
in ASC A 0240501.
27 Bénédiction de la nouvelle Église et fête à l’Orphelinat de la Navarre, “Bulletin salésien” 6 (1884) no. 5,
May, pp. 44-45.
28 Documenti XXVII 116, 123-125.

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been with him many times on his trips to Rome, almost apologising for having chosen Fr Lemoyne
as secretary: ‘They tell me your health is not as you would like it to be still, I am sorry. Take all
necessary care of yourself. I will pray for you. Fr Lemoyne is coming to Rome with me. I do not
know yet if I will need papers; I will let you know if I do. I hope to be in Turin from 12–15 May. My
health is a bit better but I very much need prayers.’29
Don Bosco visited some benefactors, including the widow Cataldi and Baroness Podestà, wife
of the Mayor of Genoa. On the 8th Fr Dalmazzo arrived in Rome to inform Don Bosco on Roman
opinions regarding the privileges, preparing him for any difficulties he might encounter with
Cardinal Ferrieri. The same day, Fr Lemoyne wrote to Fr Bonetti in Turin with some interesting
news on Don Bosco: ‘Our beloved Father cannot give talks without calling to mind the heroic times
of the Oratory,’ ‘Don Bosco’s health is always at the same point. Hopefully he can be a bit calmer in
Rome.’30
On 9 April, Wednesday in Holy Week, Don Bosco took the train to Rome with Fr Lemoyne. They
stopped at Rapallo with a noble family he had met in Paris, Count and Countess Riant, and stayed
overnight. He was ‘very tired.’ ‘The next day,’ Fr Lemoyne wrote to Fr Rua ‘the Count’s children
went to confession to him then we all celebrated Easter in the chapel. The two Riant boys served
D. Bosco’s Mass.’31 At 1.30 pm he was at La Spezia, where he stayed until the early hours of
Easter Monday. There was immediately a crowd of visitors. ‘Although tired,’ on Easter Sunday he
gave a lengthy talk to a crowd of listeners. It was an appeal to charity. To the presumed question
‘How long will you keep asking?’ he replied: As long as there are souls to save, until young people
are no longer surrounded by snares and deception, and until they have arrived at the gates of
eternity and have entered Paradise, since only then can they be safe from being ambushed by
their enemy.’ There were also the missions, and the Sacred Heart Church in Rome was very much
current. He then spent time replying, in ways we have already noted, to the usual objections to
request for ‘alms’: difficult times, money is scarce, numerous requests, the sacrosanct duty of
thinking of the future. He finished with Christ’s warning on helping ‘the poor’: ‘What you did for the
least of them you did for me.’ ‘Look how many poor boys there are in the world. Betrayed, fooled,
without religious education they fall into vice and are lost! Can you remain unmoved at such a
heart–wrenching spectacle?’32
From La Spezia until his sojourn in Rome, news on Don Bosco’s health as provided by himself
but especially Fr Lemoyne acting as secretary, came thick and fast: ‘It seems his health is better
then than what it was at Sampierdarena.’33 ‘We arrived in Rome, happily at 2 a.m. We were alone
from La Spezia to Rome, all the way, in the carriage, so enjoyed the peace very much. Though he
was feeling a bit tired, our beloved D. Bosco nevertheless did not suffer much. Friday the 15th, he
feels much better and asked me to write and tell you.’ ‘D. Bosco has set to work quickly. Organising
and seeking approval for the lottery, and also the eternal matter of Privileges.’34 ‘D. Bosco has
asked me to tell you officially that problems with the liver and the eye infection have gone.’
29 Letter of 6 April 1884, E IV 255-256.
30 Documenti XXVII 126-127.
31 Letter from La Spezia, 10 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne...,
RSS 7 (1988) 137.
32 Conferenza a Spezia e D. Bosco a Roma, BS 8 (1884) no. 5, May, pp. 70-71 (letter of Fr Lemoyne to Fr
Bonetti).
33 Letter of 10 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988)
138.
34 Letter of 16 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988)
139-140.

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The improvement allowed him to receive visitors and make visits, especially to Cardinal
Consolini and Cardinal Angelo Jacobini at the Holy Office.35 Information that then followed
regarding his health was at times contradictory: ‘D. Bosco is not too bad. This morning he told me
he felt very tired in the head.’ ‘He can’t keep his head up,’ he had written a few lines earlier. Don
Bosco asked Fr Rua or Fr Durando to look into a foundation at Penne (Pescara); ‘nevertheless he
continues to look after matters to do with the Congregation.’ He was giving orders through Fr
Lemoyne, in fact, approving important matters in Turin, following up ‘procedures for the lottery.’ He
received a visit from a group of students from the Gregorian University and visited the Cardinal
Vicar.36
Information from Don Bosco himself regarding his health was mixed in with that provided by his
secretary: ‘His health is not too bad, but fever has returned the last two mornings. The bottle of
China [quinine?] medicine for this has arrived.’37 ‘My health is slowly improving, but it is better.’38
‘My health is struggling.’39 ‘D. Bosco’s health is going rather well,’ Fr Lemoyne wrote on a number
of occasions. ‘He will arrive in Turin on the 18th of this month in the evening but it seems he wants
to arrive without anyone knowing so he can rest.’ D. Bosco’s health is progressing well enough.’ ‘D.
Bosco is much better, and from when he left Sampierdarena he has improved a lot especially over
these last few days.’ ‘D. Bosco is still going well.’40 He confirmed this himself on 8 May at Tor de’
Specchi, with the clear–headed introduction he gave to the conference given by the Cardinal Vicar,
Lucido Maria Parocchi. He provided news on works completed over the two years since the last
Roman Conference, spending a little more time on the Sacred Heart Church, the flourishing activity
in the attached oratory, and the lottery he was organising. The Cardinal’s address was an
enthusiastic demonstration of a thesis of extraordinary interest: the purpose, distinctive nature of
the Salesian Congregation was ‘charity exercised according to the needs of the century: nos
credidimus charitati; Deus Charitas, est,’ and was revealed ‘through charity’ exercised in new forms
and spirit in a changed world.’41
It was within this context in Rome that the final stages took place for procedures to obtain the
privileges.
2. Juridical Consolidation of the Salesian Society
With regard to the privileges, after the frustrations in 1875–76, difficult years continued. There were
new requests, denials and expectations. At the audience with the Pope on 13 April 1881, Leo XIII
told Don Bosco he was ‘against privileges for Religious as a system.’42 By the end of that same
year, the mediation which Don Bosco had requested on 30 November 1881, and which was
promised him and Fr Dalmazzo by the Archbishop of Messina, Giuseppe Guarino, had had no
positive effect as indicated by Cardinal Ferrieri.43 From 1883, the scene changed in Don Bosco’s
favour. From March 1882 until November 1884, Cardinal Ferrieri, a strict guardian of Canon Law
35 Letters of 19 and 22 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., 7
(1988) 142-145.
36 Letters of 23 and 24 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS
7 (1988) 146-149.
37 Letter of 28 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988)
151.
38 D. Bosco to Count L. Colle, 24 April 1884, E IV 504.
39 D. Bosco to Card. G. Alimonda, 3 May 1884, E IV 259.
40 Letters to Fr M. Rua of 5, 6, 9, 12 May 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista
Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988) 152, 153, 155, 157.
41 Conferenza dei Cooperatori a Roma, BS 8 (1884) no. 6, June, pp. 88-91.
42 Documenti XXII 101.
43 Cf. Letter of 1 and 14 December 1881, Documenti XXIII 9-11; cf. MB XV, 428-429.

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while he was Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, had a new secretary, Mons.
Ignazio Masotti (1817–88). But above all, as we know, the consistory held on 9 August 1883
appointed Cardinal Gaetano Alimonda as Archbishop of Turin, while the kindly Cardinal Lorenzo
Nina remained as Protector of the Salesian Society.
Don Bosco soon went into action. Once he had organised the reasons why he was renewing
the request for privileges, he sent the Cardinal Protector and the Archbishop a copy. Encouraged
by them, he sent a petition to the Holy Father on 20 January, attaching the memorandum he had
sent the the two Cardinals. Prefacing it with a brief clarification in Latin, he asked to be granted the
privileges that had been granted the Oblates of the Blessed Virgin Mary founded by Pio Brunone
Lanteri.44 The Archbishop supported the request with a letter of recommendation on 29 February.
As an expert in the Roman Curia, he lavished praise on the Salesian Congregation, for ‘its
exemplary discipline,’ the great good’ it was doing and the rapid extension of its ‘residences.’ He
concluded with a general consideration and a flattering comparison: ‘There is a distressing loss of
Religious from other Orders in our city and diocese,’ therefore, ‘ it matters greatly that the Holy See
adds prosperity and solidity to a Congregation offering shelter to so many lost individuals, and one
which has the advantage of escaping the blows of civil legislation.’45 As well as the Archbishop,
Cardinal Nina gave energetic support. He was aware of the ‘extrinsic difficulties’ blocking
concession of privileges up till then, and assured Alimonda that he would put a serious proposal to
the Pope. With singular determination he added: ‘Nor will I fail to tell His Holiness, that should he
believe he needs to persist in refusing them, I would feel obliged to resign as Protector of this
deserving Congregation in order for it not to see that I connived in some way or was indifferent to a
refusal that can only be arbitrary.’46 For Don Bosco, the granting of privileges and faculties for
dimissorials was the most agonising result he was looking for, even though more immediately he
had the completion of the Sacred Heart Church at heart and commencing work on the hospice, as
well as organising the last big lottery.47
Over the same days, Don Bosco’s secretary, Fr Lemoyne, was writing the texts we know as the
two famous ‘Letters from Rome’ dated 10 May 1884 on the ‘old’ and ‘new’ Oratory, on how love
must be demonstrated, and on sacramental piety, Marian devotion, which guaranteed the
constancy of his educative style. There is no question that the contents of these letters were
inspired by Don Bosco who signed them and saw that the one meant for the boys was sent to
Valdocco.48
At the beginning, the road to the privileges seemed to be full of obstacles. Initially, the response
he got was that it was no longer practicable to grant privileges given another Religious Institute by
cumulative concession per communicationem. The possibility remained of presenting a detailed list
of privileges granted other Congregations. The difficulties were of a technical nature. Through the
Procurator, Fr Dalmazzo, who was by now the principal actor in the matter, supported by Fr
Constantino Leonori, the Curial lawyer, Don Bosco sent a request on 1 April for ‘certain privileges
and spiritual favours’ granted the Passionists, Redemptorists and Vincentians.49 The request,
according to the reply from the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars on 2 May, was incomplete.
Each privilege had to be ‘supported by genuine documentation’ showing which ones were granted
to whom. On 3 May, Don Bosco told Cardinal Alimonda of the impasse in a heartfelt letter from
44 Cf. MB XVII 125-127 and 710-711 (petition to the Pope, motivations and replies to repeated objections),
711-712 (memo).
45 MB XVII 713.
46 Letter of card. L. Ninato Card. G. Alimonda 7 March 1884, MB XVII 129.
47 Cf. Chap.30, § 2.
48 Cf. P. BRAIDO (Ed.), Don Bosco educatore. Scritti e testimonianze. Rome, LAS 1997, pp. 344-390.
49 Cf. Text of petition with list of privileges requested, among which the faculty for dimissorials, in MB XVII
714-719.

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Rome which was pessimistic about the final outcome: ‘That means to say that I must put my heart
at peace for now and no longer speak of this request.’50 The new Cardinal wrote back immediately
and encouragingly: ‘After the period of combat, comes victory.’51 Meanwhile, at the audience on 9
May, Leo XIII renewed Don Bosco’s faculties for dimissorials granted ad decennium by Pius IX on
4 April 1874. On 12 May, Fr Lemoyne wrote triumphantly to Fr Rua: ‘D. Bosco is still fairly well. The
Pope has granted him everything … Meanwhile, until the formal decree is issued, the Pope has
allowed D. Bosco to continue providing dimissorials.’52
The petitioner left Rome on 14 May, when the situation was improving also with support from
the friendly Mons. Ignazio Masotti, who was much appreciated by the Pope. He was made
Cardinal on 10 November. While writing to Cardinal Nina to get him to intercede on behalf of
decorations he had promised benefactors, and for some financial help, Don Bosco told him he had
written the same day to Mons. Masotti.’53He was unaware that the matter had already been
resolved, and sent two further letters to Rome. The first was to Fr Dalmazzo on 15 June and
showed some concern: ‘You write me a beautiful letter but you did not reply to the one I sent Mons.
Masotti on our privileges.’54 The following day, ’having thought over the matter calmly on the advice
of a prudent and authoritative man’ he sent a request to the Pope, once again in asking him to
grant the privileges given the Oblates of the Blessed Virgin Mary.55 It could not be done since the
Oblates had themselves gained these per communicationem from privileges granted the
Redemptorists. Instead what could be done was direct granting of the Redemptorists’ privileges to
the Salesian Society. This was agreed upon. On 13 June, at the customary audience for the
Secretary of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, Mons. Masotti, the Pope gave permission
for the decree, which the Congregation issued on 28 June.
For some time at Valdocco, for those particularly sensitive to these matters – Frs Lemoyne,
Bonetti and Berto – the event which they learned of in the late afternoon of 9 July was interpreted
within the realm of the ‘supernatural’. They felt it was a more than ordinary ‘sign’ when four
lightning bolts struck the Oratory ‘out of the blue’ ‘accompanied by such a clap of thunder that the
whole Oratory shook as if it were about to collapse.’56
The text of the decree seemed rather dry to its beneficiaries, devoid of all praise of the
Congregation as it was, and simply pragmatic. That is how Don Bosco felt. He was almost done in
by the long journey and for the moment limited himself to a quick word of thanks passed on with a
number of other matters in a letter to the Procurator, Fr Dalmazzo: ‘I have also received the decree
on our privileges. The trimmings are missing but the substance is all there; and if you see Mons.
Masotti, pass on my humble thanks and that of the Congregation.57 The decree simply said that His
Holiness, Leo XIII, wishing to reward Don Bosco, founder and superior of the Salesian Society, and
its members, with special favours and graces has ‘kindly deigned to grant, extend and bestow in
perpetuity, all and each of the indults, privileges, exemptions and faculties granted the
Congregation of the Holy Redeemer with all necessary and appropriate clauses and decrees.’58
50 To Card. G. Alimonda, 3 May 1884, E IV 259.
51 Cf. MB XVII 135.
52 Letter of 12 May 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988)
157.
53 To Card. L. Nina, 8 June 1884, E IV 272-273.
54 E IV 274.
55 Cf. the text in MB XVII 719-720.
56 Cf. C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884 al 31 December 1884, pp. 9-14, 9 July; MB XVII
140-142 expand on and further dramatise it.
57 Letter of 10 July 1884, E IV 277.
58 Cf. De Privilegiis Congregationis SS. Redemptoris directe concessis e Decretum pro Congregatione
Salesiana circa Communicationem Privilegiorum cum Congregatione SS. Redemptoris, in Elenchus
privilegiorum seu facultatum et gratiarum spiritualium quibus potitur Societas S. Francisci Salesii ex S.

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Naturally, Don Bosco’s thanks to the Cardinal Protector, Lorenzo Nina, on 10 August and to Leo
XIII on the 17th were much warmer, seizing the occasion in both letters to offer them best wishes
for their respective name days. Both letters were written from the Bishop of Pinerolo’s place where
Don Bosco was staying for a period of rest. He attached an album to both with ‘descriptions of the
houses of the Congregation, both in Europe and America.’ He thanked the Cardinal for the ‘many
benefits’ bestowed through the year, emphasising: ‘The greatest favour was certainly the granting
of the Redemptorists’ privileges. This concession has placed our humble Congregation in a normal
state and my heart in such peace that I can sing the ‘Nunc dimittis.’ In fact it ‘brought completion to
the lengthy list of tasks for the final approval of our Congregation and its ability to sustain itself in
the various dioceses and more especially still in the foreign missions.’59
The letter to the Pontiff was somewhat more expansive. On the ‘most auspicious day’ of St
Joachim the Salesians felt ‘a serious duty to express their profound gratitude this year’ toward their
outstanding benefactor and promised to carry out their work in total union of mind and heart with
the Church. He attached a precise list of houses and residences where they were working for
young people and adults. As he had been able to express to the Holy Father at the audience on 9
May, the Congregation lacked ‘a marked favour’ that is, ‘a strong bond which would bind it
unalterably to the Holy See.’ The Pope had done this ‘by agreeing to grant the Redemptorists’
Privileges.’ ‘Now nothing else remains but for us, Your Salesians, to be united in one heart, one
soul, in working for the good of Holy Church.’ While still a ‘pusillus grex’ they were putting
themselves completely at the disposal of His Holiness to use them in any way he wanted ‘for the
greater glory of God in Europe, America and above all in Patagonia.’60
3. Choice and appointment of a vicar who would be his successor
Fr Rua’s presence alongside Don Bosco – along with other members of the Superior Chapter –
had never been purely representative or just for executive tasks. But nor had there been a
canonically appointed Vicar as replacement. Over 1883–84, this latter role was felt to be more
appropriate, even essential. Just the same, although the Holy See’s appointment of the Vicar had
been made at the end of 1884 and communicated by Don Bosco a year later, a number of tasks
tied to that role were already happening with a degree of frequency after the exceptional exertions
during 1883.
3.1 Early indicators
Don Bosco himself had given clear signs of the gradual passing of the baton to Fr Rua. At the end
of 1884 he did something new by comparison with previous circumstances. The minutes of the
Superior Chapter meeting on 28 January records that ‘D. Bosco announced that he will leave for
France on 1 March. He established that while he was absent the Chapter should meet at least
once a month. He gave Fr Rua full power to preside at it. He recommended to members that they
continue to love one another. It needs charity in order to do what they are doing better.’61
Sedis Apostolicae concessionibus directe et Congretationis SS. Redemptoris communicatione in usum
presbyterorum eiusdem Societatis. S. Benigni in Salassis, ex Officina salesiana MDCCCLXXXVIII, pp.
11-16. regarding the ongoing validity of the privileges – including the ‘exemption’ - given per
communicationem in 1884, relating to various indications in the 1917 Code of Canon Law, cf. i
Praeliminaria dell’Excerptum ex compendio authentico praecipuorum privilegiorum nostrae societatis. Ad
usum superiorum domorum. Augustae Taurinorum 1949, pp. 15-24.
59 Letter from Pinerolo, S. Lorenzo [10 August] 1884, E IV 285.
60 Letter dated from Turin, 17 August 1884, E IV 288-289.
61 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 8v, session in Don Bosco’s room on 28 February 1884.

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In one of the first letters to Fr Rua from Rome in 1884, Fr Lemoyne, along with a long list of jobs
handed out by the Superior, said: ‘D. Bosco says: Fr Rua is at the helm, Bishop Cagliero is
generally in charge of foreign affairs.’62 Don Bosco seemed to be describing his relationships as
head of state with a prime minister and foreign minister.
The Vicar’s tasks as Prefect General depended on the Superior’s health situation. Having left
Rome on Wednesday 14 May, after a full day and overnight journey with many interruptions, Don
Bosco arrived in Florence. Despite this, Fr Lemoyne wrote to Fr Rua: ‘D. Bosco is fair enough, all
things considered, and luckily today he had a better appetite than usual. He ate a half slice of
bread more than before!!!’63
On 17 May he was back at the Oratory. On 20 May, student of theology Carlo Viglietti, became
the Superior’s regular accompanier, and his diary, which he kept as a faithful son, became a
valuable and wonderful journal of information of his ‘father’s’ life right up until 31 January, 1888.’
On 1 June 1884 he recorded precise notes on what the doctor had suggested to preserve his
patient’s health: ’Almost every evening, by doctor’s orders, D. Bosco should go for a walk. Fr
Lemoyne and I will go with him.’ He also shed some light on religious practices other than
Eucharist celebration: ‘I read spiritual reading and meditation with D Bosco.’64 However, D. Bosco
did not abandon the scene. He took an active part in, and made clear decisions regarding the work
of the Superior Chapter. On 5 and 30 June, then on 4 and 7 July65 the Chapter was dealing with
the ‘smooth running’ of the Oratory and various provisions, as he insisted at the first of these
meetings, ‘to ensure morality among the boys and nurture vocations.’ ‘1. By regulating which boys
are accepted. 2. Purging the house. 3. Sharing, distributing, adjusting roles, boys, courtyards, etc.’
They also looked at stepping up vigilance, reducing contact of the boys with a range of settings
(parishes, oratories, female religious houses and hospitals) which differed from their protected
world, reshaping study programs by excluding Greek and mathematics in the senior classes to
make them almost inaccessible, in the short term, for the secondary certificate.66
During the festivities on 24 June and in the presence of the Colle family, the Count was
presented with his decoration as Commander of the Order of St Gregory the Great. Cardinal
Alimonda arrived for the open–air academy in the late afternoon, likening Don Bosco to John the
Baptist: one preached on the banks of the Jordan, Don Bosco between the Po and the Dora.67
At the Chapter session on 4 July, to ‘reform the Oratory house’ Don Bosco insisted strongly on
unity of direction, the principle of authority: a concept taken up again at the session on the 7th. At
this session he highlighted some of Fr Rua’s special functions while working alongside him: ‘Fr
Rua is being massacred by work and material matters and payment disputes’ and ‘D. Bosco is at
the stage where he is physically and mentally tired and can no longer go on ...’ So the conclusion
was: ‘He needs Fr Rua alongside to replace him in many matters and help him with what he
struggles to do. So Fr Rua will have no further direct work in the house and where the Salesian
Society is concerned he can give many of the jobs he does, and that would be properly those of a
bursar, to others.’68
62 Letter of 19 April 1884, in P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988)
143; cf. p. 116.
63 Letter from Florence, 15 May 1884, P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne...,
RSS 7 (1988) 159.
64 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., p. 5.
65 Cf. P. BRAIDO, La lettera di don Bosco da Roma del 10 May 1884, RSS 3 (1984) 353-374; J. M.
PRELLEZO, Valdocco nell’Ottocento..., pp. 273-307.
66 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 13r-14r, 18r-v, sessions on 5 June and 7 July 1884.
67 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., pp. 6-7.
68 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 17r e 18r-v, session on 4 July 1884.

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After a final Chapter session on 19 July, ‘for the first time,’ the young secretary recorded ‘D.
Bosco has been reduced to spending summer outside Turin due to the terrible heat. His country
trip to Pinerolo, to the Durazzo villa as guest of Bishop Chiesa, Bishop of Pinerolo. Fr Lemoyne
and Cleric Viglietti are keeping D. Bosco company there.’69 They remained there until 22 August,
with Viglietti absent for some days, ‘sent to do a job at S. Benigno.’70
Before leaving for his unaccustomed holiday, Don Bosco invited the Oratory past pupils for the
traditional annual encounter – this was the fifteenth anniversary – with lay men on 13 July, and
priests on the 17th. Professor Germano spoke, offering moving reminiscences. Particularly
touching was the reference to the health of their revered educator, who was listening attentively: I
recall the years long ago when D. Bosco was in the bloom of youth; when we boys would hang
around him and he was part of all our joys, sorrows, our comfort, our love, our father ... I recall, I
say, the old days and I think of the present: I see D. Bosco, and my heart tightens with
inexpressible tenderness. How much he has changed from when we knew him as boys! His body
is bent over. His hair is going grey and his step is slow and hesitant. May the Lord still keep that
day far from us when he must receive the reward for his many labours on our behalf. May he
remain among his children until he celebrates his solemn golden jubilee of ordination. But the
years press on inexorably.’71
Bits and pieces came out of Pinerolo, mixed in with some of his own letters. He told Count
Colle: ‘At the moment I am at the Bishop of Pinerolo’s villa; the intense heat in Turin was disturbing
my health. It is almost cold here and I feel much relieved. I have Fr Lemoyne with me and the
bishop gives me plenty of attention … Right at the moment the cold is bothering me and I need to
get up from the desk to put a jacket on. What a change over just a few hours, but I am up a
mountain.’72 His principal secretary confirmed that ‘D. Bosco is benefiting a lot from this air; he has
an appetite and peace and quiet. He sends a special blessing to Fr Bonetti, whom he speaks about
often, expressing his real regret at the illness affecting him.’73 ‘Every morning I help D. Bosco
celebrate Mass,’ Viglietti records ‘and mornings and evenings I accompany him on a walk through
these pleasant hills. D. Bosco is well, is stronger and gladly sings, teaching me and Fr Lemoyne
some nice songs. He sits in the fields without any support and then continues his walks for two
hours.’74
On 8 April, Don Bosco wrote to the Prefect of Turin to clarify an incident that had occurred at the
house at S. Benigno where a cavalry unit had been temporarily stationed. He let it be known how
inappropriate it was to turn the porticos into a stable, at a time when there was a threat of cholera,
with horse manure making a mess, as well as the risk of spoiling a building considered to be a
monument.75
In August, he moved to Valsalice for the Salesian retreats. ‘He presided at the retreat,’ his
secretary wrote ‘and spent much of the day hearing the confreres’ confessions. I read out letters to
him, spiritual reading and meditation.’76
69 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., p. 14.
70 D. G. B. Lemoyne to Fr M. Rua, July 1884, P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Lemoyne..., RSS
7 (1988) 161.
71 BS 8 (1884) no. 8, August, p. 112.
72 To Count L. Colle, 20 July 1884, E IV 506.
73 D. G. B. Lemoyne to Fr M. Rua, July 1884, P. BRAIDO - R. ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista
Lemoyne..., RSS 7 (1988) 160.
74 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., p. 15.
75 E IV 284-285.
76 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., p. 17.

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But after a few days he had to give this up. ’In September,’ Lemoyne tells us ‘the Salesian
retreats continued.’ ‘For the first time this year D. Bosco stopped hearing retreatants’ confessions,
leaving this to Fr Rua. His strength was no longer sufficient.’77
On 9 September, after returning from a visit on foot to Count and Countess Boncompagni, who
were holidaying on the hill (Valsalice), Don Bosco found that his left leg was giving him pain and
had become swollen overnight. The secretary alleviated the pain by applying ointment to the leg.
Dr Giuseppe Fissore visited him on the 14th. He found him in poor shape and prescribed that he
should return to the Oratory and go to bed. There were probably bronchial and cardio–circulatory
problems. ‘The fever is constant,’ his secretary noted ‘his breathing laboured, heartbeat abnormal.’
Some restrictive bandages on the leg helped, along with an anti–arthritic analgesic lotion which Fr
Berto applied with mistaken determination, deaf to his patient’s mild invitations to desist. The
doctor ordered him to keep away, and the same evening he was ‘evicted’ from the room near Don
Bosco. Fr Rua immediately moved in there and Fr Berto’s role as secretary, preserving material
and being responsible for the archives, was by then officially over.78
The patient’s condition seemed so serious that at the morning session on 19 September at
which Fr Rua presided, at his initiative, members of the Superior Chapter openly discussed a burial
place in the event of the founder’s death. The minute taker recorded: ‘Fr Rua says that given D.
Bosco’s illness, there was need not to overlook reflection on a painful possibility. They needed to
think of a likely funeral and how things should be managed.’79 The discussion did not go far and
would only be resumed on the morning of 31 January 1888. Fr Cerutti, Provincial, who was at the
meeting on the 19th looking at distribution of personnel, wrote from the Oratory to Fr Luigi Rocca,
his Vice–rector at the college at Alassio: ‘D. Bosco is in bed with fever always more or less for the
whole day. The fear is the illness becomes chronic and serious. We need to pray a lot. This
morning I said Mass in his room and gave him communion. He is always serene and smiling like
an angel … This morning we began speaking of what had to be done in the sad eventuality [of
death] and I assure you, my heart broke hearing Fr Rua having to deal with this topic in detail. We
hope and pray that Mary Help of Christians, obtains the miracle of his preservation this time.’80
A few days went by, however, and foreseeing that cholera might seep its way into Turin, the
patient was already at his desk writing a letter to the Mayor, Senator Ernesto Balbo Bertone, Count
of Sambuy. He recalled what he had done during the cholera epidemic in 1854, and said he was
‘ready to take in all the 12–16–year–old boys at the Oratory of St Francis de Sales, who were
orphaned and abandoned due to the epidemic and who were in the physical condition required by
the Institute.’81 In a letter the following day the Mayor said that in case of necessity the city
authorities would certainly avail themselves of the ‘generous offer,’ and addressed ‘words of
deserving praise and recognition’ to Don Bosco ‘in the name of the Council, too, for your new act of
philanthropy.’ 82
On 2 October, he was able to tell Mrs Luigia Dufour that he was ‘out of bed’ and could thank her
with a ‘few lines’ for her charity.83 On the 3rd he went to S. Benigno and presided at a meeting
there of the Superior Chapter. The following day he received the profession of vows of those who
had finished the novitiate. At the Chapter meeting he told them of the decision that from January
1885, rules would be applied for admission to vows that were issued in the 1848 decree Regulari
77 Documenti XXVII 395.
78 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., pp. 18-21.
79 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 35r., session on 19 September 1884.
80 Letter of 19 September 1884, ASC F 381, original 2 ff.
81 E IV 294-295.
82 Documenti XXVIII 417.
83 To L. Dufour, 2 October 1884, E IV 295.

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disciplinae, as desired by Pius IX.84 He returned to Turin the following morning, Sunday the 12th.
The same day he assured Claire Louvet: ‘My health is progressing slowly but always a bit better.’85
He also wrote to his most recent biographer, Albert Du Boÿs,86 to thank him for the ‘noble, learned
and important work.’ ‘Often while reading it’ he confessed ‘I covered my face in confusion.’ He
considered it an honour given by you to the humble [Salesian] Congregation.’ He introduced his
corrections in an Italian copy of the book, some with a view to refashioning his image: for example,
the ‘holy priest’ became the ‘poor priest.’87
A worsening of his health in the second half of September probably led Don Bosco to make a
change to content in the notebook containing his Memoirs from 1841 which he had put aside since
February. He took it up once more, writing at least from page 23 to 42 of the manuscript. We find
there a series of things to be done by the Superior Chapter and especially the ‘Vicar in agreement
with the Prefect’ after the writer’s death: inform all Salesians by letter of the Rector’s death,
recommending prayers for the deceased and for a good choice of successor; send out a letter after
the burial which the founder had already prepared. Some of this material was already part of these
Memoirs to his dear and beloved sons in J.C. The Vicar was to establish the day for the election of
the new Superior. Instructions then followed on various points: election of the new Superior, things
to be done by the new Rector Major, and another reminder for the Rector Major, duties of the
Rector of each house, and finally, special notes for everyone.88 Later, when he re–read what he
had written about things to be done, ‘by the Vicar in agreement with the Prefect’ and on the prayers
to be said for the choice of successor, Don Bosco corrected it with the following note: ‘Remember
that these pages were written in September 1884 before the Holy Father appointed a Vicar to
succeed, therefore what he needs to do needs to be modified accordingly.89 If the notes and
corrections by the author corresponded to how things played out in fact – and there is no need to
doubt this except for the arbitrary possibility of a reversal of dates – then it is of extreme interest.
The notion of a Vicar, though not yet conceived of in precise juridical terms, would have matured in
Don Bosco’s thinking before the suggestion or request came from Rome. The idea could only have
come from an awareness that his health was deteriorating, further reinforced by the impressions
exchanged between himself and Leo XIII at the audience on 9 May.
The formal appointment of Fr Durando as Prefect General took place at the Chapter meeting on
24 September 1885, but Don Bosco had already given it thought prior to 28 October 1884, when
he spoke to members of the Superior Chapter about distinguishing the two roles of Vicar and
Prefect General, and it was mentioned in a ‘memorandum’ he sent the Pope a few days later.
Moreover, the hypothesis of a new asset at the top level of government of the Congregation,
including the appointment of a Vicar with full powers, had already been mentioned to him by the
Pope at the 9 May audience.90
3.2 Appointment of the Vicar and delay in official announcement
No initiative was taken by the Superior Chapter or any of its members or by other Salesians to
officially substitute or supply for Don Bosco in governing the Society. In any case ,it was Rome who
began to take this initiative. It could be that Don Bosco and Fr Rua preferred a more flexible and
functional solution with a de facto rather than a legally appointed Vicar. Between Don Bosco and
84 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 42r-v, session on 3 October 1884.
85 Lett. a C. Louvet, 12 October 1884, E IV 464.
86 Cf. Chap.26, § 5.
87 Cf. P. CAVIGLIÀ, Don Bosco lettore della sua biografia..., pp. 193-206.
88 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 97-102.
89 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 97, no. 1.
90 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 45v and 82v, sessions on 28 October 1884 and 24 September 1885.

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his co–workers, all of whom had been educated by him, the exchange of ideas and actions was
such that it made succession and canonical replacement unnecessary. Don Bosco had such
prestige before a vast public, and such a unique capacity to attract trust and charity, that Fr Rua
could have even felt intimidated by solutions of surrogacy and succession, whichever way this was
to be configured. On the other hand, he was such a mature Salesian, so expert in governing and
so close to Don Bosco that he would not have had any difficulty operating as de facto Vicar without
formal, official investiture. Nevertheless, there remained problems of a juridical nature that could
encourage this circumstance being given official regulation as a condition of the indisputable
validity and clarity of acts of government.
This mixture of circumstances sufficiently explains why Don Bosco was convinced of the value
of Rome’s suggestions, and having chosen the least traumatic and painful of them, then kept it
reserved to the Chapter on 24 September 1885 and only told the Salesian Congregation on 8
December that year, even after having accepted the notion of a Vicar and having acted on it at the
end of 1884. It also appears that nobody in the Chapter had put any pressure on him to hasten the
announcement, a formality which left the real situation intact.
The passage to the new top–level configuration – founder and Rector Major flanked by a
Superior and Vicar with plenipotentiary powers conferred by the Pope and with right of succession
– was suggested on two occasions by Don Bosco at sessions of the Superior Chapter on 24 and
28 October1884. It had been personally set in motion with the Cardinal Protector, Lorenza Nina.
Halfway through October, a letter came to Cardinal Alimonda (9 October) from Archbishop
Domenico Jacobini, Secretary of the Congregation of Propaganda. He was close to Don Bosco in
mentality, pastoral interests and friendship, and the initiator, guide and soul of lay Catholic action in
Rome. He was also an apostle of Rome’s Catholic university students and ecclesiastical assistant
to the Circolo di S. Pietro from 1868 to 1880 and founder in 1871, of the Primary Catholic Arts and
Workers Association for Mutual Charity.91
The letter said that the Pope would like the Cardinal to speak to Don Bosco ‘and introduce the
idea of appointing an individual whom he thought suitable to succeed him or to take the title of
Vicar with right of succession. The Holy Father would reserve to himself the choice of one or other
approach, depending on what he thought most prudent.’92 From what Don Bosco told members of
the Superior Chapter, it seems his preference was the second possibility. The Minutes Secretary
wrote: ‘D. Bosco wanted the confreres to exercise their authority according to the Rule for selecting
a Superior, but after the Pope’s letter he does not know how to choose otherwise.’ He also said
that the Pope had expressed a similar opinion at the audience on 9 May, and asked if the name to
be given the Pontiff should come from a consultation among Salesians. The Chapter thought not:
‘Let D. Bosco choose his Vicar administrator with right of succession and as the Pope stated, send
the name of the one chosen to the Pope, who will approve it.’93 Don Bosco held to this solution and
told them on 28 October: ‘I have had a letter written to the Supreme Pontiff in this sense, entrusting
myself fully to his decision.’ He also said he had drafted a ‘memorandum’ on another sheet and
sent it off. He summarised its contents in the following terms: ‘I suggested a Vicar General with
right of succession to the Holy Father, but leaving everything in the Holy Father’s hands. I will give
all powers to this Vicar but I want to be responsible since, I repeat, up till now this responsibility
has not existed. This Vicar will be another Prefect. Then I will withdraw. I will see and speak to my
Vicar and he will speak to and command the other confreres ex officio.’ He had already explained
earlier why he had excluded the first responsibility which would see him withdraw completely, then
91 Cf. M. CASELLA, Il cardinale Domenico Maria Jacobini (1837-1900), “Rassegna Storica del Risorgimento”
58 (1971) 557-617. Earlier presidents of the Primary Catholic Association were Marquis Girolamo
Cavalletti, then from 1876 Count Francesco Vespignani, the architext of Sacred Heart Church.
92 Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua ai salesiani. Turin, Tip. S.A.I.D. “Buona Stampa” 1910, p. 7.
93 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 44r, session onl 24 October 1884.

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a successor would be appointed. ‘If I remain at my post before the world, unless I am deceiving
myself, I can still do some good for the Congregation. If I remain Rector Major also in name, that
will be enough for France, Spain, etc.’94
A brief exchange of correspondence between the Superior Chapter and the Holy See after Don
Bosco’s death intended to overcome Fr Rua’s hesitation regarding the legitimacy of automatic
succession. Cardinal Lucido M. Parocchi, Protector of the Salesian Society from 17 April 1886,
understood that it was an authoritative decision of the Pontiff’s as explained at an audience
granted Cardinal Nina on 27 November 1884. This is what he passed on to Cardinal Alimonda by
letter on 30 November. ‘At that audience,’ he wrote ‘I personally presented Don Bosco’s letter to
the Holy Father, along with Your Eminence’s letter. His Holiness was fully satisfied and happy to
understand that the future of the Salesian Institute was sufficiently provided for by entrusting it to Fr
Rua when Don Bosco died … Therefore I would be pleased if Your Eminence would let Don Bosco
know of this when the occasion presents itself.’95
The authoritative resolution to the problem was precisely understood by Alimonda, who replied
to Cardinal Nina on 6 December: ‘First of all I must thank you for your most recent letter in which
you were kind enough to let me know how pleased the Holy Father was with the appointment of
the excellent Fr Rua as Vicar General of the Very Reverend Don Bosco with the right to succeed
him in governing the Salesian Congregation. Don Bosco and his religious are very happy with the
good news and much more so with the apostolic blessing Your Eminence communicated, and they
express their gratitude to their beloved Protector.’96 In fact, Cardinal Nina’s letter to Cardinal
Alimonda was the official document stating the Pope’s pleasure, expressed authoritatively at the
audience granted Cardinal Nina on 27 November and then officially passed on to Cardinal
Alimonda and through him to Don Bosco. Cardinal Parocchi confirmed this in reply to the query put
by members of the Superior Chapter after Don Bosco’s death:97 ‘From the audience with His
Holiness on 11 February 1888, “Leo XIII, having heard the report from the undersigned Cardinal
Protector of the Salesians, confirmed the decree issued on 27 November 1884, given to His
Eminence Cardinal Nina, the then Protector of the said Congregation, by which decree His
Holiness had seen to the appointment and succession of the Rector Major of the self–same
Society, (in place of the worthy founder, to whom His Holiness wished a long life and good health)
in the person of the Very Reverend Fr Michael Rua, a professed priest in the Salesian
Congregation. His Holiness also wanted the aforesaid Father Michael Rua to hold both the title and
office of Rector Major in accordance with the Constitutions of the Salesian Congregation, the
twelve years to begin from today, and that this title and office thus accepted be so unique that it
can no longer be taken up by way of example. Finally, His Holiness ordered that the Congregation
of Bishops and Regulars as well as the one elected along with his councillors in the Salesian
Society be informed of the confirmation and renewal of this decree.” L.M. Parocchi, Protector of the
Salesian Society.’98
94 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 45r-v, session on 28 October 1884. The “Memoria” of which Don Bosco speaks
has not been found.
95 Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua..., p. 9.
96 Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua…, pp. 9-11.
97 In the question we find a profile of Fr Rua that can be considered the best of the ones that have been
formulated: “Although it happened at the time of an election which followed the Rule, it is nevertheless a
common feeling that Fr Rua would be the one chosen with complete votes, and this in deference to Don
Bosco who always had him as his first confidante and right arm, and also for the esteem that everyone
has for his distinguished virtues, for his particular ability in governing the Institute, and for his singular
dexterity in handling business, of which he already gave shining proof, under the direction of our
unforgettable and dearest Founder and Father "(Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua..., pp. 11-12).
98 Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua..., pp. 14-15.

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As well as Don Bosco, then, also Fr Rua and the Chapter members had to be aware of the
Pope’s decision in the form of a rescript, a term used by Don Bosco himself at the Chapter session
on 28 October. We know this both from the text of Leo XIII’s ‘rescript’ of 11 February 1888,
entrusted to Cardinal Parocchi, and Cardinal Alimonda’s letter to Cardinal Nina on 6 December
1884.
Before the change, however, Don Bosco showed flashes of real vitality on a number of
occasions. On 25 October 1884, he sent a strongly worded letter to the Executive Committee of
the General Italian Expo in Turin for consideration by the Office for Jury Review. He thought that
the silver medal awarded the Printing works and the merit certificate first grade for himself were
inadequate, given the trade student’s section of the Oratory’s display at the Expo of publishing and
bookselling activities – ‘the ingenious work showing wood chips to paper, type–making, printing,
binding to produce a book.’99 His request was for them to arrive at a ‘verdict which conforms more
to the merit,’ saying that were the reply to be contrary he would renounce ‘any prize or certificate
whatsoever,’ asking that there be ‘no indication given in the press of the verdict, prize and
certificate.’100
Some days later, he replied warmly to a letter from the President of the Catholic Club at Prato,
who had praised his social activity and asked for a blessing for himself and his members. Don
Bosco seized the opportunity to explain his whole life’s program once again. He expressed his
satisfaction ‘at the news you give me about establishing the Catholic Club for workers, whose
moral and material well–being had always been at the top of my thoughts and affections.
Therefore, I thank you and all Club members for having wanted to dedicate one of their first
thoughts to my person.’ Further on he said: ‘I entrust that the Catholic Club will continue to expand
and gather many other workers of good will to itself, thus rescuing them from the snares of the
enemies of religion and civil society. Under the pretext of improving their lot, they make it much
worse instead, robbing them of peace of conscience and the hope of achieving the imperishable
goods awaiting them beyond the grave.’ He noted, then, that among the titles given him was the
one of ‘father’ and stated: ‘I reject all titles except this one, and as their father I will be really happy
if I can be of use to them in some ways as I would be to my sons.’101
On the other hand, his health remained precarious, though it did not prevent him from
continuing some of his habitual activities at the Oratory. On one occasion, finishing off one of the
founder’s letters for him, Fr Rua wrote: ‘Since our dear D. Bosco is unable to finish this letter he
has given me the honour of doing so. Unfortunately, his eyesight is not good, although his health
has not worsened … But his legs and breathing struggle.’102 The November Salesian Bulletin
reported that ‘Father John Bosco cordially thanks the Cooperators for their public and private
prayers offered for his recovery.’103 The chronicler also wrote that Don Bosco, his health having
much improved, ’had made himself available to hear confessions of boys in the top two secondary
classes on Wednesdays as well as Saturdays.104 Then, on 13 December, he gave the traditional
conference for the Feast of the Immaculate Conception to the Salesians, insisting on ‘Love one
another, help one another charitably.’105 He concluded the year on 31 December with the last
99 Cf. Esposizione Generale Italiana in Torino 1884. Premi conferiti agli espositori secondo le deliberazioni
della Giuria. Turin, Paravia 1884, pp. 301 and 485. Murialdo came out better: the Artigianelli College was
given the gold medal for the valuable work of its various workshops and the agricultural school at Bruere
near Rivoli the silver medal (“L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 270, Sunday 16 November 1884, p. 1079, Gli
artigianelli di Torino); cf. G. DOTTA, La nascita del movimento cattolico Torino…, p. 348, no. 127.
100 E IV 299-301.
101 Letter of 31 October 1884, E IV 302-303.
102 A C. Louvet, 6/7 November 1884, E IV 464-465.
103 BS 8 (1884) no. 11, November, p. 153.
104 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., p. 27.
105 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., pp. 36-38.

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strenna but, as he confided to his secretary Viglietti, he did not want ‘to play the prophet as
usual.’106 He continued to recount nightmares and dreams, but to a restricted circle of listeners.
4. Educative spirituality: Salesian religious and Cooperators
Don Bosco’s concern for the future of his beloved creation on behalf of youth, the Salesian Society,
inclusive of the FMA Institute, meant that over the final years his anxiety grew for instilling and
spreading his spirit, the ‘Salesian spirit’, in his men and women religious. The term held rich
significance, it certainly indicated the spirit of St Francis de Sales, converted into the spirit of the
Salesians with substantial new features, that is, the spirit of St Francis de Sales as modified and
reshaped by the particular field of application in Salesian activity, following the model offered by the
founder’s life story, activity, magisterium, with very specific points of reference: poor and
abandoned young people, the choice to educate and assist with welfare, his special preventive
way of working. He had reflected on all this and written it up in the meditations in the Memoirs of
the Oratory of St Francis de Sales, written at the height of his spiritual maturity.107
As for their quality as apostles of youth, generally the primary reference of the ‘Salesians of Don
Bosco’ was to be method, the various modalities of their activity, which boiled down to precise
elements such as reason – religion – loving kindness, love before or rather than fear, cheerfulness
and study/work and piety. However, absolute priority was given to the end which summed
everything up, the glory of God and the salvation of souls. He wrote to the director of the Oratory
community’s student section: ‘Tell our dear boys and confreres that I am working for them and will
do so until my last breath. Ask them to pray for me, to be good, to avoid sin so that we can all be
saved in eternity. Everyone Que Dieu nos bénisse et que la Sainte Vierge nous protège.’108
4.1 Salesian religious
Naturally, he wanted the basis of the Salesians’ mission to be the keen awareness of their
consecrated state. This was the subject of an important circular written in his own handwriting at
the beginning of 1884. He rejoiced at the dedication and solidarity he had found in the Salesians
at the colleges he had recently visited. ‘I am telling you then that I am very happy with you, with the
care with which you tackle any kind of work, also committing serious effort to promoting the glory of
God in our houses and among the boys who Divine Providence entrusts to us daily.’ This was a
prelude to much more binding considerations on their vocational choice: the ‘grand project’ could
be none other than ensuring their ‘eternal salvation.’ The way to realise this was evident: ‘Observe
the Rules,’ ‘the object of our promises, and the vows by which we are consecrated to the Lord.’
He went on to respond to those who might oppose the weightiness of observance, cutting this
short with an insistent recall to the nobility and austerity involved in the imitation of Christ in
consecrated life. This was no novelty for those who recalled the tone of the circulars in the
1860s.109 ‘My dear sons, do we perhaps wish to go to paradise in a carriage? We became religious
not to enjoy ourselves but to suffer and win merit by the other path; we are consecrated to God not
to command but to obey, not to attach ourselves to creatures but to practise charity towards our
neighbour moved only by the love of God; not to have a comfortable life but to be poor with Jesus
Christ, to suffer with Jesus on earth and be worthy of his glory in Heaven.’ ‘Let us move ahead,’ he
insisted taking up some deeply rooted concepts once more. ‘It will cost us effort, hardships,
106 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 May 1884..., p. 39.
107 MO (2010) 134 ff.; cf. Chap. 6, § 5.2.
108 To Fr G. B. Francesia, Marseilles, 12 April 1885, E IV 323.
109 Cf. Chap.15, § 11.

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hunger, thirst and also death. Our reply always is … Si delectate magnitude premiorum, non
deterreat certamen laborum.’110
He spoke more frequently of the method, with the preventive motive at the heart of it. This
returned in various contexts, especially the educational one, most of all in the scholastic and
college context, but always open to every possibility: General Chapters, meetings of the Superior
Chapters, particular problems that may arise, meeting with Cooperators and past pupils.
At the lengthy morning sessions of the Superior Chapter on 12 September 1884, discussion
focused on the Salesian coat of arms. Fr Sala presented a draft version. Discussion focused
particularly on the motto. One suggestion seemed to be too generic and common to other
Congregations. Sinite parvulos venire ad me. Don Bosco suggested Da mihi animas caetera tolle,
in use since the early days of the Oratory.111 At the afternoon session on the same day, he added
the idea of the purpose or end, with precise reference to prevention as a system: ‘I recommend
another thing, study and effort to introduce and practise the preventive system in our houses. Let
Rectors give conferences on this very important point; the advantages are incalculable for the
salvation of souls and God’s glory.’112 As discussion went on he introduced the topic of prevention
in the area of reading, with the inflexibility we have already noted. He recommended ‘trying to keep
every forbidden book from our pupils even when they are prescribed for schools, much less to sell
them. When D. Bosco wrote the history of Italy he wrote a little bit of Alfieri’s authors. But renowned
Professor Amedeo Peyron scolded him saying: never mention forbidden authors, because if you do
you encourage the boys to read them. Let them be ignored. This is what we must do: not mention,
introduce or quote forbidden authors or ones with anti–Catholic principles. There can be
exceptions, but only for people who have to sit for public exams. But in these cases, too, make use
of purged (censored) authors. Yet even purged forbidden authors are not to be put into the hands
of boys in the lower classes. That only gives them a fatal curiosity to verify the corrections. Also, be
slow to speak about them. If rectors and teachers happen to have some, keep a close eye on
them. I never thought there would be such a craving for forbidden books as there is today. Just like
there is a craving to waste time and ruin the souls with novels. Instead we should read and get
others to read the lives of our boy, and all the other books of the Letture Cattoliche and the books
from our Biblioteca della gioventù, Cesari, Mattei [Maffei] etc. We seem to have very little esteem
for our own literature. We are even afraid to include our own books on the list of prize books to be
given to our colleges. It seems to be a humiliation for some to give religious books to 4th and 5th
year secondary.’113
It was no fleeting excursus but an idea rooted in native conviction and years of experience. Don
Bosco insisted on it in a circular on ‘books that should be removed from our boys’ hands and books
to be used for individual or common reading.’ Fr Lemoyne wrote this, based on an outline provided
by the Superior, who reviewed the text. Dated 1 November 1884, it was sent to all the colleges. An
inspection of trunks and parcels brought in by the boys at the beginning of the school year was
prescribed as, well as the obligation for the boys to write up a ‘conscientious list of very book, and
hand it to the superiors.’ During the year there needed to be vigilance by everyone to prevent bad
books and papers coming into the houses. ‘Unexpurgated’ dictionaries were to be got rid of. Loving
persuasion of the boys ‘from the pulpit, in the evening, in class,’ should help. It was also necessary
‘to keep an eye on certain other books which, though good or even indifferent in themselves, could
also present a risk because unsuited to the age, place, studies, tendencies, nascent passions,
vocation of the boys. These books, too, should be got rid of.’ The same rules applied to reading in
public ‘in refectories, dormitories and the study hall,’ excluding in particular ‘novels of any kind’
110 Circolari di D. Bosco e di D. Rua…, pp. 20-22.
111 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 31v, session on 12 September 1884.
112 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 33v, session on afternoon of 12 September 1884.
113 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 33v, session on afternoon of 12 September 1884.

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which were not published by the Oratory Press. The austere Lemoyne knew how to interpret Don
Bosco’s thinking very well. In the refectory, they were to fall back on all–Salesian reading: stories
written by Don Bosco, the Salesian Bulletin, the Letture Cattoliche’s religious booklets, and lives of
the saints.114
Another circular was attached to this one. It too was written by Lemoyne and sent to Salesian
houses with Don Bosco’s signature, dated 19 March 1885. To guarantee healthy reading within
and beyond college boundaries there was a need for the intense work of distributing good books
‘for the glory of God and the salvation of souls’ among the young and people in general. ‘This was
one of the most precious undertakings entrusted to me by Divine Providence’ he stated. Not only
that but ‘it is one of the principal ends of our Congregation.’ It was not enough to circulate them
among the boys, but they themselves were to be involved ‘as apostles spreading good books.’115
4.2 Salesians by choice
In the 1880s, meetings with Cooperators and past pupils became more familiar, and they were
included under the common denomination of ‘Salesians.’ As such, Don Bosco intended to infuse a
common spirit in them all. For Cooperators, this had to be rooted in the identical commitment to the
young and their solid involvement in financial concerns that resulted from this. Although not all
Cooperators would be benefactors, large or small, they were explicitly or implicitly Cooperators.116
Solidarity with the Salesian family – consecrated men and women, Cooperators, young people
of both genders, beneficiaries of the missions – 117 became a total commitment for some, their
entire meaning of life, true communion in charity and grace. Don Bosco told Claire Louvet that he
intended to write to Salesians in America, asking them, when baptising catechumens, to give the
name Claire to at least one baby girl in each of the fifteen colonies.118 It was a guarantee of the
prayers that would contribute to giving her what she particularly needed: serenity of spirit, ‘peace
and tranquillity of heart.’119 She cooperated with an essential program of spiritual life drawn up by
Don Bosco in a clear and sure manner with expressions of Christian piety – for happiness now and
in eternity – crowned by discreet insistence: ‘Do the good works that are possible’120 unless, as he
suggested on another occasion, she might want to entrust her ‘valuables’ ‘to Don Bosco’s bank.’
He would make use of them immediately, thus removing them from any likely thieves.’121 In the
context of good works, he also referred to a possible religious vocation for Claire: ’Up until now you
do not have a vocation to become a religious, but you do have a vocation to become a saint. By
doing what you do, you are on the way to paradise. In expectation of that be calm, nurture good
works.’122 ’Farewell Miss Claire’ was his message at the beginning of 1887, not yet the final
farewell. ‘May God preserve peace of heart in you, tranquillity of soul and perseverance until
Paradise.’123 A month earlier, he had pointed out the conditions: ‘What goes on in the world is very
114 MB XVII 197-200; Cronistoria IV 379-383.
115 E IV 318-321.
116 Cf. Chap.22, §§ 6-8; on ‘Salesians’ past pupils, Chap. 23, § 6.
117 For the formula “famille salésienne”, cf. Letter to C. Louvet, 22 November 1884, 20 October 1886, E IV
465, 473; to Count L. Colle, 10 June , 23 December 1883, E IV 496, 500.
118 Letter of 15 July 1992 and 15 November 1883, E IV 450 and 458; on the basis of a letter of Bishop G.
Cagliero the information that the bishop had given the name “Clara Louvet” to a young “savage” from Rio
Negro in Patagonia: letter of 7 October 1885, E IV 470.
119 Cf. letter of 2 November and 21 December 1883, E IV 452 and 459.
120 A C. Louvet, 17 September 1883, E IV 458.
121 A C. Louvet, 26 January 1884, E IV 461.
122 A C. Louvet, 6 November 1884, E IV 464.
123 Letter of 16 January 1887, E IV 475.

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dark, but God is light and the Holy Virgin is always the Morning Star. Trust in God, and in Mary;
fear nothing. I can do everything in him who gives me strength, Jesus Christ. Patience. Patience is
absolutely necessary to conquer the world, assure one of victory, and enter Paradise.124
No less profound was the rapport with Count Colle, who ended up becoming Don Bosco’s
volunteer cashier and, as we have seen, Commendatore or commander …. The one who was
commanded.125 ‘Commander fully prepared to be commanded by Don Bosco’ he signed of in one
of his letters. He was at the orders of … the principal.126 Don Bosco knew how to do things with the
greatest respect and finesse in dealing with these generous benefactors, husbands and wives, and
was no less concerned with their physical and spiritual health. The Count’s physical health was
precarious. When writing to Count Colle, Don Bosco told him things, greeted him in the name of
the ‘Salesian family’ and never spoke of ‘his’ problems but of ‘our affairs,’ his own and the Count’s.
In every case, ‘they concern the glory of the good God and eternal happiness of “our souls”.’127
There were two letters in August and September 1882 in which he explained to the Count his
great need of money for those ‘preparing for the priesthood and to become missionaries abroad:’
and to help missionaries already in Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego. But he asked him to reply with
the same confidence with which he was asking: oui ou non, in absolute freedom. He also
mentioned the amount needed, 12,000 francs [42, 049 euro].128 A brief letter he sent him on Our
Lady’s birthday began, without further preamble, with a prayer to the Virgin: ‘O Mary, our good
mother, on the day on which the Catholic Church celebrates your birth, bring a very special
blessing to your children, the Count and Countess Colle. This morning, with all my heart, I
celebrated Mass for them and our boys received Holy Communion for their spiritual and temporal
benefit.’129 When her husband’s health worsened he told the Countess: ‘Countess, you are not
looking after your health. Look after our dear patient but do not forget yourself … O glorious St
Anne, obtain from the good God health, health and perseverance until paradise – paradise –
paradise. I am your affectionate son, Abbé Bosco.’130 When he received news of an improvement,
he rejoiced and told her: ‘I have written and said many times that if it is God’s will, let him call me to
eternity but to still give time to his son Count Colle so he may continue his protection of the
missionaries and our nascent Congregation.’131 The Count’s appointment with death, however, was
a month before his own.
‘The souls of the savages will, without doubt, be your legacy before God,’132 he wrote to
husband and wife Blanchon from Lyons. From 1880 to 1884, they responded constantly to his
needs: the boys, ‘orphans’, new foundations, youth institutions and in particular the Sacred Heart
Church and in a very special way the Missions.
Another great friend and benefactor of Don Bosco’s was architect Vincent Leviot in Nice, who,
as we know, had put him up during his first stay in the city on the Côte d’Azure. He sent him at
least 9 letters (two in Italian, the others in French) and referred to him in various other letters to Fr
Ronchail, describing him as ‘an eminently Catholic man, tirelessly dedicated to works of charity.’
Don Bosco obtained a papal honour for him as a Knight of the Order of St Gregory the Great. 133
124 A C. Louvet, 9 December 1886, E IV 474.
125 Cf. Chap.22, § 9.
126 To Count L. Colle, 5 July 1884, E IV 505.
127 Cf. letter of 10 June and 25 August 1883, E IV 496 and 497.
128 Letter of 28 August and 6 September 1882, E IV 491.
129 Letter of 8 September 1886, E IV 522.
130 Letter of 26 July 1887, E IV 532.
131 To Countess L. Colle, 14 August 1887, E IV 532.
132 Letter of 28 October 1880; 21 May 1881; 23 March and July 1883, E IV 426-429.
133 Cf. Petition to Leo XIII, 9 May 1881, E IV 52-53; letter to Fr G. Ronchail at the end of 1881, E IV 98 and
25 December 1882, E IV 193 (he asked for news of “Cav. Levrot”).

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From Frohsdorf, he wrote to him for his name day on 16 July 1883.134 He also advised him
beforehand of his trip to France in spring 1885, wanting to deal with him personally regarding his
works. 135 Although ‘eyesight and vital strength were much diminished’ he did not fail, afterwards, to
thank ‘Sir’ for ‘the special protection’ given his ‘orphans.’136 One of Don Bosco’s final letters was to
him.137
In 1884, cholera had resurfaced in Piedmont, and he calmed a benefactor with: ‘Our antidote is
a secure one,’ prayer and the guarantee of Our Lady is protection.138 He gave a longer reply to
Countess Bonmartine who had put her name down for a pillar in the Sacred Heart Church in Rome
and had sent the last instalment of 1,053 lire [2,888 euro]: ‘All is going well; let us try to win souls.
God will bless our efforts and give us strength, will and grace … The Cholera is about, but until
now God has kept it away from us. May the Holy Virgin continue her assistance and her protection
over us.’139 He thanked Mrs Luigia Dufour similarly for ‘[her] charity’ praying that the Virgin Help of
Christians would defend and protect her and her family against the cholera threatening towns
around.140
He did not forget one of his early benefactors, Marchioness Frassati, widowed in 1878, and her
daughter Azelia, wife of Baron Carlo Ricci, who had remembered him with a ‘charitable
donation.’141 He also sent the Marchioness bunches of grapes which had matured ‘beneath the
shade and protection of Mary Help of Christians,’ that is, from the vines that climbed up as far as
his bedroom.142
In this context of deeply human and spiritual relationships, the pages of the Memorie dal 1841,
which are dedicated to benefactors, take on increased significance, including the brief individual
letters to be sent out after his death. He also sought substantially to inculcate two great loves, in a
few brief words, in these people too: faithful and wise administration of the talents they had
received – life, time, material goods, wealth – and hope in the reward that was the most important
one of all, eternal life, without under–valuing life here on earth. He also promised them prayers, his
and the Salesians’ the boys’, for the twofold purpose: that the Lord would guide them ‘on the way
to paradise’ to reach him, the ‘house’ of Mary and God where there was eternal happiness. All
these messages to benefactors sang the hymn of active charity: ‘that they may always be the
support of the Salesian Congregation and a help for the Salesian Missions,’ and that they may
‘continue to protect his apostolic work and have many souls saved by Salesian missionaries who
will bring their benefactors to heaven.’ He entrusted the Sisters and his orphans to some
benefactors – Miss Rosa du Gas, Mrs Jacques, Marchioness Fassati. ‘Perseverance in doing
good’ would assure them of the ‘true reward in heaven.’ He addressed a heartfelt appeal to the
elderly Feliciano Ricci des Ferres, a benefactor from way back, supported by his son Carlo and
daughter–in–law Azelia Fassati: ‘Baron, you absolutely must save your soul, but you must give all
the surplus the Lord has given you to the poor, an extraordinary grace.’ He invoked eternal
happiness on the entire extended family of three privileged charitable individuals, well–known to
him, Count Eugenio De Maistre, Countess Carlotto Callori and Countess Gabriella Corsi.143
134 E IV 224.
135 Letter of 8 March 1885, E IV 317.
136 Cf. letter of 21 November and 13 December 1885, E IV 345 and 350; from Pinerolo, 19 July 1886, E IV
356; in French, on 1 August 1886, E IV 409-410.
137 Letter of 28 October 1887, E IV 410.
138 To Mrs Magliano, 16 August 1884, E IV 287.
139 Letter of September 1884, E IV 293.
140 Letter of 2 October 1884, E IV 295; again another letter on 19 February 1885, E IV 314-315.
141 Letter of 27 November 1884, E IV 304.
142 Letter of 4 November 1885, E IV 345.
143 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 112-115, 121.

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Among things the newly elected Rector Major had to do – as we know, he wrote this before the
formal appointment of Fr Rua as Vicar but not before he was signalled as such by the Pope himself
– after writing to the Pope, the Salesians, the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, was ‘another
letter’ to benefactors and Cooperators to thank them in his name for what they had done while he
was still alive, and ‘asking them to continue their help in support of Salesian works.’ With ‘firm hope
of being welcomed into the Lord’s mercy’ he would continue to pray for them. He recommended:
‘But always point out, say and preach, that Mary Help of Christians has obtained and will always
obtain particular graces, even extraordinary and miraculous ones for those who help provide
Christian education to youth at risk through works, advice, good example, or simply through
prayer.’144
5. Social worker and miracle worker still, in France
‘My health is much improved, but I am not sure of making a trip this spring as far as Lille. We will
see,’ Don Bosco told Claire Louvet in December.145 The uncertainty continued for a few days: ‘I am
much better but I do not know yet if my health will allow me to go with him [Bishop Cagliero] as far
as Marseilles, which I keenly want to do’ he wrote further on to his French patron, Count Colle.146
On 22 January 1885, at the Cooperators conference in Turin with Cardinal Alimonda and his
auxiliary, Bishop Bertagna present, ‘Bishop John Cagliero spoke in place of Don Bosco, who was
present.’147 We see from some letters that his health was precarious: ‘My health is always very
weak, but I am out of bed and busy about things.’148 ‘I have grown very old but I fully trust I will still
be able to see you on this earth before the Divine Mercy calls me to eternal life.’149
In fact, he did not feel up to going to Marseilles to farewell Bishop Cagliero, who was departing
with Salesians and Daughters of Mary Help of Christians for South America. He was represented
by Fr Bonetti, who carried an official letter from him for the bishop. Don Bosco’s words for Cagliero,
one of his first pupils, wee tender and prudent and presented a neatly encapsulated action
program: ‘Fr Bonetti brings you the hearts and greetings of all the Salesians in Europe which you
will pass on to our confreres in America … All the Cooperators in Europe are praying and will
continue praying for a good voyage and a continuation of your work for the greater glory of God
and the salvation of souls: God is with us. Do not fear.’150
He stressed his gradual improvement in other letters: ‘I am better again and out of bed and I am
able to write this letter’ he told Count Colle151 and told others: ‘My health is better, but improving
slowly. I place much hope in your holy prayers’;152 ‘My health this year had not been so good as
perhaps you know. Now it is better and I have already been able to go for two short walks.’153 Fr
Viglietto noted in his diary on 13 March 1885: ‘For a few days the newspapers have been
announcing Don Bosco’s death. Instead D. Bosco had been enjoying better health for some
time.’154 It was the Corriere della sera from Milan that had mentioned him, and it was picked up in
144 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 101.
145 To C. Louvet, 20 December 1884, E IV 466.
146 Letter of 18 January 1885, E IV 511.
147 “L’Unità Cattolica” gave an extensive report on this, no. 21, Sunday 25 January 1885, p. 82, La
Conferenza dei cooperatori salesiani a Torino e un discorso del primo Vescovo della Patagonia; cf. BS 9
(1885) no. 2, February, p. 23.
148 To C. Louvet, 1 February 1885, E IV 467.
149 To the Archbishop of Buenos Aires, 9 February 1885, E IV 312.
150 Letter of 10 February 1885, E IV 313-314.
151 Letter of 11 February 1885, E IV 512.
152 To C. Louvet, 21 February 1885, E IV 468.
153 To Count E. De Maistre, 1 March 1885, E IV 317.
154 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 1° January 1885 al 23 March 1885, pp. 43-44.

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Turin on 14 March by the Cronaca dei Tribunali. According to one rather odd information agency,
Don Bosco had been asked by his missionaries to leave for America and had ‘died’ in the
missions.’155
Don Bosco had anticipated the optimism of the chronicler by announcing a less imaginative
journey to Count Colle: ‘Your letter has urged me to resolve to make a trip as far as your place
despite my poor health.’156 He left on 24 March 1885 with Fr Bonetti only as far as Sampierdarena,
and Viglietto as usual accompanied him to France via Genoa–Sampierdarena–Alassio. From 27
March to 1 April, he was in Nice, in Toulon with the Colles from the 1st to the 5th, and in Marseilles
from 5–20 April.157 ‘From Nice Fr Cerruti, who went with him from Alassio, informed Fr Rocca of his
own and the Superior’s health: I am not very well but well enough. D. Bosco is also reasonably well
despite the strains his condition and our needs are putting him under. But the Lord is
recompensing him for these strains with a considerable influx of money.’158
Cerutti pointed out Don Bosco as a tower of strength to the Salesians at the college in Alassio.
‘Let us not tire, never let our labours, displeasures, lack of gratitude, opposition, get us down. All
for Jesus. One look at D. Bosco worn out, failing, often in a state that would make stones cry out,
and yet he is still spending his life begging for God and his children, consoling, suffering in a
thousand ways, instead of resting. He is an example and spurs us on.’159
He provided similar news, by separate delivery, in an attached letter addressed to the boys at
the college: ‘D. Bosco, whom I left yesterday in Nice and will see again the day after tomorrow to
go with him to Marseilles on Saturday, leaves you an unforgettable reminder: frequent communion.
The enthusiasm and veneration he arouses everywhere is indescribable; everyone wants to see
him, speak to him, hear even just a word from him. His suffering, his constant loveability, and the
miraculous recoveries which are being worked through his blessings and prayers this year too,
have increased the notion every day that here was a great saint, and everyone said so.’160 A week
later he wrote to Fr Rocca from Marseilles: ‘My health is not going too well, I am offering suffering
and a lot, because I have to work too much, and yet on the other hand, D. Bosco suffers much
more than me … D. Bosco does not let me go willingly and wants to keep me busy in foro interno
et externo, plene et absolute with things, personnel, Salesians, Sisters etc.’161
Don Bosco found himself in Toulon during the Easter Triduum ( 2–4 April), and on Holy
Thursday he received the Eucharist in the cathedral. On Easter Sunday, 5 April, he celebrated
Mass at the Colle home where he was their guest. From ‘Marseilles, le ’12 April 1885” he wrote a
reassuring letter to Fr Francesia, who was the director of the student section and felt not a little
concerned for recurring problems posed by a rather risky experiment. It did not continue beyond
1884–86. ‘I cannot write to others’ he wrote ‘but, at least some words to Fr Francesia, pupil of my
eye. Above all, try not to create difficulties or troubles for yourself where they do not exist. And
when you do meet them, know you can deal with them with the Lord’s holy hand.’162
The address given by Mr Bergasse, president of a refinery, a navigation company and other
societies, is revealing of what benefactors thought about Don Bosco’s works. It was given at
Marseilles on 13 April at the end of a banquet, in the presence also of the Colle and Rostand
155 Cf. A. AMADEI, Il servo di Dio Michele Rua, vol. I. Turin, SEI 1931, p. 341.
156 To Count L. Colle, 6 March 1885, E IV 513.
157 Regarding the trip to France – there and back – Fr Viglietti’s chronicle provides much information, in his
notebook from 24 March to 6 May 1885, pp. 4-78.
158 Letter of 27 March, ASC F 3810256, orig. 2 ff.
159 Letter from La Navarre, 1 April 1885, ASC F 3810273, orig. 2 ff.
160 Letter of 1 April 1885, ASC F 3810274, orig. 2 ff.
161 Letter of 9 April 1885, ASC F 3810258, orig. 2 ff.
162 E IV 323.

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families and others of the same social status. The secretary noted: ‘This Mr Bergasse presides at
almost all Catholic society gatherings.’ As a good Catholic entrepreneur, Bergasse offered his own
‘social’ interpretations of Don Bosco’s welfare activity which others present might well have shared.
Viglietti tells us that ‘he spoke of the efforts he [Bergasse] had made to cooperate for the good of
the Congregation and of the good that all the societies he was president of did to help it.’
Presenting ‘a generous donation’ from one of them, ‘he spoke of the sorrow felt in seeing society
go to ruin and of the consolation at seeing this society so powerfully assisted ‘by D. Bosco in being
restructured.’ He applauded and ‘very much praised the education of the youth he had removed
from the piazzas.’ Bergasse concluded: ‘Oh! It is not true then that everything is going to rack and
ruin. We have a Don Bosco! May God preserve him for a long time yet, bless him. May he prosper.
France, the whole world needs him.’163
On 17 April, Don Bosco gave a brief conference to the Cooperators in Marseilles. On 12
February, a more solemn one had been given there by Bishop Cagliero for the feast of St Francis
de Sales.164 Don Bosco ‘said he no longer climbed into the pulpit to give them a talk since his
health did not allow that, and that someone far more eloquent had already done that. He was here
only to thank God first of all, then the Cooperators’ for their generous charity. He promised his
‘eternal gratitude.’ He added ‘that he did not know if it was the last time he could be among them,’
but however, in heaven, ‘his first thought’ would be to ask Jesus and Mary and all the Saints to
bless and protect all those who cooperated for the good of souls.’165
He was besieged everywhere by people who asked him for prayers and blessings, expecting
graces from recovery with results which the chronicler noted carefully, describing Gospel–like
scenarios with evident exaggeration of events and numbers in these and other contexts: ‘By now it
is impossible for me to record all the graces that occurred instantaneously. Everyone who came
had a story to tell of them through the blessings they had received over these days. They brought
him cripples who now walk, blind who now see, sick and dying who now enjoy perfect health.’ ‘In
two or three days they carried away all the pens that were constantly replaced on D. Bosco’s table
and seven dozen were taken. His biretta was taken three or four times.’ There were plenty of
donations, too, which helped wipe out debts and support poor works like La Navarre and Saint Cyr,
while Count Colle gave substantial contributions for the Church of the Sacred Heart in Rome, and
more besides. At the house in Marseilles, the chronicler tells us, ‘they left up to 13,000 lire [46,955
euro]’ ‘in alms provided by the visitors.’ Weeping and requests for blessings were mixed in with
farewells.166
For his part, Fr Cerruti gave Fr Rocca further information and impressions: ‘Count Colle is
preparing a truly fabulous amount for Fr Rua, beyond what he has already given, and that means
the Sacred Heart Hospice can very soon come close to being finished. Add to this the constant
spiritual graces, healings, family reconciliations, conversion of individuals who abandoned God,
and lots of others … But how much has all this cost poor D. Bosco? His sacrifices are incredible,
his self–denial, suffering! There are moments when it seems a miracle he is still alive.’167
On the way back to Italy, Don Bosco stopped over at Toulon on 20, 21 April, and at Nice from
the 21st to the 28th. On the 27th he took part in a family banquet at the Catholic Club. ‘More than
fifty were invited … All the nobility in Nice,’ the chronicler noted, very pleased. ‘Many presidents of
other clubs were there, from Lyons, Marseilles, Mentone, Cannes etc.’ ‘Counts, Marquises, Dukes,
163 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 March 1885 al 14 April 1886, pp. 39-43.
164 Monseigneur Cagliero à Nice e La fête de Saint-François-de Sales à l’Oratoire Saint-Léon et
Conférence des Coopérateurs salésiens, “Bulletin salésien” 7 (1885) 25-30.
165 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 March 1885..., pp. 50-51.
166 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 March 1885..., pp. 57-59.
167 Letter of 15 April 1885, ASC F 3810259, orig. 3 ff.

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and other eminent gentlemen were there, university professors, famous lawyers, and doctors.’ In
the afternoon, Don Bosco attended an academy with speeches and refreshments. The enraptured
secretary once again recorded: ‘In those speeches they even divinised D. Bosco, calling him an
angel sent from heaven, St Vincent de Paul revived.’168
On the 28th he was at Alassio where he remained until 2 May, then left for Varazze and
Sampierdarena, where he stayed until 6 May.169 At Sampierdarena, too, there were no lack of
visits, individual or groups besieging Don Bosco,asking for blessings and graces.170
The journey seems to have been of benefit for both the Pilgrim of Providence’s purse and
health. Even before his arrival in Turin the Salesian Bulletin gave good news: ‘Our kind
Cooperators showed keen concern at hearing news of D. Bosco. We are happy to be able to
announce that having visited Salesian houses in France and Liguria, D. Bosco will return to Turin
on 6 May, (this month) very much improved in health.’171
168 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 March 1885..., pp. 66-69; Dom Bosco à Nice, “Bulletin
salésien” 8 (1885) 78-79.
169 “D. Bosco was here almost the whole week, he left for Varazze-Sampierdarena in good health and
warmly greets you”, Fr Cerutti told Fr Barberis on 2 May (ASC 272.31 Cerruti, orig. 3 ff.).
170 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 March 1885..., pp. 73-75.
171 BS 9 (1885) no. 5, May, p. 61.

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Chapter 33
PHYSICAL DECLINE, INDOMITABLE VITALITY (1885–86)
1885
1885
1886
15 July–22 August: resting up at Mathi Torinese;
December 8: official communication to Salelsians of Fr Rua as Vicar.
Madrid foundation does not eventuate.
24 March–15 May: Journey through Liguria, France, on to Spain;
8 April–6 May: at Sarriá, Barcelona;
15 July–August 13: resting at the Bishop’s house at Pinerolo;
1–7 September: Fourth General Chapter of the Salesian Society.
Don Bosco was blessed with a fundamentally robust physical constitution, but just the same, he
was subject to various illnesses and physical upsets, including serious ones, going back to the
physical collapse he suffered in the summer of 1846 due to overwork. Old ailments and more
recent ones1 were more strongly felt over the final years. With increasing regularity they began to
lay low a man who, though elderly, had an indomitable will and resistance but was now physically
challenged by so much work. And yet there were signs of unexpected vitality, almost brief
‘resurrections’ and overall continuity in government expressed more in terms of animating
presence within and beyond the two Religious Institutes. In the proper sense of the word, his
governance was being supported and more frequently supplanted, but with extreme discretion and
filial adherence. He had the cooperation and availability of his closest co–workers but in such a
way that nothing or very little appeared to cloud the founder’s and superior’s public and private
image. This was the situation as it emerged in 1885–86.
1. At Mathi Torinese
The secretary and chronicler noted on 7 May: ‘D. Bosco is very tired.’2 Nevertheless, that day and
the following one he was able to receive Henry Fitzalan–Howard, 15th Duke of Norfolk, for a
lengthy visit, The Duke (1847–1919) had been a pupil at Newman’s Oratory and was the
indisputable head of the English Catholic laity. He was accompanied by his wife Flora, and their
five–year old son, born blind and an epileptic. The Norfolks had been in contact with Don Bosco by
letter since 1882 and came to ask for their son to be healed, trusting in Don Bosco’s prayer and the
intercession of the Virgin Mary but also trusting, whatever the case, in God’s will. The healing did
1 Cf. Chap.32, § 1.
2 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 79.

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not take place. The Duchess died in 1887 and the Duke remarried in 1904. In 1908 he was given
the desired heir, Bernard, 16th Duke of Norfolk.
During their visits and their regular presence at the Oratory and the Church of Mary Help of
Christians, both prior to their departure for Rome on 10 May and on their return on 25th, the
simplicity cordiality, faith and piety of the couple made a profound impression. They were admirers
of Don Bosco and his works.3 Don Bosco wrote to Count Colle on 10 May regarding some aspects
of their visit: ‘The Feast of Our Lady Help of Christians has finally been set for 2 June, but the Duke
of Norfolk cannot remain with us till then. He has now left with his family (18 of them) for Rome. But
after the Holy Father’s blessing he will return to Turin to continue with their morning practices of
piety in the Church of Our Lady Help of Christians.’ ‘My head now feels very tired.’4 On the 26th he
told him: ‘The Duke of Norfolk and family left yesterday for Germany. They were all extremely
happy with their stay among us and the improvement of the sick child.’5
At the Cooperators meeting in Turin on 1 June, vigil of the Feast of Mary Help of Christians, ‘D.
Bosco appeared in the pulpit. He looked a very tired man and his voice was rather faint.’ But he
was able to explain his idea of the Cooperator and describe the works most in need of support: the
missions in Patagonia, the Sacred Heart Church, the house in Paris. He ended up reminding them
of the reward promised by the Lord to the merciful, and recommending that they pray for one
another.6
For the celebration of his name day on 23, 24 June, the Superior and Father’s physical decline
seemed almost unstoppable to everyone. It was a very solemn celebration. A painting of Mamma
Margaret was among the gifts he was given. In the morning (24th), speaking in the name of the
past pupils, Fr Antonio Berrone read an eloquent address to Fr. John Bosco, stealer of hearts. He
took his cue from Napoleon’s admiration for Jesus while exiled on Sant’Elena, since Jesus was the
only one to attract humanity through love alone, through his great miracle of ‘making himself loved.’
‘You too, D. Bosco, can rightly boast of mastering hearts.’ ‘You are a thief, an incorrigible thief
because you have always stolen and continue to steal the hearts of all who get to know you. The
Lord’s hand is manifested through you by giving you the heavenly gift of subjugating hearts and
making yourself loved.’ He concluded with a profession of faith: ‘I love you’ along with a million
hearts beating ‘in Piedmont, Italy, Europe, America, the world.’7 Among those present was German
priest Johann Mehler who later, in September, spoke of Don Bosco at the 32nd Annual Assembly of
German Catholics at Munster.8 He wrote to Don Bosco about it signing himself as ‘priest and
Salesian Cooperator at Ratisbonne,’ assuring him: ‘The Germans loved and will love Don Bosco
like they love a father.’9
The physical exhaustion continued. They were waiting for him in the countryside at Mathi, 27
kilometres from Turin, at the house built near the mill. ‘Tomorrow, he told Count Colle, ‘God willing I
will leave for Mathi to recover a bit from my weakness or rather, if possible, slow my ageing down a
bit.’10 He went there on 15 July. The chronicler recorded that ‘the superiors wanted him to spend
some time resting there and also because his diminished strength cannot manage the city heat.’11
3 Cf. C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 79-81; “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 124,
Wednesday 27 May 1885, p. 493, The Duke of Norfolk in Turin.
4 E IV 514-515.
5 E IV 515.
6 BS 9 (1885) no. 7, July, pp. 94-95.
7 A D. Giovanni Bosco rapitore dei cuori nella faustissima ricorrenza del Suo Onomastico gli antichi suoi
alunni - 24 Giugno 1885. Turin, Tip. Salesiana 1885, 12 pp.
8 Cf. Chap.26, § 5.
9 Don Bosco e l’Assemblea generale dei Cattolici Tedeschi, BS 9 (1885) no. 11, November, p. 166.
10 Letter of 14 July 1885, E IV 516.
11 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 83.

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The following day Viglietti noted: D. Bosco is relaxing, telling us about some beautiful times in his
life, walking in the garden and gaining in health and strength. He is eating with a better appetite.’12
He was clearly pursued by memories of his anxiety for the salvation of the young, since on the
night of 16 July, he dreamt that someone in Turin was inviting him to found a girls’ oratory near
Piazza Vittorio.13
He interrupted his break on 26 and 30 July to be in Turin for the annual meetings with lay and
priestly past pupils, and the usual fraternal meal. We are informed that on 26 July, ‘Don Bosco
spoke at the end but kept it brief due to lack of strength.’ ‘My Life is drawing to a close,’ he said
among other things. ‘If I go eternity before you I assure you I will never forget you in my prayers.’
But if life here must go on ‘be sure I will continue to love you and help you in the little that I can.’
His speech to the priests on 30 July was longer, completely dedicated to the work for adult
education.14
Viglietti described the first of these two days in just a few words: ‘The feast was beautiful,
splendid … Toward 6.30 we left for Mathi. D. Bosco is very tired from the day.’ Of the second he
wrote: ‘The past pupils’ celebration was beautiful and topped off by a group photo of all the past
pupils with D. Bosco in the middle. At 6.00 p.m. we left for Mathi.’15 He was unable to return to
Turin on 3 August for the solemn memorial service at the church of Mary Help of Christians for
Cardinal Nina, who died on 26 July. Cardinal Alimonda presided.16 The secretary noted for 7
August: ‘D. Bosco’s health over these days is a worry: constant headaches, dysentery, eyes
aching, but he seems cheerful and does not complain.’17 Don Bosco partly confirmed this when
writing to Count Colle three days later: ‘Over these recent days, my health has been a bit worse.
Now however, thank God, it is much better. May God be blessed.’ He added: ‘On Sunday (15
August) I will be in Turin and on Monday I will go to the retreat at S. Benigno. But you will regularly
receive our news.’18 ‘As for me, I would very much like to see you but I am not sure, because for a
whole month at Mathi my journeys have been from my room to the garden near the paper mill.’19
The chronicler gave plenty of space to the initiative by Count Balbo and Cardinal Alimonda to
involve the Italian episcopate and Catholics in financial support for the construction of the Sacred
Heart Church, advertised on 9 August by L’Unità Cattolica.20 Meanwhil, Don Bosco’s health was
not improving. ‘This year too,’ the chronicler wrote ‘due to ill health D. Bosco had to be absent for
his birthday celebrations – the prize distribution and, from now, from being at the retreat.21
During the month’s rest, however, Don Bosco was not left alone. Other than frequent visits from
Fr Rua, various others came looking for him to ask for ‘graces and prayers for the sick, or to pay
their respects, like the boarders and a group of Sisters from Lanzo just 7 kilometres away. Some
others came from France to bring assurances of friendship, and donations, such as the Olive
family from Marseilles who had many children and were people of great faith, and the school
inspector from Nice who marvelled at the paper mill and told Viglietti: ‘Truly D. Bosco is a man of
his times and has resolved the worker and social question.’ Don Bosco also posed for an artist
from Brescia who wanted to make live adjustments to a portrait he had painted based on a small
12 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 83.
13 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 83-87; Cf. Chap.34 § 6.
14 Festa di famiglia, BS 9 (1885) no. 9, September, p. 131.
15 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 89-90.
16 Cf. Il cardinal Nina, BS 9 (1885) no. 9, September, pp. 130-131.
17 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 95.
18 Letter of 10 August 1885, E IV 516-517.
19 Letter of 18 August 1885, E IV 517.
20 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 96-99; Cf. Chap.30, § 2.
21 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 102.

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photograph.22 He remained at Mathi until 21 August. From 22 August until 12 October, he was at
Nizza Monferrato23 then S. Benigno Canavese and Valsalice. In one or other of these places but
especially while resting at Mathi, some of the best expressions of his spiritual government reached
maturity.
2. Extraordinary spiritual vivacity in letters of animation
In real terms, this man who was in such poor health, suffering a variety of ailments, could surprise
people, when needed, for his extraordinary vivaciousness of heart and spirit. Two sets of letters
written in his own hand over summer and autumn 1885 mark some of the most powerful
occasions. They are full of clear spiritual and pedagogical direction. They were addressed to
Salesians, most of whom were working in South America, though some were closer, in France and
Spain.
Very precise reasons in August 1885 spurred him to write important letters to Salesians in
America.24 According to reports that had reached Fr Rua and other members of the Superior
Chapter, repressive measures had out–weighed preventive ones in some of the colleges: strict
discipline and punishments in place of rules and reminders inspired by reason and friendship,
repression instead of persuasion. Fr Rua had wanted to spare Don Bosco news that could cause
him to suffer. But having received a reliable report on the situation from Bishop Cagliero, he felt it
was his duty to inform the Superior. The reaction was swift and entrusted to three clear letters
which he wrote himself to Bishop Cagliero, the Provincial, Fr Costamagna and the Rector at San
Nicolás, Fr Tomatis. Moreover, he knew that strong–arm tactics in education could also take over in
Europe if, on any number of occasions, he found himself having to remind people to practise the
well–known trio of ‘reason, religion, loving–kindness.’
As well as touching on the preventive issue with Bishop Cagliero, something he wrote about to
Fr Costamagna at greater length a few days later, he also dealt with problems of governance. The
letter was dated 6 August. As part of it he also provided precise pointers on how to go about getting
aid from the Work of the Propagation of the Faith and the Work of the Holy Childhood: by using the
appropriate forms, giving information on missionary travels, providing data on the newly baptised,
noting ‘journeys, business, discoveries.’ He also spoke of possible coadjutor bishops to be
appointed within the huge area of the Buenos Aires archdiocese. He then came to the most
pressing issue, the ‘Salesian spirit,’ chiefly from an educational perspective. He told them: ‘I am
preparing a letter for Fr Costamagna, and for your information I will be touching on, in particular,
the Salesian Spirit we want to introduce into the houses in America. Charity, patience, kindness,
never humiliation, rebuffs, never punishments; doing good to whoever we can and ill to no one.
That goes for the Salesians among ourselves, the pupils, others internally and outside. Employ
much patience in relations with our Sisters but be strict where observance of their Rules is
concerned.’25
The letter to Fr Costamagna was deliberately pragmatic so it could ‘serve as a guide to
becoming true Salesians’ for him and for the other confreres. With this in mind, he offered an
‘outline’ of what would need to be preached during the coming retreat. He wrote that ‘I myself
would like to give everyone a sermon or rather a conference on the Salesian spirit that should
animate and guide our actions and everything we say. Never penal punishments, never humiliating
words, never severe rebuke in front of others. Let kind words be heard in class, and charity and
22 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 88-106.
23 Cf. Chap.29, § 4.2.
24 Cf. F. MOTTO, Tre lettere a salesiani in America, in P. BRAIDO (Ed.), Don Bosco educatore..., pp. 39-452.
25 To Bishop G. Cagliero, 6 August 1885, E IV 327-329.

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patience be shown. Never biting words, no blows, light or heavy. Make use of negative
punishments and always and in such a way that those who are warned become even more our
friends than they were before and never leave us discouraged.’ He established his thinking in two
clear statements: ‘Let every Salesian be a friend to everyone; never ever seek revenge. Let him
easily forgive and never remind people of things already forgiven.’ ‘Kindness when speaking,
acting, advising earns you everything and wins over everyone.’ But the Salesians had to make this
their personal experience and the superior was to encourage this by giving ‘everyone much
freedom and much confidence.’ Fr Vespignani, the novice master, was invited to be ‘clear about
these things’ and explain them to aspirants and novices. The Provincial was to see that all the
rectors were trained in them through conferences in which he would ‘read and encourage the
reading and knowledge of our rules, especially the chapter that speaks about the practices of piety,
the introduction to our rules which I wrote, and deliberations taken at our special or ‘General
Chapter.’26
On the 10th he wrote a long and detailed letter to the Prefect Apostolic of Southern Patagonia
and Tierra del Fuego, Fr Joseph Fagnano, with pastoral indications for carrying out his role, and
some binding spiritual advice as his religious Superior. They were words that came from the mind
and heart of a man who was physically tired but with exceptional clarity of thinking. ‘It could be’ he
began ‘that these are the final words from a friend of your soul.’ Because of his ministry, he was far
from his community and Don Bosco recommended to him, as a man of frenetic activity, that ‘You
must meditate ceaselessly and keep in mind the great thought: God sees me.’ With regard to his
ministry he warned him: ‘Never think of temporal advantage in your journeys, long or short, but
only of God’s glory. Remember well that your efforts are always to be aimed at the growing needs
of your Mother, Sed mater tua est Ecclesia Dei, says St Jerome . Wherever you go, try to found
schools, and also found junior seminaries in order to nurture or at least find some vocations for the
Sisters and the Salesians.’ As a religious and a superior, he insisted, ‘Let your daily reading be: our
rules, especially the Chapter on piety, the preface I myself wrote, the decisions taken at Chapters
held on various occasions. Show much love for and try to support those who are working for the
Faith.’27
Writing to Fr Tomatis, first of all he renewed his warning on the duty he had of providing the
Superior General with information on how the college was running. Then he went on: ‘Since my life
is fast drawing to a close, the things I wish to write in this letter are the ones I would want to
recommend to you in my final days of exile. My will and testament for you.’ They were thoughts of
mature Salesian religious spirituality: ‘Keep firmly in mind that you became a Salesian to save
yourself. Preach and recommend the same truth to all our confreres.’ ‘Remember that it is not
enough just to know things but you need to practice them.’ ‘Try to see matters that concern you
with your own eyes. When someone neglects something or does things badly, advise him promptly
so that the wrongs do not multiply.’ ‘By your exemplary manner of life, your charity in speaking,
commanding, putting up with others’ faults, you will win many over to the Congregation. Constantly
recommend frequent use of the sacraments of confession and communion. The virtues that will
make you happy now and in eternity are: humility and charity. Always be a friend and a father to
our confreres. Help them in any way you can, in spiritual and temporal matters, but know how to
use them for everything that is for the greater glory of God.’ He encouraged him, finally, to develop
each thought expressed in his letter.28
He also sent letters to the men in charge of Salesian works in France and Spain, where cholera
had appeared. On 9 and 10 August he wrote to Fr Paul Albera, Provincial in France, Fr Ernesto
26 To Fr G. Costamagna, 10 August 1885, E IV 332-333.
27 E IV 334-335.
28 To Fr G. Tomatis, 14 August 1885, E IV 336-337.

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Giovanni Oberti, the Rector at Utrera, Fr Giovanni Branda, Rector at Sarriá in Barcelona. There
was a combination of references to the epidemic and the already well–known spiritual preventive
medicine with pressing invitations to take in boys orphaned by the cholera, as many as they could,
at the same time stating the readiness of the superior at the centre, Fr Rua in the first instance, to
provide for what was needed. He told Fr Albera in particular: ‘My health has been deteriorating
over some time but now, as I write to you, I feel perfectly healthy. I believe this may be the result of
the great pleasure it gives me to be writing to you.’ He was also interested in the precarious
psychological condition of Fr De Barruel, which he understood in the terms and categories of a
man of his times: ‘Tell me if our dear but poor Fr Barruel continues with his fixations, or even if he
shows remote improvement.’ Shifting attention to another front he then added: ‘Offer to take in
orphans, like last year: God will help us.’29 He encouraged the new young Rector of the college at
Utrera similarly: ‘If you ever find yourself in need because you are helping children orphaned by
cholera, tell me and we will look at ways to help them.’ He also suggested a ‘powerful antidote
against cholera,’ carrying a medal of Mary Help of Christians, frequent communion, and saying
‘Maria Auxilium Christianorum ora pro nobis’ daily.30 He suggested the same antidote to the Rector
at Sarriá, also telling him about his own health: ‘My health is improving and I am able to take up
some more special matters.’31
Another set of letters of a spiritual and pastoral nature were addressed to Salesians in America
between 24 September and 5 October, from Valsalice, S, Benigno Canavese and the Oratory in
Turin. The recipients were Fr Giovanni Allavena, Rector and parish priest of the work at Paysandu,
(Uruguay), Fr Louis Lasagna, Rector of the college at Villa Colón (Montevideo, Uruguay) and
Provincial of Uruguay and Brazil, Fr Lorenzo Giordano, Rector of the college at Sao Paolo, Brazil,
cleric Giovanni Beraldi at the college at Almagro, Buenos Aires. In these letters we find the
distinctive traits of his religious and Salelsian spirituality expressed economically and persuasively,
and permeated by intense fatherliness.
‘I consider it timely to write at least one letter to you,’ he reassured Fr Allavana ‘reminding you of
the affection this father of yours has always has for you and will always have … Before your
departure for America I warmly recommended that you observe our rules.’ ‘As well as the text of
the rules you will draw benefit from frequently reading the decisions taken at our General Chapter.’
‘As parish priest, show all charity to your priests to keep them zealously in their sacred ministry.
And take special care of the children, the sick, the elderly.’ ‘Any care, any effort, any expense is
never too much to succeed in a vocation.’ Praebe teipsum exemplum bonorum operum, but see
that this good example shines forth in the queen of virtues, Chastity.’32
To the trustworthy and dynamic Fr Lasagna he offered, as a ‘testament’, a summary of what he
had said earlier in letters to Salesians in Argentina. ‘I have been wanting to write to you for a
number of months but my old age and lazy hand have made me put off this pleasure. Now it
seems to me that the opportunity has come, so I have thought of leaving you with some written
thoughts as a testament of one who has always loved you and continues to do so. You have
followed the Lord’s voice and dedicated yourself to the Catholic missions. You have chosen well.
‘We want souls and nothing else. Make that thought echo in our confreres’ ears.’ He then moved
on to the matter he had already given the Provincial in Argentina as a topic for reflection at the
retreats: ‘Insist on the charity and gentleness of St Francis de Sales whom we must imitate, and on
the exact observance of our rules, constant reading of Chapter deliberations, meditating carefully
on the particular regulations of the houses. Believe me, dear Fr Lasagna, I have had to deal with
certain of our confreres who actually ignore these deliberations, and with others who have never
29 Letter of 9 August 1885, E IV 330.
30 Letter of 10 August 1885, E IV 330-331.
31 To Fr G. B. Branda, 10 August 1885, E IV 331-332.
32 Letter of 24 September 1885, E IV 339.

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read the parts of the rule or discipline regarding the duties entrusted to them. Another scourge
threatening us is forgetting, or rather, overlooking the rubrics of the Breviary and Missal. I am
convinced that a series of retreats would bring excellent results if it led the Salesians to exact
recital of the Mass and Breviary. What I have warmly recommended to those I have written to over
these days is to cultivate vocations to both the Salesians and the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians. Study, make plans, do not worry about expense so long as you gain some priests for
the Church, especially for the missions.’ ‘Let us also take courage. May Mary bless and protect our
Congregation; help from heaven will not be lacking. Workers are increasing, it seems fervour is
too, and while material resources are not abundant they are sufficient.’33
He did not forget a young cleric at Pius IX College at Almagro (Buenos Aires), who had written
to him in August, opening up about some of his conscience concerns and resolutions. He almost
apologised for being late in replying, speaking of his poor state of health: ‘Do not be concerned if I
do not write; it is now almost impossible for me to do so with my bodily ailments. I am almost blind
and almost unable to walk, write, speak. So what? I am old and may God’s holy will be done.’
‘However, every day I pray for you and for all my sons and I would like them all to gladly serve the
Lord in holy cheerfulness, even amid difficulties and diabolical disturbances – these can be sent
fleeing with the sign of the cross and Jesus, Mary, have mercy, long live Jesus and above all by
despising them, by vigilate et orate, and by avoiding idleness and any occasion like it. As for
scruples, only obedience to your Rector and superiors can make them go away. Therefore, do not
forget that vir oboedians loquetur victoriam. I approve of your fostering devotion to the Blessed
Sacrament and in due course, through patience, Deo iuvante, you will work wonders.’ His farewell
line mirrored his state of mind at that moment: ‘Also pray for your elderly friend and father.’ 34
3. The inevitable announcement of Fr Rua as Vicar and successor
On 23 August, at Nizza Monferrato, Don Bosco celebrated the community Mass and was present
for the clothing and religious profession of many Sisters. He left the following morning and after
lunch at the Oratory went on to S. Benigno, immediately making himself available to those making
the retreat.35
The chronicler noted how Don Bosco was often overcome by weeping, especially when
celebrating Mass and giving the final blessing: ‘Even when speaking, he needs to skip the topics
that made him emotional to avoid crying.’36 Don Bosco stayed at S. Benigno after the retreat as
well, and on 30 August, his secretary recorded: ‘Because of both exhaustion and bad weather, at
times Don Bosco suffers serious inconvenience … On a few occasions I have seen him suffer very
much.’37 Don Bosco offered partial confirmation of this in some of his letters: ‘For some days my
health had prevented my writing to you. Today it is a little better.’ 38 ‘I am here at S. Benigno
Canavese. Very tired.’39 Confirmation also came from Fr Cerruti, writing to Fr Luigi Rocca, the
Rector at Alassio: ‘News of D. Bosco, delayed at S. Benigno, is not good. There is doubt he will go
33 Letter of 30 September 1885, E IV 340-341. The same letter to Fr L. Giordano on 30 September has
already been quoted at the end of Chap. 30.
34 To Cleric G. Beraldi (1864-1940), 5 October 1885, E IV 343.
35 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 108.
36 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 109.
37 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 110.
38 To Count L. Colle, 2 September 1885, E IV 518.
39 To Fr T. De Agostini, 2 September 1884, E IV 338.

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to Lanzo, etc. Let us pray.’40 Twenty days later, he was able to tell him that Don Bosco was
‘reasonably well.’41
Don Bosco stayed at Valsalice from 4 to 28 September, where the Salesians were taking part in
various retreats. He had two personal visits from Cardinal Alimando, on 14 and 24 September,
accompanied on the 14th by Fr Margotti, the editor of L’Unità Cattolica and Canon Forcheri,
secretary of the Voto degli italiani Commission, the group supporting construction of the Sacred
Heart Church. On the 24th he was accompanied by Fr Margotti and other ‘eminent individuals.’
They stayed for lunch and for some time afterwards.42 There was news of his health over these
words too. The secretary noted on 14 September: ‘We are still here, where D. Bosco’s health has
much improved.’43 He told the same individual he was half blind, finding it hard to write.44
‘I have become very old and half blind.’45 ‘As you can see I am half–blind and you will find it
difficult to read my letter. Forgive me. Have patience.’46‘I can no longer write. I hope to let you know
other things by Fr Rua’s hand,’ he wrote once more to Count Colle on 27 November.47
Evidently, even though it was an inner battle for him, Don Bosco reflected on the idea of clearly
and definitively resolving the matter of a Vicar successor, a situation which had remained officially
in a strange sort of limbo. The final solution was anticipated by his not always unambiguous
statements. At the Superior Chapter meeting on 22 June 1885 he spoke of Fr Rua’s role alongside
him. Also, without hinting at the fact that his closest collaborator had already been appointed as
plenipotentiary Vicar by the Holy See, and as successor, he said: ‘There is need, then, for Fr Rua
to be free from everything and serve Don Bosco alone, be attached to him, because D. Bosco
could rely on Fr Rua for everything once he is free of any other problems, he can help with his
experience, and then [D. Bosco] can still go on a bit. There is need to look for charity through
letters, visits, not only in Turin but in Genoa, Milan, Rome. Up till now D. Bosco has done that, but
he cannot do it any longer and there is need for another to do it in his name. 48 Strangely, in the
early cited letter to Fr Costamagna on 10 August, without any reference to Fr Rua he had put
forward a special possibility: ‘As far as possible, I want to leave the Congregation without any
embarrassments. Therefore, I have in mind establishing a Vicar General who can be an alter ego
for Europe, and another for America. But you will receive appropriate instructions about his in good
time.’49
It seems that up till then he had not thought it urgent to provide official communication to the
Salesian Society of the Appointment of the Vicar, also because during 1885 his health had not
been so poor that it prevented him from carrying out most of his official acts of government. Of the
47 Chapter sessions that year he presided at a good 37 of them. 8 were listed for 1886, all of
which he presided at and he even presided at 12 of the 42 listed for 1887. On the other hand, in
the eyes of the public, and in particular benefactors and Cooperators, he continued to seem
relevant and pretty much irreplaceable as Superior General.
It was at the Chapter meeting on 24 September 1885 that he finally announced his resolve to
carry out the papal decision regarding his Vicar and successor, a decision already in force for ten
40 Letter of 1 September 1885, ASC F 3810261, handwritten original, 3 pp.
41 Letter of 18 September 1885, ASC F 381, handwritten original. 2 ff.
42 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 114 and 116. There would be another,
longer one on the afternoon of 3 November at the Oratory (Ibid., p. 122).
43 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885...., p. 114.
44 To Mrs F. Maggi, 15 September 1885, E IV 339.
45 To Fr G. Allavena, 24 September 1885, E IV 340.
46 To Count L. Colle, 27 September 1885, E IV 519.
47 E IV 519.
48 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 62r, session in Don Bosco’s room, 22 June 1885.
49 E IV 333.

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months. The minutes of the meeting record ‘D. Bosco took the floor: “What I have to tell you comes
down to two things. The first concerns D. Bosco who by now is half spent and needs someone to
take his place. The other regards the Vicar General who takes over what D. Bosco was doing and
takes charge of everything needed for the smooth running of the Congregation, although in dealing
with things I am sure he will always gladly accept D. Bosco’s and the other confreres’ advice, and
in accepting this role will intend none other than to help the pious Salesian Society. Thus, when I
die my death will not affect the order in the Congregation. The Vicar, then, must see that the
traditions we have by now are kept intact … My Vicar General in the Congregation will be Fr
Michael Rua. This is the Holy Father’s thinking. He wrote to me through Archbishop Jacobini.
Wanting to give D. Bosco every possible help, he asked me who I thought could stand in for me. I
replied that I preferred Fr Rua because he is one of the first in the Congregation, also
chronologically speaking; because for many years he had been carrying out this role; and because
this appointment would meet with the approval of all the confreres. His Holiness replied soon
afterwards through His Eminence Cardinal Alimonda: ‘That is good,’ thus approving of my choice.
From here on, therefore, Fr Rua will take my place in everything. Whatever I can do he can do. He
has the full powers of the Rector Major: acceptances, clothing, choices of secretary, delegations,
etc. etc. But in appointing Fr Rua as Vicar it means he needs to be totally available to help me, so
he needs to renounce his role as Prefect of the Congregation. So, using the faculties that the rules
grant me I am appointing as Prefect of the Congregation, Fr Celestine Durando, until now School
Councillor. Fr Cerruti is appointed to replace Fr Durando as School Councillor.”’ He concluded by
asking ‘the secretary of the Chapter to prepare the circular announcing the appointment of the
Vicar General, to be sent to all the houses of the Congregation.’50
On 4 October, Don Bosco went to S. Benigno Canavese, where he assisted at the religious
profession of 45 novices, and on the 11th, gave the clerical habit to 60 young men.51 He returned to
Turin the following day. Further on, Fr Rua replaced him in a visit to benefactors at Nice and
Toulon, while he provided news of his health by letter: ‘I believe Fr Rua will have already passed on
to you the thanks I owe you, dear Mr Levrot and charitable Mr Montbrun. My eyesight and other
vital strengths are much diminished and it is very hard for me to be of much help.’52 ‘Fr Rua will
return in a few days and will certainly bring us your news.’53 ‘I will always be content when you are
at peace, and because you can help me save souls, as well as your own,’ he reassured a Salesian
who came from his own area of origin, the new Rector in Florence. ‘You can easily understand how
many things I would like to write to you about this, but I even struggle to hold the pen in my hand.’54
There were any number of visits from important people over the weeks that followed. Cardinal
Alimonda on 3 November, Bishop Franceso Sogaro (1839–1919) on the 15th, successor to Bishop
Comboni and Vicar Apostolic of Central Africa, who had fled from El Mahdi’s Egypt, and Bishop
Pierre–Hector Couillié (1824–1912) of Orleans, future Cardinal. Then Cardinal Alimonda again on
10 December.55 They were days of renewed vitality. ‘I passed on your information to our beloved D.
Bosco this morning. He is quite well,’ Fr Cerruti told Fr Rocca on 8 November. And later he
confirmed: ‘D. Bosco is very well. He comes to lunch and supper with the Chapter, hears
confessions including of the boys in 4th and 5th year secondary in his room, receives visits etc.
Deo gratias.’56
50 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 82v-83r, session on 24 September 1885. Fr F. Cerruti also gave news of this to Fr
L. Rocca, who thus became “The complete Rector in name and deed”: letter of 25 September 1885, ASC
F 3810263, handwritten original. 4 pp.
51 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 121-122.
52 To Mr V. Levrot, 21 November 1885, E IV 345.
53 To Count L. Colle, 27 November 1885, E IV 519.
54 To Fr S. Febraro, 30 October 1885, E IV 344.
55 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 122, 124, 130.
56 Letter of 8 November 1885, ASC F 3810267.

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On 8 December, the secretary recorded the confreres’ joy at having Don Bosco at lunch and to
give Benediction in the Church of Mary Help of Christians, something he did very rarely. ‘You could
see the whole population flocking to see him, and you saw more than one shed tears of emotion at
seeing the venerable old man drag himself around, all worn out for the good of youth.’ ‘Towards
evening he gave a conference to the confreres. The circular creating a Vicar General for the
Congregation was read out as part of it. Then Don Bosco spoke,’ reminding them, among other
things, of the Hail Mary said ‘with the young man over at the Church of St Francis (Bartholomew
Garelli).’57
In the circular to Salesians on 8 December 1885, drawn up by Fr Lemoyne and corrected by
Don Bosco, there was a good summary of what was contained in the minutes of the Chapter
meeting on 24 September. However, Don Bosco intervened in the draft with corrections that tended
to reduce the considerable interval between the Pope’s decision and his announcement.
Archbishop Jacobini had written to him only ‘some time ago’; ‘a few weeks ago’ the Pope had
expressed ‘his pleasure’ at the proposal of Fr Rua as Vicar. He softened the wording ‘with full
powers’ regarding the Vicar, the twin leadership found in the draft, with: ‘All that I can do, he can
do, having full powers with me.’ Toward the conclusion he added a whole paragraph in his own
hand about his ‘somewhat improved’ health saying he would dedicate his remaining ‘strength and
days totally for the benefit of our humble Congregation and the profit of our souls.’58
Brief end of year news followed: on the afternoon of 10 December, Cardinal Alimonda visited
and spoke ‘at length with him.’ On the 13th, Don Bosco gathered the boys from 4th and 5th Year
secondary in the library and spoke to them about vocation, distributing lots of nuts among them.
On the 29th, Fr Cerruti informed Fr Rocca that Don Bosco was very happy with the greetings from
young members of the Blessed Sacrament and Immaculate Conception sodalities at the college in
Alassio: ‘He regrets he could not write a few words of thanks himself due to poor sight and
tiredness.’ He added nevertheless: But his health is generally okay. and it seems that his affection
for his sons grows in him with the years, such that if I have to leave him for some days, even
though he knows, you can see he is suffering.’59
Finally, Don Bosco gave the usual strenna for 1886, predicting ‘disasters and calamities and six
deaths at home’ for the coming year.60 The usual meeting with secondary students took place on 3
January, with a further distribution of nuts, miraculously multiplied according to the chronicler, and
the same again on the 31st for the boys who missed out on the 3rd. This deed, according to the
chronicler, had led Don Bosco to tell the story of ‘the miraculous multiplication of hosts and
chestnuts that occurred on another occasion.’61 The chronicler and boys were greedy for such
miraculous things.
The Feast of St Francis de Sales on 29 January 1886 was a very solemn occasion. Pontifical
Mass was celebrated by Bishop Valfrè di Bonzo, of Cuneo, assisted by Cardinal Alimonda and
accompanied by the splendid Haydn Mass. Vespers were just as solemn. The homily was given by
the Bishop of Ivrea, Davide Riccardi, who eventually succeeded Cardinal Alimonda in Turin. There
was also a play performed, written by Fr Lemoyne, Vibio Sereno, with some interludes of ‘cheerful
buffoonery’, L’Aio in imbarazzo and Grispino e la Comare. Don Bosco was present for lunch,
‘reasonably strong in health,’ ‘more jovial and serene that we have seen him for a while,’ and he
57 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 128-130.
58 E IV 348-349. Emphasis is ours.
59 Letter of 29 December 1885, ASC F 3810272, handwritten original. 2 pp.
60 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 130-132.
61 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 138-140 e 143.

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was also present with the Cardinal and Riccardi at the evening entertainment which ended at 9.30
pm.62
In the morning, Don Bosco celebrated Mass for the first time at an altar placed in the small room
next to his bedroom. In the later afternoon, the Cardinal, accompanied by the Bishop of Ivrea,
blessed the little chapel. ‘It was a very beautiful ceremony.’63
The chronicler recorded on 1 March: ‘D. Bosco has been saying these days that hunger drives
the wolf from his lair … So, he now finds himself forced to undertake a new journey, though failing
in health, and go perhaps as far as Spain. He has already decided on the departure date.’ 64 Fr
Cerruti was less negative: ‘Don Bosco is going well,’ ‘Don Bosco continues to be reasonably well,’
he wrote to his special friend Fr Rocca.65
As part of this journey were the final stages of negotiations in view of a foundation in Madrid,
negotiations begun in August 1885. We will talk about this before providing a general description of
Don Bosco’s final trip outside Italy.
4. Madrid Foundation – a final ‘no’
As we have seen, especially in conferences over past decades, Don Bosco tended to paint a grim
picture of the circumstances of poor and abandoned, at–risk and of–risk youth potentially heading
for crime and prison, and therefore in need of assistance and preventive education.66 It is no
surprise, then, that many people thought of him as someone who ran reform and recovery works,
or in other words, houses of correction. Among such people were members of a Commission in
Madrid who had taken the initiative of founding an Escuela de reforma para jovenes y asilo de
corrección paternal named after St Rita. At the end of negotiations, Don Bosco and his Salesians
would have ended up betraying, in fact, their institutional commitment by taking on the rigid
correctional approach fashionable at the time.67
While they were building the place, the Madrid group came to hear of the hospice and Talleras
the Salesians had recently opened in Barcelona. Francisco Lastres y Juiz (1848–1918) was sent to
gain information on the educational approach adopted there. Fr Branda, as he himself told
members of the Superior Chapter in the morning session on 22 September 1885 at Valsalice, had
given him D’Espiney’s book to read, provoking the reaction from Don Bosco that it would have
been better to give him Du Boÿs’ book in this instance. ‘He makes our system known and has
correctly understood the spirit of our Society,’ Those who came from Madrid, Fr Branda said,
confirmed that they were talking about a reformatory, while he insisted on telling them ‘this is not
our purpose.’ ‘If we are talking about correction it is not our aim.’ Then ‘they returned: they spent a
whole day at the hospice to see how it ran, the rules, the customs of the house and concluded that
they needed to write to Don Bosco.’
A month later, Branda was invited to Madrid and went there at the insistence of the Papal
Nuncio, Archbishop Mariano Rampolla. He said that Deputy (MP) Lastres and Senator Manuel
62 La festa di S. Francesco di Sales a Torino, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 26, Sunday 31 January 1886, p. 102.
63 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 133-135.
64 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 149-150.
65 To Fr L. Rocca, 19 February 1886 (ASC F 3810309) and 3 March 1886 ASC 38 Alassio.
66 Cf. Chap.30, § 3.
67 Cf. M. F. NŪNEZ MUNOZ, San Juan Bosco y la educación de los jóvenes descarriados, en España. Un
episodio (1885-1887), in “Educadores” 24 (1982) 501-516; F. RODRĪGUEZ DE CORO, Los salesianos en
Madrid. En la entraña del parlamentarismo español (1875-1902), in F. MOTTO (ed.), L’Opera Salesiana
dal 1880 al 1922..., Vol. II, pp. 163-175.

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Silvela (1830–92), who signed the letters of request, were waiting for him at the station.68 The
following day, Fr Branda attended a meeting of the Commission which discussed entrusting the
work to Don Bosco. To the objection that their thinking did not correspond to what he described as
‘our system’ came the reply that ‘so long as the purpose was achieved, they would allow freedom
to act as they wanted. ‘Their intention is that the youth be saved.’ This is how they wrote to Don
Bosco.69
Chapter members had different views on the matter. Fr Durando was all for putting a brake on
new foundations. Fr Cerruti invited them to reflect on the compatibility of the project with what he
described as ‘our system’, which those making the request in Madrid needed to be told about. Fr
Rua noted that the people in Madrid were ready to make concessions, and Fr Branda reminded
them that ‘the Nuncio and Silvela were waiting for an answer.’ Don Bosco, who was substantially in
favour of discussing the issue, reminded them of how much unforeseen good had come about
directly or indirectly from works that had begun almost by chance, and invited then to study ‘the
possibility of carrying this out’ and then ‘sending someone to Madrid to spend time there, get to
know the place, look, and then draw conclusions.’ So he decided to set up a commission made up
of Frs Durando, Cerruti and Branda ‘to examine the Madrid project and how to bring it into line with
our system.’ Finally, so the minutes tell us, ‘Don Bosco says that we be agreeable to everything
that does not concern the substance, and that funds were not an obstacle. Fr Rua concluded by
saying that we should hold firm to our custom of having the two categories of academic and trade
students.’70
At the Chapter meeting on 24 September, Fr Cerruti ‘read out the letter of reply to the Madrid
Commission.’ The Chapter approved it, establishing that it be ‘kept in the archives’ to serve as a
‘guide for similar cases.’ Don Bosco signed this and another letter to the Nuncio, attaching a copy
of the letter to the Commission.71 The letter encouraged continuation of negotiations, and on 11
October, the Nuncio wrote to Don Bosco: ‘Since I see with pleasure from the communication with
Mr Silvela that there is harmonious agreement between the wishes of the Commission for the
‘Patronage’ and the wise guidelines from the worthy Salesian Congregation, I trust that in a short
time it may be able to extend the field of its labours to Madrid.’72
When construction of the future correctional institute had been completed, a renewed request
came to Don Bosco from Madrid on 5 March 1886, without any substantial variations.73 Silvela
recalled his meeting with Don Bosco in November when he went to Rome with Lastres for the
International Penitentiary Congress, and attached a memorandum in French with a history of the
work, the text of the Spanish legislation of 4 January 1883 on correctional institutes, and a list of
founding patrons. He was clearly writing about the management of a correctional institute without
any reference to the reservation expressed by Turin. Don Bosco signed a letter of reply, agreed on
with Fr Cerruti, which was a resolute negative: ‘Apart from the shortage of personnel for current
commitments, the nature of this Institute and its form of discipline does not allow me to support this
mutual desire. Despite all our willingness to do good, we cannot move away in practice from what
our Rule lays down, a copy of which I sent you September last. What would be possible for us is
an Institute modelled on the Talleras Salesianos at Sarriá in Barcelona, but it could not be a reform
school at the same time, based on St Rita’s.’ However this was not the final word, since in view of
68 From 1863 to 1883 he was a Deputy (MP) at the Cortes and from 1883 Senator for life.
69 Cf. Capitolo Superiore, fol. 79r-80r, session on 22 September 1885.
70 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 80v-81r, session on 22 September 1885.
71 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 82v, session on24 September 1885.
72 Cf. text of letter in MB XVII 828.
73 Text in MB XVII 828-829.

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his trip to Barcelona in April, Don Bosco expressed the hope of seeing both Silvela and Lastres
again on that occasion.74
There was a meeting between Lastres and Fr Rua on 18 April at Sarriá. Lastres brought with
him a letter of recommendation from the Nuncio.75 The Vicar informed him of conditions he then
presented to the Superior Chapter when it met on 25 June. We find a special version of this in
Viglietti’s chronicle, reflecting the impressions in the small world around Don Bosco over those
days. The information referred to 20 April, when ‘the Bishop of Barcelona, who is a very
honourable Prince’ visited Don Bosco with his sizeable retinue: ‘The letter was read out to the
Bishop and everyone gathered there which the Archbishop, the Apostolic Nuncio in Madrid, had
written to Don Bosco supporting Minister Silvela, who was still insisting that Don Bosco put a
house in Madrid, and that a building had been built. Silvela sent his secretary, who is a Member of
Parliament, so that it might be agreed and settled on. D. Bosco seems, in fact, to have decided to
accept so long as they accept all of D. Bosco’s conditions.’76 In the letter of reply to the Nuncio on
22 April, which he dictated to Fr Rua, Don Bosco indicated some degree of readiness: ‘In speaking
with the Honourable Mr Lastres, we have found a way to overcome any difficulties that might
subsequently arise, such that now it only remains to draw up an agreement between our Pious
Society and the Commission promoting this work. On our return to Turin, this will be one of our first
concerns, drawing up an agreement and sending it to Mr Manuel Silvela to submit to the
examination of the aforesaid Commission. For now, the truly serious difficulty we have is the
shortage of personnel. But we hope that with the help of Providence, this too can be overcome.77
The Superior Chapter dealt with the matter for the last time on 25 June 1886. Don Bosco
presided at the meeting but the minutes do not record him saying anything. In reality, Fr Rua
moderated the discussion and presented it on the basis of what Lastres had been told in Sarriá.
The Vicar reminded them of the three categories of boys foreseen by the Madrid Commission:
boys at risk brought together directly at the house, others who had served their prison sentence as
imposed by the courts and others again from well–off families whose parents had put them there
because they were incorrigible. He then read out the Nuncio’s letter of recommendation from 17
April. He concluded by accepting the work so long as the principles was honoured of giving the
Salesians full autonomy to run and administer the work. The conditions which Fr Rua had given
Lastres in Barcelona were then presented: 1. Removing the name and appearance of the house as
a correctional institute. 2. Limiting care for the present to the first category, boys at risk. 3. For the
present, not accepting boys referred by the police. 4. Only accepting boys from 9 to 14 years of
age. 5. Being free to direct boys deemed suitable to take up studies. Fr Durando suggested
attaching the text of the agreement drawn up for the orphanages in Trent, with some adjustment he
himself would attend to. Fr Rua suggested establishing the fees to be paid by each boy, and
salaries for the director, teachers, service personnel. Fr Durando suggested instead leaving the
exact amounts open for the other party to indicate. Everything seemed to have been approved. Fr
Rua took on responsibility for pulling all these ideas together and replying.78
The letter to the Commission in Madrid, signed by Don Bosco on 8 July 1886, was aimed at
explaining the terms of the agreement.79 The signatory first presented considerations of an
educational nature, ones that would not have encourage a continuation of negotiations. Even he
realised that the project would meet with difficulties from the Commission’s point of view, beginning
with the condition included in the second part of article 2 of the agreement. In fact, it suggested
74 To Senator M. Silvela, from Alassio, 17 March 1886, E IV 354.
75 Letter of 17 April 1886, in MB XVII 829-830.
76 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886 al 16 maggio 1886, p. 11.
77 Letter from Barcelona-Sarriá on 22 April 1886, E IV 354-355.
78 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 92v, session in Don Bosco’s room on 28 June 1886.
79 The text of the agreement is found in MB XVII 830-831.

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they would not be taking on an institution that did not correspond to the request: ‘The Institute will
open by providing shelter for young orphans or boys abandoned by their parents but who are not
subject to sentence for faults committed.’ ‘Let me explain this’ he commented: ‘Our wish would be
that the boys who come out of the new Institute, which is aimed at their civic and Christian
education, do not have to carry any signs of infamy with the. If they are said to have come from a
house of correction, a reformatory, this could mark them for the rest of their lives. We want to
remove any trace which could make the public believe it is a house of correction. In our opinion it
should be called a Hospice or Institute and not a Reformatory or Patronage etc. We also want no
boy under sentence to be admitted for at least five years, precisely to accustom people to not
thinking of it as a house of correction. We also want this so it is easier to build up a good
foundation of normal boys which will make it easier to guide others that follow on the path to work
and virtue. After the first five years we also hope to be able to boys under sentence a few at a
time, but even then, it would be good to do whatever is possible so it does not leak out into the
public. They would await the Commission’s proposals regarding financial aspects. As for the name
for the Institute the suggestion was to replace St Rita with a male saint, for example St Isodore.
The final comment made ‘with great regret’ would only have increased the Commission’s already
negative impression: ‘And given the present scarcity of my personnel, it will not be possible to
adhere to your and my desire for some years yet. Perhaps it will need to wait until 1888 or 1889
before I can have personnel available for such an undertaking.’80
It seems that there was no reply to the letter and that Don Bosco must have informed the
Nuncio of the fact since the latter wrote: ‘I do not know why you have not received a reply to the
letter you sent Senator Silvela about the requested project. I believe that over these days I will
have an opportunity to meet up with some of the gentleman's family and you can be assured I will
not let the opportunity slip for confirming my particular benevolence toward the Salesian
Congregation.’81 In the end, the Reformatory was taken on and run by members of the Third Order
of St Francis of Assisi.
At a conference held on 12 March 1888, Lastres did ultimately implicitly acknowledge the
Salesian’s motivations. The choice of early prevention had come from Don Bosco’s experience as
a young priest among prisoners. He had understood from this that it was of much greater benefit to
prevent them from falling into error than remedying the situation with repressive measures. The
successful application of the preventive system and its many benefits could be seen in the ‘first
Salesian workshop in Spain’ at Utrera, and the workshops at Sarriá, and Barcelona. It was natural
that, having been asked to take on the Escuela de Reforma de Santa Rita, which was correctional
in nature, Don Bosco regretfully would not have wanted to move away from the system adopted in
his own institutions. The boys in these were spontaneously subjected to a discipline which was not
incompatible with kindness, as serious as it may be.82
5. Catalonia’s warm embrace
On 2 March, Fr Cerruti sent his successor at the college in Alassio a sensational piece of news: ‘D.
Bosco continues to be going fairly well. Halfway through the month he may be leaving for
Barcelona, then Paris, Brussels, Lille, thence to Marseilles and the houses there. May the Lord be
with him! But he resolved to do this because he also wants to finish the Sacred Heart work and he
80 Letter of 8 July 1886, MB XVII 604-605.
81 Archbishop M. Rampolla to Don Bosco, 5 January 1887, MB XVII 832.
82 Cf. Don Bosco y la caridad en las prisiones. Conferencia pronunciada en el Ateneo de Madrid el día 12
de Marzo de 1888 por Francisco Lastres, Doctor en Derecho individuo de la Comisión de Códigos
extranjeros, del Consejo Penitenciario y Diputado à Cortes por Mayagüez. Madrid, Tipografía de M. G.
Hernández 1888, pp. 9, 13-14, 17.

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know that this means travel, pain and tiredness for him. What a sublime example of holy and
dynamic activity! But we need to pray!!!83 Some days later he explained: ‘D. Bosco will leave on
Thursday the 10th of this month [11th] from S.Pier d’Arena and will be there the following Monday,
remaining until Nice. Fr Cerruti will go with him as far as that, or rather until his stay in Nice is over
toward the 23rd, when by that time I believe Fr Rua will arrive.’84
In fact, Don Bosco’s journey, accompanied by cleric Viglietti and, for the first stage, Frs Cerruti
and Sala, began at 2.30 pm on Friday 12 March, with stops at the houses in Liguria and southern
France, after which he headed for Sarriá, Barcelona. During the trip his young secretary, still a
student of theology, with his unconditional sense of devotion, ended up giving particular emphasis
to the numinous and miraculous in Don Bosco’s activity. On the other hand, militant Catholics –
clergy and laity – more representative of Barcelona, with an eye to the new Salesian Talleras,
praised him as an educator and social worker, even the man to resolve the social and worker
question.85
Don Bosco presented himself as always in Barcelona, as the beggar wanting to involve new
groups of people who shared his worldview in the same movement of faith and charity: to work for
their own temporal and eternal salvation by cooperating through charity in the common salvation of
the young, of all young people, not just workers and craftsmen but academic students too and
other youth who had emigrated, and those in the missions. Nor did he overlook those called to the
ecclesiastical life in its many forms. His hope was not so much to resolve the social question as
such but to forge individuals with human, moral, religious qualities – ‘good Christians and upright
citizens’ – who would guarantee a society which could reflect those qualities. This was the key
motif of his appeals to charity for institutions aimed at transforming poor and abandoned, at–risk
and of–risk young people into worthy members of a threefold citizenship: heaven, church, civil
society. It was for them that he was going to all the trouble of looking for financial aid, and this was
even more needed at the moment to finish the Sacred Heart Church and attached Hospice. And if
money was essential to achieve these salvific causes, it was no less necessary for the salvation of
the donors themselves, given the insistent Gospel precept (not merely advice) weighing on them of
almsgiving, social charity. It was the highest reward guaranteed by God’s promise which, through
the intercession of the Help of Christians could also be integrated with the granting of the most
prodigious material and spiritual graces. They knew what they had to do: appeal to the priest’s
blessing, go to the Sacraments of Penance and Eucharist, say certain prayers, make a donation
for works on behalf of the young.
Don Bosco had recently written about the presumed ‘miracle’ phenomenon in his still secret
Memorie dal 1841, indicating who the true players were. He certainly did not deny the inseparable
presence of the miraculous in Salesian charity; ‘We always note, say and preach that Mary Help of
Christians has obtained and will always obtain, particular races, even extraordinary and miraculous
ones for those who help provide a Christian education to youth at risk through works, advice, good
example or simply by prayer.’ But he warned readers not to mistake the identity of the miracle
worker. ‘I warmly recommend to all my sons that they be careful when they speak or write and
never say, or claim that D. Bosco has obtained graces from God or had worked miracles in some
way or other. Whoever says this commits a harmful error. Although God in His goodness has been
very generous in my regard I have nevertheless never pretended to know or do supernatural
things. I have done none other than pray and get other good souls to ask the Lord for graces. I
have always found the prayers and communion of our boys to be effective. The merciful God and
83 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, 2 March 1886, ASC F 3810311, handwritten original 4 pp.
84 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, 5 March 1886, ASC F 3810312, handwritten original 3 pp.
85 Cf. quoted monograph by R. ALBERDI, Una Ciudad para un Santo: los orígines de la obra salesiana en
Barcelona.

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his Holy Mother have helped us in our needs. That has been proven every time we needed to
provide for our poor and abandoned boys and even more so when their souls have been at risk.’ 86
Don Bosco’s health varied on the relatively quick approach to Catalonia’s capital along the
western riviera. ‘D. Bosco had a very bad night’ the chronicler noted on the first day and said a few
hours later: ‘We have noted D. Bosco’s clarity of mind, witty remarks etc.’ It was much the same
the following day: ‘Don Bosco is very tired … it seemed D. Bosco could no longer breathe but he is
content, at peace, and seems to be okay.’ In Genoa, after a number of visits to charitable
individuals he was ‘dead tired’ yet it did not prevent him later in the evening from recounting his
improbable adventures and passing witty remarks to those present concerning his first or second
trip to Rome. There was also a fruitful, well–attended conference on the 13th. At Varazze, the
welcome was extraordinary, people crowding around him as far as his room and at the Salesian
conference. People were very emotional.87 ‘My health is sufficiently good’ he told Claire Louvet
from Alassio. ‘God willing, I will leave for Nice etc. as far as Barcelona, and I hope to be back in
Turin in early May.’88
The scenes at Varazze and Alassio were repeated in Nice, where he arrived on 20 March. At the
Cooperator’s Conference (24 March) ‘he spoke with emotion but was very clear–headed.’ Visits
‘multiplied’. ‘D. Bosco does not have a minute’s rest,’ but ‘as well as the visits, donations also
multiplied.’ The secretary recorded. He also met charitable individuals, mostly of the nobility, from
Germany and Russia, pushing on as far as Cannes and Toulon, eventually staying with the Colle
household.89 He had announced his visit beforehand from Nice on 26 March: ‘Thanks be to God I
am still alive. On Monday evening, God willing, I will be at your place, and we can discuss business
at our leisure.’90
At the end of the visit to the Queen of Wurtemberg on 27 March, as noted by the chronicler ‘all
along the halls the women were taking a peep and showed their sorrow at seeing how D. Bosco
suffered from walking.’91 By 31 March he was in Marseilles, once more taking on the weighty but
profitable onus of making and receiving visits, accompanied by blessings and healings. The
secretary noted: ‘D. Bosco is very tired. Newspapers announced his arrival in Marseilles and then
there was a huge crowd wanting to see D. Bosco. The reception area, corridors and everywhere
else was full.’92 On 2 April, the Vicar of the Congregation, Fr Rua arrived. The following day
Viglietto noted: ‘Fr Rua has spent two days studying, or rather, reading, the work by the Bishop of
Milo [Marcelo Spinola], D. Bosco y su obra and already knows how to speak some Spanish,with
difficulty, but he will know it very well, for sure, before we arrive in Barcelona.’93 On the 5th, in the
presence of the nobility and local financiers, including Rostand and Bergasse, there was a
Conference on charity, an unmistakably conservative approach in which the speaker, in the
chronicler’s opinion, ‘Spoke very well of D. Bosco and his work, which is the work for our time.
Working society rejects God, rebels against sovereigns and the nobility. D. Bosco educates his
boys to Christian religion, the Catholic Faith’ therefore (it was implied) to respect for the social
order. Don Bosco also spoke ‘amidst bouts of sobbing, his and his listeners, who then crowded
around his room to seek his blessing.’94
86 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 105 and 103. Substantially, it is the address to priest past pupils on 19
July 1883: Cf. Chap.31, § 2.
87 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885 al 14 aprile 1886, pp. 57-63.
88 Letter from Alassio, 19 March 1886, E IV 472.
89 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 65-72.
90 Letter of 26 March 1886, E IV 521. On the 27th Fr F. Cerruti returned to Italy.
91 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 68.
92 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 73; cfr. pp. 72-74.
93 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 74.
94 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 76.

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Having left Marseilles at 5.00 p.m. on the afternoon of 7 April the travellers arrived at Port Bou,
the first Spanish station at the border, at 4.00 a.m. the following day. Waiting there for them were Fr
Branda and Mr Súñer, who had reserved a saloon carriage on the same train, where Don Bosco
could refresh himself (Fr Rua did not want to break his fast so he could celebrate Mass). At
Mataro, the elder of the Pascual brothers, Narciso María, ‘boarded the train. He was the son–in law
of Doña Chopitea, and brother–in–law of Luis Martí–Codolar, the connecting link between the
families closest to Don Bosco, the Serra–Chopitea family, the Martí–Codolar family, the Morgas
and Jover families. As well as their blood relationship, they also shared their Catholic and militant
Faith and elevated social and economic status.
Welcoming Don Bosco at the station in Barcelona were representatives of the most important
Catholic Associations, led by the Vicar General of the diocese in the name of the Bishop, Catalá
Albosa (1833–99) who was away on pastoral visitation. Don Bosco and he had already had a brief
exchange of letters prior to the founding of the Talleras Salesianos at Sarriá.95 Among the 50
carriages available – or so says the chronicler! – the winner was the one belonging to Doña
Dorotea Chopitea, who brought guests to the Serra home for breakfast, then towards 4 in the
afternoon to the hospice at Sarriá, a district of some 7,000 inhabitants 5 kilometres from the centre
of Barcelona, becoming part of the city in 1921.
Over the following days, 9 and 10 April, there were two entries by Viglietti that tell us much
about the context in which the visit took place, the tireless search for friends and the mentality of
the chronicler, who belonged to a middle–class family in Turin and was clearly selective in
recording the people who flocked to see Don Bosco. ‘Little Navarre’ as Sarriá was described, was
surrounded by small communities of people very much like those at Sarriá, traditionally religious,
involved in agriculture, horticulture crafts. As well as the villas of well–to–do Barcelonans, there
were quite a number of religious communities. However, ‘many people came that evening’ the
chronicler noted for the 9th. ‘What is noticeable is that it was not the minor folk who came to speak
to Don Bosco but all the great nobility. The room was filled with the most important gentlemen and
nobles from Barcelona.’96 ‘There is never the ordinary people, they are all nobility’ he remarked the
following day. ‘Here we are only waiting for the conference so D. Bosco can be known in all his
aspects, since here he is only known as a great humanitarian who has set up many houses of
charity to take in boys, but they don’t know D. Bosco as a saint who works miracles, as a great and
learned literary man etc.’97
But awareness of who Don Bosco was, was perhaps better understood in Barcelona than it was
in Paris among lay people and clergy. He was seen in relation to the foundation at Utrera, the
Archbishop of Seville, Lluch y Garriga, his Auxiliary, Spinola y Maestre, both Salesian Cooperators,
Dom Bosco y su obra by Spinola, the negotiations regarding Madrid, the tireless propaganda on
Don Bosco’s behalf in the Revista Popular by Fr Sardá y Salvany, and the establishment at Sarriá
itself. Nor was Barcelona a huge city like Paris, but a more compact regional capital with closer
interrelationships. A city of 170,000 inhabitants (Paris had more than two million), it was quickly
filled with the presence of the educator, social worker, man of God, Saint. This was echoed not
only in the Catholic press but the independent lay and anticlerical press as well .98
95 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., p. 78.
96 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 80-81.
97 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 81-82.
98 For echoes in the press, with controversy from the secularist side, which sees and evaluates from the
bottom up with its own social sensitivity, cf. R. ALBERDI, Una Ciudad para un Santo..., pp. 99-112 (for the
middle class and conservative press), 146-178 (for arguments between Left and Right wing) and 198-
201 (on Don Bosco’s ‘miracles’ as seen from the leftist workers side).

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Supported by the Salesians in France, he had been invited to visit families and individuals of
solid Catholic Faith and ready to offer charity, many of them members of Catholic Associations and
St Vincent de Paul Conferences, people belonging to the world of culture and finance.99
The much–revered Doña Dorotea de Chopitea (1816–91) very much took charge of Don
Bosco’s stay. Helped by other women who were respected and authoritative within their respective
families, and by their daughters, they surrounded Don Bosco with delicate and attentive concern –
Don Bosco’s ordinary residence, however, was at the simple hospice at Sarriá where audiences
also took place. Besieged as he was, there were visits and public activities which saw him taken to
family friends, admirers, devotees, people who had great affection for him. He spent a day of rest
at the Pascual family villa on Holy Saturday, 24 April, and on 3 May, at the splendid homestead and
grounds belonging to Luis Martí–Codolar with its botanical gardens.
On 10 April, Don Bosco gave a conference to the ‘Dames of the Committee’ representing the
female Salesian Cooperators. ‘They are all Countesses, Marchionesses, Baronesses etc.’ the
secretary noted once more, obviously delighted; ‘all very kind, good and charitable women, all
Countesses, Marchionesses, and noblewomen.’100
The chronicler also gave plenty of space to the dream about expansion of Salesian evangelical
activity from the extreme west, Valparaiso and Santiago in Chile, to the extreme east, Peking
[Beijing] which Don Bosco had on the night of 9/10 April and which he recounted with much
emotion (on his and his listeners’ part) to Fr Rua, Fr Branda and his secretary Viglietti.101 Viglietti
immediately sent the text to the person at the oratory who would be most interested, Fr
Lemoyne.On the 12th Fr Rua wrote to the novice–master Fr Barberis, about it: ‘I will not give you
other news, knowing that this task is well carried out by dear Viglietti who plays his part very well
and who will, among other things, write to you about the beautiful dream D. Bosco had last Friday
night.102 Fr Cerruti was a bit more reserved about it, sending the text from Turin on 16 April to Fr
Rocca, the Rector at Alassio: ‘You will have received a book of rail tickets,’ he wrote ‘and a letter
with Fr Rua’s stamp and signature, to which I have added a copy of a so–called dream which you
can read to the confreres, but it might not be appropriate for the boys.’103
The same day, the Mayor and entire Sarriá Council came to pay their respects, along with a
crowd of other people, while over the days that followed there were delegations from the Barcelona
section of the Catholic Association and the St Vincent de Paul Conferences. Many people came to
ask Don Bosco for blessings, to be healed, and he visited families of benefactors and the sick.104
The 15th was the day for a grand reception at the new site for the popular schools promoted by
the Catholic Association. This was the result of the flourishing Catholic entrepreneurial middle class
in Barcelona. The President gave an address followed by conferral of the Association’s gold medal
on Don Bosco. As a member, he had already received a certificate in 1884. Don Bosco spoke amid
loud applause, repeating his customary warning about charity as an objective form of defence
(among other motives) of one’s own property against revolutionary threat: ‘We have stripped the
99 On the role of Catholic associations in Barcelona and especially the ’“Association of Catholics”, in
“interpreting Don Bosco and expanding on and defending his public image”, see R. ALBERDI, Don Bosco
e le associazioni cattoliche in Spagna, in Don Bosco nella storia, pp. 177-204.
100 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 82-84.
101 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 84-87.
102 FdR 3850 B 2-3.
103 ASC F 3810317, original 4 pp. The text of the dream, sent by Viglietti to Fr Lemoyne, is in the ASC in
signed copy as well, dated 16 January 1917, by Fr Luigi Versiglia (1873-1930), who in 1906, headed up
the first missionary expedition to China, and was in Italy from 27 June 1916 to 25 January 1917, and
from 1921 was Vicar Apostolic of Shiu-chow and Bishop. He was killed on 25 January 1830 together with
Salesian priest Callisto Caravario, both proclaimed martyrs on 1 October 2000: cf. ASC B 331.
104 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 87-88.

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streets of young thieves, good–for–nothings’ he stated ‘who are now the consolation of their
families and an honour to the city. They are boys who, having been helped over time by your
charity, will save your wealth before God instead of demanding it one day with revolver in hand.’105
The number of people by now being admitted in groups, wanting to see Don Bosco, had
increased. He was ‘not very well … Without breath and strength; only with effort could he impart
blessings and say Dios bendiga.’106 On the 20th he received the Bishop of Vich, José Morgádes y
Gili and the Bishop of Barcelona, Jaime Catalá y Albosa. He returned their visit the following day.107
Fr Cerruti wrote to Fr Rocca on 23 April: ‘We had fairly good news of D. Bosco yesterday but he is
still not talking of his return. He is still in Barcelona where Fr Rua writes that he is half dead from
the many and constant audiences, preaching, confessions. Let us pray for him. Here we feel D.
Bosco’s and Fr Rua’s absence but with God’s help and some sacrifice we push on well enough
and what is more important, without charity [donations] being interrupted, even gaining a little more
each day.’108
Celebrations in Barcelona reached their high point on the historic afternoon of 30 April,
dedicated to the Salesian Conference. A selected public filled the Church of Our Lady of
Bethlehem, while a crowd gathered outside hoping to see the saint and receive his blessing.
Present were the diocesan bishop and the abbot of the Trappist monastery at Tolosa, surrounded
by other illustrious clerics and high civil and military authorities in Barcelona. Before the Blessed
Sacrament exposed there was a succession of music and choirs, an address by José Juliá,
professor at the Seminary, words of thanks spoken by Don Bosco from the balustrade, and solemn
Benediction of the Blessed Sacrament given by the diocesan bishop.109
On 3 May, there was a picturesque visit to the villa and castle of Luis Martí–Codolar at San Juan
de Horta. As well as Doña Chopitea, members of the various families, parents and children, other
invited guests including the boys from the hospice at Sarriá were present. The natural and artificial
scenic setting was magnificent. There was music from the bans made up of trade boys, and a
small orchestra of three young women from the Pascual and Martí–Codolar families. There was a
very solemn launch during which lawyers Manual María Pascual, Mrs Martí–Codolar’s brother,
announced the owner’s intention to give Don Bosco the hilltop overlooking Barcelona known as the
Tibidabo. The donation was then officially announced by the donors on 5 May, at the foot of the
altar of the Church dedicated to Our Lady of Mercy, Protectress of Barcelona.
The country visit to the Granja Vella has come down through history, thanks to a large group
photo taken in the park at Luis Martí–Codolar’s villa, and is one of the most significant testimonies
of Don Bosco’s trip to Spain.110 The best scholar of Don Bosco’s photographs has commented that
his appearance is serene, smiling. One can see his 72 years of age but it is the vigorous old age of
an active man who lives life intensely … His eyes are alert, penetrating, his mouth ready to smile
spontaneously. His countenance gives an impression of gentleness, amiability, kindness.’111
On 5 May, Fr Cerruti told Fr Rocca: ‘Tomorrow D. Bosco leaves for Gerona, Montpellier,
Valence, Grenoble, then by way of Modane, he will be here on Saturday evening, the 15th inst.
Unless there is some slight unforeseen change. The news sent by Fr Rua (who is no poet) is quite
105 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886 al 16 maggio 1886, pp. 1-6; the quoted words, p.
5; Cf. Chap.22, § 8.
106 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 7-12.
107 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 10-11 and 15.
108 Letter of 23 April, ASC F 3810319, handwritten original 4 pp.
109 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 33-37.
110 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 43-46 e 50-51; cf. R. ALBERDI - R.
CASASNOVAS, Martí-Codolar. Una obra social de la burguesía..., pp. 158-165.
111 G. SOLDÀ, Don Bosco nella fotografia dell’800 1861-1888. Turin, SEI 1987, pp. 196-197.

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extraordinary. He assured us that never before, not even in Paris was such enthusiasm seen, such
huge success. Deo Gratias and let us pray!’112
5 and 6 May were days spent in farewells which the sensitive chronicler overlaid with much
emotion and tears. Toward midday on Friday the 6th the three travellers – Don Bosco, the silent
and discreet collaborator Fr Rua, and cleric Viglietti – left Sarriá, accompanied by many friends
whose numbers grew by the final tram stop. Many representatives of civil and ecclesiastical
authorities, associations and families were present for the final official farewell at Barcelona
station.113
6. Return home in short stages
Given Don Bosco’s state of health, the journey home was accomplished in short stages. By late
afternoon the travellers were at Gerona, guests at the sumptuous home of a recent fortuitous
acquaintance, the Carles de Herrer family, The following morning there was a visit from the Bishop
of Gerona, Tomás Sevilla y Gener (1817–1906). At 8.30 am they left for Port Bou. A change of
trains left time for lunch with a benefactor. Further on there was an hour’s stop at Cette where they
went to see a wealthy family. At 6.30 pm the three travellers reached Montpellier where they were
met by the Rector of the Seminary, Monsieur Dupuy, who ran the seminary with his Vincentian
community and was happy to have Don Bosco as a guest for almost three days. De Combal visited
him the same evening and made two other visits of a professional kind but also as a friend, on the
8th and 9th. After the final and more detailed examination he told those who came with him: ‘I
regard D. Bosco’s greatest miracle to be the fact that he is still alive.’ Here is a man who is dead
from all his labours yet he keeps working every day, eats very little yet is still alive. This is a great
miracle!’114 Late in the morning of Saturday the 8th Don Bosco visited the girls’ college run by the
Sacre Coeur Sisters. The pupils all filed past him as he was seated on a raised chair, to receive his
blessing. He spoke very kindly and touchingly to one little girl who asked him to bring her mother
back (she had gone to heaven!): ‘Leave her with the Lord, she is well–off up there.’115
Despite the number of people pressing Don Bosco for a word and a blessing, the Rector was
still able to question him about his ‘secret for keeping such a huge number of boys in order and
controlling them with so few staff.’ For the moment, he had to content himself with Don Bosco’s
usual laconic response: ‘We inspire the fear of God in them.’ ‘But fear,’ Dupuy (who was a master
of things spiritual) thought ‘is but the beginning of wisdom.’ He also wanted to know How Don
Bosco ‘helped souls climb to the heights of wisdom, which is the love of God.’ He asked this by
letter, and back in Turin Don Bosco had his generous host sent a copy of Il Cristiano guidato alla
virtù e alla civiltà secondo lo spirito di S. Vincenzo de Paoli.116 He and his confreres saw a notable
difference in St Vincent de Paul’s and St Francis de Sales’ method of spiritual direction: the former
‘led the soul, who is nothing before God’s majesty, to trust in him and trust fully enough in Him to
be able to spread God’s love as widely as possible.’ St Francis de Sales, instead, ‘was content to
propose that everyone seek God’s will in everything in all simplicity.’ He asked Don Bosco, who
claimed that he ‘had studied the two great saints in depth’ if they had correctly understood St
Francis de Sales, whose view they supposed he had adopted.117 Had it been a question about his
112 Letter to Fr Rocca, ASC F 3810320, handwritten original 3 pp.
113 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 52-58.
114 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 52-63.
115 MB XVIII 121-122 (eyewitness claim 1934).
116 This was the second edition, 1876, OE XXVIII 1-252.
117 Letter of Dupuy to Don Bosco, 2 July 1886, in MB XVIII 655-656.

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educational approach Don Bosco would have had a ready reply: the preventive system. But the
question was about spirituality understood as the way to Christian perfection and the heights of
charity. Don Bosco had never tackled things speculatively nor had he ever made a historical study
or a theological interpretation of the teachings of these two saints of the golden French era. The
one who read the letter to him heard him say with a smile: ‘Well! ‘’’I don’t know either!’118 It is clear
that Dupuy had put the two spiritualities into too neat an opposition. It is known that St Vincent was
bound by ties of friendship with St Frances de Sales and had read the Introduction to the Devout
Life and the Treatise on the Love of God and in some aspects owed his thinking to them.
Nevertheless, he had emphasised the essential nature of charitable activity. He was also a
precursor to Don Bosco in being allergic to purely doctrinal speculation about his own ‘Spirituality’,
a term he did not like nor adopt, preferring the more concrete ‘spirit’ with clear reference to the
‘Spirit of God’ ‘Siprit of Jesus’, Spirit of the Gospel.’119 ‘St Vincent avoided attempts at simplification
and classification,’ ‘he is not a speculative type of person.’ ‘his originality does not lie in “doctrine”
but in life and experience.’120
On the afternoon of 10 May, the travellers arrived in Valence where they were welcomed by the
parish priest of the cathedral who put them up. The Bursar at Grande–Chartreuse was also there
for supper and was very generous to Don Bosco. On 1 June, one of the monks brought 50,000
francs [180,800 euro] to Turin. The following day, Don Bosco celebrated Mass in the Cathedral and
spoke to the faithful mainly about the Sacred Heart Church in Rome, weighed down by debt. There
were the usual generous donations that day and the following one, until their departure on 12 May
for Grenoble. There he was welcomed by the clergy and the people at the Church of St Louis, and
hosted with extraordinary cordiality at the Major Seminary.121 In the evening, utterly exhausted, he
said just a few words at the function for the Marian month in St Andrew’s Church. On the 15th, after
celebrating Mass, they left for Turin, arriving at the station at 6.30 p.m. By 7.00 they were at the
Oratory.122
Almost at the end of the Catalonian adventure, the chronicler noted on 16 May: ‘D. Bosco said
Mass at St Peter’s altar in the Church. Today is the celebration for St Joseph and D. Bosco’s return
to the Oratory. D. Bosco went down to the refectory, where they read out some magnificent
compositions. This evening there was a beautiful academy put on by the trade students whose
primary purpose was to celebrate St Joseph and then D. Bosco’s return. It was a beautiful evening.
D, Bosco spoke of his travels, the good done and the decoration he carried around his neck: the
decoration he received in Barcelona from the Catholic Societies.‘123
118 Documenti XXXII 472. Many years later, Lemoyne interpreted it and expanded on it: “They want me to
talk about my method. Well!... Not even I know what it is. I have just gone ahead as the Lord has inspired
me and circumstances demanded” (G. B. LEMOYNE, Vita del Venerabile servo di Dio Giovanni Bosco...,
Vol. II. Turin, SEI 1914, p. 311).
119 Cf. A. DODIN, François de Sales Vincent de Paul les deux amis. Paris, O.E.I.L. 1984, pp. 43-96 (Les
emprunts faits par Monsieur Vincent de Paul au Traité de l’amour de Dieu); ID., Initiation à Saint Vincent
de Paul. Paris, Cerf 1993, pp. 47-81 e 167-181 (Théologie de la charité selon Saint Vincent ed Esprit de
Monsieur Vincent, esprit de la Mission).
120 A. DODIN, St. Vincent de Paul et la charité. Paris, Seuil 1965, p. 64; L. MESSADRI, Fra giansenisti e
antigiansenisti. Vincent Depaul e la Congregazione della missione (1624-1737). Florence, La Nuova
Italia 1977, pp. 20-37 (La spiritualità di S. Vincent Depaul).
121 Cf. Séjour de Saint Jean Bosco au Grand Séminaire de Grenoble (Mai 1886), memoir of Carthusian Fr.
Pierre Mouton, then a seminarian (MB XVIII 657-661).
122 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 64-69.
123 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 15 aprile 1886..., pp. 63-71. “D. Bosco returned yesterday
evening safe and sound – said Fr Cerruti to Fr Rocca that day -, and this morning celebrated Mass in
Mary Help of Christians, Deo gratias et Mariae” (Letter of 16 May 1886, ASC F 3810322, handwritten
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Some interesting information followed. In the second half of May, Don Bosco had ‘the Salesian
Cooperators certificate’ sent to ‘all the bishops and cardinals of Italy’ and many replied over the
days that followed, thanking him ‘for the honour bestowed on them.’124 The greatest number of
letters came from Southern Italy.125 On 23 June, the President of Peru arrived with his son.
‘Enthusiasts’ of Salesian work, ‘they asked Don Bosco in a kindly way to establish a house in Peru
and promised to return. In the late afternoon Mr Joaquin de Font y de Boter, Secretary of the
Catholic Association, representing the Society and Salesian Cooperators in Spain’ and ‘the
President of the Workers Societies in France, the Count of Villeneuve’ arrived to take part in the
festivities for Don Bosco’s name day.126
At the academy in the evening, Fr Lemoyne offered a life of Mamma Margaret to Don Bosco,
who was overcome with emotion.127 On the following day, the 24th, a group of past pupils living in
Turin came to pass on their greetings. Don Bosco spoke to them with particular tenderness, ‘and
as tired as he was in body and emotional in soul, his language was such that he made a great
impact on the group and said that because he was now well–advanced in years he felt eternity
coming on in leaps and bounds.’128
The academy was ‘made more splendid because of the large number of foreigners, the lighting,
the beautiful items etc. They read out beautiful poems and prose compositions.’129 Fr Cerruti noted,
regarding Don Bosco’s health: ‘These days the poor man can hardly get by. He is not confined to
bed but is very poorly, and is physically and morally exhausted.’130 It is not so easy to interpret this
comment.
On 7 July, ‘to escape the very hot days in Turin’ Don Bosco went to Valsalice.131 He returned to
the Oratory only for the two meetings with past pupils on 11 July for the laymen and 15 July for the
priests. He spoke to the first group of the uncertainty of their being with him ‘for another year.’ ‘The
inconveniences of old age’ he said ‘are a warning for me not to flatter myself.’132 The day before, he
had written to ‘Fr M. Rua, Vicar G. of the S. Cong. Dear Fr Rua,’ telling him that ‘My poor head is in
a mess’ and that he was no longer able to receive the monthly rendiconto of the Salesians at the
Oratory and particularly of the members of the Superior Chapter. He asked him to do this for him or
delegate another – he mentioned the names of Fr Bonetti and Fr Cerruti – to dedicate himself to
this ‘important but overlooked matter among us, especially by myself.’133 At the past pupils meeting
on the 15th the parish priest of the Great Mother of God parish, Fr G. B. Piano, and engineer Buffa,
stated on behalf of their respective associations that no one could exceed the love of the past
pupils and Cooperators, whom they represented, had for Don Bosco. Raising a hand, Don Bosco
replied graciously: ‘Which of these fingers do I love most? Which could I do without? None of them
for sure, because all five are dear to me and equally necessary. Well then, I am telling you that I
love you all, without distinction and beyond measure.’134
124 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886 al 12 genn. 1887, p. 5.
125 Documenti XXXII 382-402.
126 Don Bosco received a letter from De Font and the President of the Feliú Association on July 14 in which
they thanked him for Don Bosco's special affection for them and the members of their respective
associations.: MB XVIII 675.
127 G. B. LEMOYNE, Scene morali di famiglia esposte nella vita di Margherita Bosco. Racconto edificante ed
ameno. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1886, 188 p.
128 BS 10 (1886) no. 8, August, p. 87.
129 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 15-18.
130 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, 26 June 1886, ASC F 3810325, handwritten original 2 pp.
131 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., p. 22.
132 BS 10 (1886) no. 8, August, p. 87.
133 Letter of 10 July 1886, E IV 355-356.
134 BS 10 (1886) no. 8, August, p. 88.

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On the evening of 15 July, he left for Pinerolo as guest once more at the Bishop’s house where
he remained until 13 August.135 There, he recommenced some significant correspondence. On the
22nd he replied to the President of the Catholic Workers club in Bergamo, who had asked for a
blessing on the tenth anniversary of its foundation. He would pray for him and his members but he
also recommended his two hundred thousand or more ‘young orphans’ to their charity and
prayers.136
There was no lack of news on his health: ‘My health is passable.’137 ‘My health has forced me to
suspend any kind of work. Only now can I begin to do something and I find it is my duty to write the
first words for you, my charitable young lady.’138 The cholera had reappeared in the summer and
while thanking someone for another donation he suggested the usual antidote in the usual practice
in honour of Mary Help of Christians.139
Back in Turin, 15 August saw a lengthy morning visit from Cardinal Alimonda, and in the
afternoon the splendid feast of prize distribution and Don Bosco’s birthday. Fr Berto presented a
gift of ‘the huge volume with a list of Privileges which had been so long awaited.’ It was still in
manuscript form. A printed edition would only be available in the second half of 1888.’ The most
moving scene, however, was Fr Lasagna’s arrival while the academy was in full swing. He arrived
unannounced and embraced the Father he had not seen for so long. What a feast, what a warm
jubilation!!!’140
From 21 to 31 August ,Don Bosco was present for two sets of retreats at S. Benigno Canavese,
the first for aspirants and novices, the other for rectors. On the 31st ‘with little strength and suffering
from the excessive heat’ he returned to Turin and the following day went to Valsalice for the
opening of the Fourth General Chapter at 5.30 pm.141
7. An alert presence at the Fourth Salesian General Chapter (1886)
Don Bosco sent out a letter of convocation on 31 May 1886. He had appointed Fr Francis Cerruti
as Moderator, a methodical man, capable organiser with a tendency to arrive at decisions. The first
task was the election of members of the Superior Chapter except for the Rector Major (Don Bosco)
and Vicar (Fr Rua).142 Attached to the letter were four pages with indication of matters to be dealt
with.143 Chapter: 1. Regulations for parishes run by the Salesians. 2. Direction to be taken
regarding the working section in Salesian houses and ways of developing vocations among the
trade boys. 3. The way of carrying out the Regulari disciplinae decree of 1848 concerning
admission of novices to profession of vows. 4. Systems to be followed in promoting men to Holy
Orders. 5. Ways and means for establishing houses as studentates for clerics. 6. Ways to provide
for exemption from military service. 7. Modification to be introduced into the Directory [List] of our
Society. [8] Proposals from confreres.
As happened at the previous Chapter, there was too much here as well to deal with in the time
available, from the afternoon of 1 September to the morning of 7 September. To make up for it, the
135 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 22-27.
136 E IV 356-357.
137 To Count L. Colle, 25 July 1886, E IV 522.
138 To C. Louvet, 27 July 1886, E IV 472.
139 To Mrs F. Maggi, 27 July 1886, E IV 358.
140 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 29-30.
141 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 33-36.
142 Cf. Lettere circolari di D. Bosco e di D. Rua ed altri loro scritti ai salesiani. Turin, tip. salesiana 1896, pp.
33-35: letters of Don Bosco of 31 May and 24 July 1886.
143 Capitolo generale IV, ASC D 579, FdB 1864 E 1-4.

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Moderator was very organised and was able to get the Assembly to arrive at final decisions on at
least some of the matters that had been partly thought through at previous Chapters.
Among the proposals were some more drastic ones put forward by Bishop Cagliero, Fr Piccono,
Fr Riccardi, calling for a stricter formation for trade boys and coadjutors, and better preparation of
candidates for Holy Orders.144 But these proposals were not known to Chapter members since they
arrived in Turin two days after the Chapter closed.145 The only representative of the Salesians in
America at the Chapter was Fr Lasagna. The most concrete proposals came from Salesians in
Italy who were closer to the ‘worker side’ of Salesian activity.
Fr Belmonte, the Rector of the hospice in Sampierdarena, and whom the Chapter elected as
Prefect General of the Congregation, did not just stop at the moral aspect of formation of trade
students. ‘Seek the best possible development in their trade’ he insisted ‘so that when our boys
leave our houses they are not forced to take up any job to earn a living, because even after
spending a few years in our houses they have not learned the trade sufficiently to take it up
elsewhere. Find the best trade masters even at the sacrifice of their spending a very busy day.146
With regards to preparing clerics for Holy Orders, he suggested a precise program: ‘1, Demand
that they complete their theological courses over four years. Give the Tonsure at the end of the 2nd
year, subdiaconate at the end of the 3ed year and diaconate midway through the 4th year, then
priesthood. The candidate should precede each ordination with a study of the treatises indicated
and achieve a score of no less than 7 in the exams.’147
Fr Canepa, future novice master, stressed some of the more visible pedagogical aspects
encouraging giving the trade students group a higher profile and dignity. As a principle he proposed
there be no difference between the trade and academic students, and drew from this some of the
consistent behaviours of the teachers: “1. Encourage emulation among them by distributing
rewards to the boys most deserving of them on a number of occasions through the ear. 2.
Confreres should help the boys love the house and the Rector by practising the preventive system
so much instilled by our Father. 3. The Rector of each house should speak with the boys and
spend time with them often, especially the older ones.’ ‘Then instead of being divided they should
all come together and form just one family. Indeed, I would dare say that their circumstances as
abandoned boys demands more charity and careful supervision from the superiors than for the
academic students.’ And finally, ‘For the good of the confreres and the Congregation it would be
desirable that no one be ordained priest unless he has completed the regular course of
theology.’148 There was a well–articulated and constructive proposal for an anonymous confrere to
be place in the trade workshops.149
Fr Giovanni Marenco, elected secretary of the Chapter, summed up the Assembly’s work in a
manuscript of 19 unnumbered pages: Report on the 4th General Chapter of the Pious Salesian
Society held at Valsalice college from 1 September to the seventh of the same month in 1886 .150
The impression we gain from this is that the time available for an in–depth discussion of the
problems was really insufficient. However, the presence of authors of the proposals at the Chapter,
and the work begun during the 1883 General Chapter allowed them to draw up substantial
documents, especially on the first two topics.151
144 Replies to the form from 28 July 1886, ASC D 579, FdB 1865 A 10-11, B 6-12.
145 Cf. Letter of Moderator, Fr F. Cerruti to Bishop G. Cagliero, 12 October 1886, MB XVIII 177 no. 4.
146 ASC D 579, FdB 1866 C 7-8.
147 ASC D 579, FdB 1866 E 7-8.
148 ASC D 579, FdB 1866 C 9, E 9.
149 ASC D 579, FdB 1866 C 11 – D 1 and E 8.
150 ASC D 579, FdB 1867 D 9 – 1868 A 3.
151 Cf. J. M. PRELLEZO, La “parte operaia” nelle case salesiane..., RSS 16 (1997) 353-391.

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Don Bosco’s interventions (a considerable number of them during the plenary sessions) are
interesting for our biography. The first of them was in the morning session on 2 September, on the
delicate questions of ways and means to establish houses as studentates in the Provinces. He was
averse to demanding and utopian decisions and moderately in favour of the suggestion that some
of the more outstanding students be sent to Rome to complete their studies at the ‘higher Schools
[ecclesiastical Universities] opened by the Holy Father.’ ‘I approve of this and see it might be a bit
premature given the need for personnel for current works.’ Further on, in relation to the various
names that were given to Salesians in formation, the Report records that ‘D. Bosco recommends
keeping the terms in use such as Ascritti [enrolled members] or trial year instead of Novices or
novitiate, because it is neither necessary nor useful.’ Again, following the ‘overall’ approval of the
document which was hastily done and unworkable, Don Bosco had it delayed ‘for a further, and
more practical examination on how to implement it.’152
At the afternoon session on 3 September, Fr Lasagna read out the planned regulations for
parishes ‘formulated on the basis of studies done over the last three years and more complete
current studies.’ It was preceded by various observations encouraging the Congregation ‘not to
easily accept the care of parishes.’ Don Bosco arrived to preside at the session when they were
discussing a way of making the parish priest immovable and invited them to leave it to the Superior
Chapter for the time being to study how to do this.153
Over the days that followed, they discussed important topics such as the Direction to take with
the trade/workers section, and developing vocations among them, and application of the 1848
Regulari disciplinae decree. Don Bosco did not intervene. Instead, half way through the morning
session on the 6th he spoke up on his favourite topic of adult vocations. ‘D. Bosco incidentally,
recommended getting to know the Work of Mary Help of Christians, that is, encouraging vocations
among adults.’ ‘D. Bosco gave as the reason: sometimes boys are shipwrecked during
adolescence, then return to their senses at 16, 18 or even 20 years of age.’154
Don Bosco presided on the afternoon of 6 September, dedicated to examining the various
proposals. He intervened on the question of instructions from Leo XIII regarding Freemasons in
Humanum Genus, 20 April 1884. He displayed his habitual opposition to his adversaries.’ Many
decades later, Fr Joseph Vespignani, who came from Romagna, recalled what Don Bosco had told
him when, as a young priest, he had spoken to him about the opportunities for a Salesian
foundation in Bologna where the Italian youth organisation had arisen. This group was made up of
elements ready to defend Catholic institutions and priests: ‘We do not have this particular fighting
spirit of zeal. We do not get involved in politics. All we seek to do is to work among youth, and we
pray that they leave us alone in this.’155
He took a similar attitude at the Chapter to what Leo XIII said about those who joined secret
societies like the Freemasons: ’It is enough to recommend older youth not to join any society
without their parents’ and the parish priest’s consent, but not to talk about this or publish it. That
would simply stir up the ire of our enemies without any benefit from it.156
He then went on to other topics. He noted how important it was for the rectors to meet
frequently with the house chapter. The Report continues: ‘He again reminded people how circular
letters are very helpful for eliminating many faults and are a way of dealing in particular with
religious duties, the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. This is something the Spiritual
152 G. MARENCO, Relazione del 4° Capitolo generale..., p. 5.
153 G. MARENCO, Relazione del 4° Capitolo generale..., pp. 7-8.
154 G. MARENCO, Relazione del 4° Capitolo generale..., pp. 10-12.
155 G. VESPIGNANI, Un anno alla scuola del Beato don Bosco (1876-1877). S. Benigno Canavese, Scuola
Tipografica don Bosco 1930, pp. 26-27.
156 G. MARENCO, Relazione del 4° Capitolo generale..., pp. 13-14.

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Director will remind the Rector Major about.’ With regard to the Provincial Visitation and visits to
houses from the Provincial and Superior Chapter members, the Report notes: ‘D. Bosco
recommends they always go in the name of the Superior and see that the rules are obeyed not
because I want it but because of the duty the rules impose. Saying “I” wrecks everything.’ When it
was noted that the Deliberations lacked appropriate recommendations on the preventive system ‘D
Bosco reminded people he had begun a small booklet on the topic [the 1877 pages?]. He hopes to
complete it himself or through others.’157
The Deliberations were published the following year, brought together with deliberations from
the previous Chapter in a slender 28 page booklet.158 At the Superior Chapter meeting on 24
October 1884, Don Bosco had expressed a desire for the Superior Chapter to coordinate the
decisions of the 1883 General Chapter so they could be printed prior to the 1886 General
Chapter.159 But nothing was done. The cumulative Deliberations in 1886 contained completely new
documents by comparison with the First and Second General Chapters and were the result of
preparatory studies, the work of the Commissions, and discussions at plenary sessions of the Third
and Fourth General Chapters. They were developed under six headings: I. Regulations for
parishes. II. Ordinations. III. Religious spirit and vocations among coadjutors and trade students.
IV. Regulations for the festive oratories. V. Salesian Bulletin. VI. A way of providing for exemption
from military service.
The deliberations mirrored ideas which Don Bosco had often shared and formulated and all
were formally approved and promulgated by him as we see from the letter of presentation160 and
the circular on 21 November 1886 which offered a brief report. In the circular he invited confreres
to give their ‘full obedience to the new Chapter’ touching on the sensitive aspects of Salesian
religious spirituality: obedience, charity and avoidance of grumbling, poverty. Obedience he wrote
‘should be prompt, humble, joyful,’ and looks on the ‘superiors’ as brothers, indeed loving fathers,’
seeing ‘the representatives of God himself in them.’ ‘The greater our obedience is, the more
meritorious before God and the greater the sacrifice in carrying it out.’ With regard to charity, he
encouraged them ‘not to fall into the major fault of grumbling, which is displeasing to God and
harmful to the community.’ Don Bosco also used the opportunity to recommend, ‘persevering
observance of the vow of poverty.’ Poverty was the source of spiritual good for the Salesian and of
well–being for the Congregation, pleasing to Providence who had been so generous to us and to
our benefactors. Then came the invitation to ‘reduce costs,’ ‘save in provisions, travel, building and
in general in everything that is not necessary.’161
What stood out in the Regulations for parishes was the first article which in principle, though not
in fact, remained in force in the Salesian Society until 1972: ‘Having considered the purpose to
which the Salesian Congregation tends in its works according to our Constitutions, Chapter 1, it
seems we should neither easily nor ordinarily take on parishes which the bishops offer us.’162 A
strong reminder of the Salesian Spirit permeated rules of behaviour in parish priests’ relationships
‘with the people.’ ‘The spirit of our Saintly Protector was to be all things to all people, Omnia
omnibus factus, and this same spirit, if it is to be the driving force for all Salesians, must be
especially so for whoever is asked to run a parish.’ He must not overlook ‘recollection, reserve’ and
also ‘the sick, poor, and children are to be the object of his special concern.’163
157 G. MARENCO, Relazione del 4° Capitolo generale..., pp. 14-16.
158 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale della Pia Società Salesiana tenuti in Valsalice nel
September 1883-86. S. Benigno Canavese, tipografia salesiana 1887, 28 p., OE XXXVI 253-280.
159 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 43v, session on24 October 1884.
160 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 3-4, OE XXXVI 255-256.
161 Cf. Lettere circolari di D. Bosco e di D. Rua, pp. 40-43.
162 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., p. 5, OE XXXVI 257.
163 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 10, 11, 13, OE XXXVI 262, 263, 265.

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The prescriptions regarding Ordinations presumed that candidates for the priesthood were
spread around the houses, that the Spiritual Director General or Catechist General had the duty of
recording the studies they were undertaking on the basis of reports from the Provincial and the
local rector who bore direct responsibility. 164
It is certainly worthy of comment that the Coadjutors had been the subject of reflection over a
good two General Chapters. But the question had hardly begun to be explored when, as we have
seen, a month after the Third General Chapter, Don Bosco felt he needed to speak about it to
clarify his thinking. The Fourth General Chapter did not offer any further deeper understanding of
their equal status as ‘consecrated men’ with the clerics in a Religious Society governed by clerics.
Just the same, the coadjutor’s field of activity was expanded: ‘directing and administering the
various businesses’ of the Pious Society and ‘becoming Master tradesmen in workshops, or
catechists in the festive oratories, and especially in the foreign missions.’ There was obviously
encouragement for them to demonstrate that they were ‘good religious’ and practised ‘religious
virtues.’165
Relatively more elaborate was the section on Young trade students. It was a significant step
forward from an older craftsman type formation to a system which to some extent approached the
kind of formation found in a good technical college with an eminently practical approach.166 It was
intended to be such that the apprentices, as it called them, ‘having completed their training by the
time they leave out houses, have learned a trade whereby they can earn an honest living,’ are
‘well–instructed in their religion’ and possess ‘knowledge appropriate to heir state.’ As a
consequence, the Chapter drew up a tripartite program: human, moral, religious formation (the
religious and moral aspect), the general, specific and technological dimension (the intellectual or
professional aspect): ‘literary, artistic, scientific knowledge), and acquisition of a refined ability to
exercise a skill or trade (the job–related, professional aspect).167 This last and essentially practical
but carefully planned aspect has been one of the characteristics of Salesian technical schools for
more than a century. The teaching curriculum was adequately structured: ‘The Professional
Councillor and Master tradesman,’ it explained ‘should split or consider how to split the gradual
series of activities which together make up the trade into courses or steps. The pupil should
gradually achieve these stages such that after his training, he should know and be fully capable of
exercising his trade.’ (art. 3). ‘It is not possible to specify the period of training since not all skills
require equal amounts of time to achieve, but as a general rule we can establish a period of five
years.’ (art 4). ‘The house for tradesmen novices should be well–equipped with what is needed to
become proficient in the various trades and have the best Salesian Master tradesmen.’ (art 5b).168
The Regulations for festive oratories did not look at how they functioned, since the 1877
regulations and current practice did this, but looked at how such an oratory should be founded and
run under the auspices of each Salesian House. The basis for this came from reference to art. 3 of
the first chapter of the Constitutions which said: ‘The first exercise of charity of the Pious Society of
St Francis de Sales is to gather poor and abandoned boys to instruct them in the Holy Catholic
Religion, especially on Sundays and Feast days.’ To carry this out, it established that ‘it is very
helpful in cities and towns where there is a Salesian house to also establish a recreational park or
164 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 13-16, OE XXXVI 265-268.
165 Cf. Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 16-17, OE XXXVI 268-269.
166 On the positive outcome and limitations of this evolution and the part played by Don Bosco and his
collaborators, cf. J. M. PRELLEZO, Don Bosco e le scuole professionali (1870-1887), in Don Bosco nella
storia, pp. 331-353 (in particular, pp. 348-352). Already interested in the problem is L. PAZZAGLIA,
Apprendistato e istruzione degli artigiani a Valdocco (1846-1886), in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella
storia della cultura popolare. Turin, SEI 1987, pp. 13-80.
167 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 18-22, OE XXXVI 270-274.
168 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 21-22, OE XXXVI 273-274.

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festive oratory for day boys in need of religious instruction, and who are exposed to the risk of
perversion.’ The Third General Chapter had already decided in practice that each rector should
establish ‘a festive oratory as part of his house or institute if there was not one already, or develop
it if it already exists,’ mobilise benefactors and Salesians of the place, remembering that ‘the
festive oratory was the cradle’ of the Salesian Society (art 1). All Salesians, clerical or lay, should
lend a hand there and consider it to be ‘an apostolate of the greatest importance, because in
present times the Festive Oratory is the only plank of salvation for many boys, especially in cities
and towns.’ (art. 4). Then a major preventive factor was emphasised: ‘The smooth running of the
festive oratory depends especially on a true spirit of sacrifice, great patience, charity and kindness
towards everyone so the pupils have and continue to have s fond memory of it and keep coming
even as adults.’ (art. 9).169
With regard to the Salesian Bulletin, it specified that its purpose was to ‘keep alive the spirit of
charity among Cooperators, give than an awareness of works founded or to be founded by our
Pious Society, and encourage them to give appropriate aid. Therefore, it should be regarded as the
chief official publication of the Society.’170 A year earlier, at the Superior Chapter meeting on 17
September 1885, there had been a lively discussion of Cooperators and the Salesian Bulletin in
particular. Fr Rua had read out a letter from well–known German priest Fr G. B. Mehler. He said he
had already enrolled many Germans as Cooperators and sent a list of them. He suggested the
certificate also be given the privilege of signing them. Don Bosco and the Chapter members did not
believe this was appropriate but a letter sent could go out in German with the certificates which
would be printed and signed in Turin. Mehler also invited them to produce a German edition of the
Bulletin in preparation for the Salesians coming to Germany. There was no problem with the
Bulletin being in many languages: besides the Italian edition there was already one in French, and
another in Spanish for Latin America. The disagreement arose over content. Don Bosco firmly
defended the principle of a Bulletin with only one lot of content. ‘The Bulletin should not be
something special to each region like Spain, France, Italy etc., but should be general to all regions
just as Salesians work in general, not particular. News can be collected in such a way that all the
different regions are involved and all the language editions are identical. This is why they are
printed in languages at the mother house so they all have the same approach. It is a very powerful
too that should not escape the Rector Major’s hands and which in other hands could take an
approach which is not in keeping with his intentions.’ Since it is part of Salesian work as a whole, it
should be ‘something general’ and not ‘something particular to each region.’
Fr Rua, instead, who had wanted to ‘establish relations with Germany’ for some time, found
Mehler’s suggestion providential and maintained the identical content and centralisation of editorial
work and printing in Turin would give rise to a number of problems. Certain reports, which might be
good for Italy, could be inappropriate for France, Spain or America. And again, huge distances
meant readers would end up with out–dated past information or advice. Finally, since the Bulletin
was also aimed at arousing charity, it could not abstain from dealing with ‘local interests.’ Fr
Durando suggested the Bulletin be reduced by some pages and a supplement on local needs be
added, at least on some occasions. Fr Rua accepted and improved on this suggestion: the Bulletin
should be in two parts, one of general interest, the other localised for different countries, just as
newspapers ran a ‘various news items’ section. Don Bosco cut the discussion short, rejected the
two suggestions and insisted on one set of content for the Bulletin. He feared that local diversity
could see it ‘deviate from the purpose it was given.’ Cooperators liked ‘the history of the Oratory
and letters from missionaries.’ The magazine was about these subjects. ‘For other news of
conferences or celebrations in other countries and even in Italy,’ he continued ‘there can be a small
newsletter: it there is something of an extraordinary nature it can be published [in the Bulletin],
169 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 22-24, OE XXXVI 274-276.
170 Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale..., pp. 24-25, OE XXXVI 276-277.

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because it would be of interest to everyone; including foreigners. Then if some urgent information
needs doing the Salesians can be in touch with Catholic journalists and they can publish invitations
or urgent items in their pages. If that is not convenient for them we can use circular letters.’171
171 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 77r-v, session, afternoon of 17 September; cf. Also pages added to Verbali, pp.
1-8.

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Chapter 34
A TESTAMENT FOR THE MISSION AND SERENE
ARRIVAL AT THE FINAL GOAL (1886–88)
1886
1887
1888
11–13 September: journey to Milan;
29 September – 3 October: 53 Salesians take vows; on grumbling;
14 October: clerical novices at new site in Foglizzo cancvese;
November 4: official opening of new site;
December 8: final edition of Ricordi confidenziali.
5 January –12 February: Archbishop of Quito at the Oratory seeking foundations in
Ecuador;
April 20 – May 20: to Rome via Genoa, La Spezia, Florence, Arezzo, Chiusi, Orte;
April 30 – May 18: in Rome; return to Turin via Pisa and Genoa;
July 4 – August 19: resting up at Lanzo Torinese;
13 September: college at Valsalice becomes a studentate for clerical post–novices;
20 October: clerical clothing of novices at Foglizzo;
14 November: three Salesians to Battersea, London;
24: clerical clothing of Prince A. Czartoryski and another three Salesians;
6 December: farewell for missionaries to Ecuador;
7: visit from Bishop Doutreloux: Bishop Cagliero arrives;
20: last time out in carriage for Don Bosco;
24: receives Viaticum and Sacrament of the Sick;
31: picks ups slightly; gradual improvement.
8 January: Visit from Duke of Norfolk
20: illness takes a turn for the worse;
30: final agony;
31: Don Bosco dies at 4.45am.

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The final stage of Don Bosco’s earthly journey accentuated rather than softened his words and
suffering life testimony regarding his faith in the two things that had been the constant poles of his
existence: his unconditional dedication to his mission and firm perseverance in keeping mind, heart
and hope fixed on the final goal, paradise. To be a Christian and Citizen who inhabits the earth but
is also a candidate for heavenly citizenship is something he had proposed many times to young
people and adults, benefactors, Salesian men and women, and now it became his most intense
testimony of life, and as his spoken and written word grew weaker, this testimony became more
eloquent.
1. Key to interpretation
We gain a better understanding of the events in this final stage of Don Bosco’s life if they are read
in the light of what he himself was writing in the final pages of the Memorie dal 1841, probably
towards the end of spring and in the summer of 1886. He offered three enlightening perspectives:
the fidelity of Salesian workers to their consecration, the anxious hope which accompanied him in
the final stage of his earthly journey to heaven, the vision for himself and his followers regarding
the future of the mission.
We have already mentioned what he had to say to the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. 1
He dedicated two paragraphs to the Salesians: one on In difficulties and another on Basic
recommendation for all Salesians. Finally, he indicated the solution for possible disagreements with
civil and religious authorities in the most conciliatory attitude possible. Patient charity and a
tangible desire for the good of souls had to also inspire the behaviour of the Rector towards
confreres and Salesian educators towards the boys. The basic recommendation was twofold: the
cult of poverty and careful practice of charity, loving ‘everyone with fraternal love,’ bearing in mind
that it would ‘always be a wonderful day’ when we succeed in ‘winning over an enemy by charity’ or
‘making him a friend.’2
Then followed a Recommendation for myself. His first thoughts were those of a father to his
children. He reassured the boys that they had ‘always been the delight’ of his heart and
recommended they practise ‘frequent communion’ not only in suffrage for his soul but also to be
‘dear to God’ and to be certain of ‘the grace of receiving the holy sacraments at the end of life.’ In
an especially heartfelt way he encouraged his Salesian priests and clerics, family and friends of his
soul to pray and receive communion so Jesus would shorten his time in purgatory. He then turned
to himself to ‘call down the Lord’s mercy’ on himself ‘In the final hours’ of his life. He was still
writing his spiritual testament. This unfolded over three actions: profession of faith in all truths
revealed and taught by the Church; a request for God’s forgiveness for his sins, especially scandal
and even, as he said ‘too much focus on myself’; the request that other than grieving ‘for the
eternal repose of my soul’ they pray, do works of charity, mortification, holy communion.’ He
begged them: ‘Let your prayers be addressed to heaven especially so that I may find mercy and
forgiveness as soon as I present myself before the tremendous majesty of my Creator.’3 Fear of
God, never separate from love, remained an essential feature of hid spirituality, one he lived and
proclaimed.
Finally, he saw a glorious future for the Congregation and presented this to his Salesians. These
lines prepared for or echoed the dream in Barcelona on 10 April 1886, and foreshadowed others.4
‘Our Congregation has a happy future before it, prepared by Divine Providence, and its glory will
1 Cf. Chap. 29, § 4.2.
2 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 123-125.
3 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 125-126.
4 Cf. § 6.

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endure so long as our Rules are observed.’ More precisely: ‘In due course our missions will be
brought to China and precisely to Peking [Beijing]. But do not forget that we go there for poor and
abandoned boys. Marvellous things that we could not believe possible until now will be seen there
among unknown peoples ignorant of the true God, things which the all–powerful God will clearly
show the whole world.’ These goals would be achieved at the price of an unconditional response to
the austere demands of the mission: avoiding comforts, since ‘our real comfort’ was our concern
‘for savages, the poorest children, those most at risk in society.’ ‘On the contrary,’ he said, ‘when
ease and comforts begin among us, our pious Society will have run its course.’ Instead – and this
was the conclusion of the Memorie – ‘when it happens that a Salesian succumbs and ceases to
live while working for souls, then you will say that our Congregation has had a great triumph and
many blessing from heaven will descend upon it.’5
2. In gradual decline from 1886 to 1887
Right to the end, then, Don Bosco leaned into the mission, for himself and his Salesians, He still
summoned up courage to go out begging for funds in personal encounters and through
correspondence and remained at the centre of government of the Congregation, continuing his
direct activity as spiritual director of young people. It was an uneven rhythm of life which he took up
again immediately after the demanding efforts at the General Chapter.
2.1 Quick trip to Milan
“After a thousand uncertainties,’ Viglietti wrote on 11 September, Don Bosco made a quick trip to
Milan, something he wanted to do and which was requested by benefactors and friends who had
an extraordinary animator in Fr Pasquale Morganti (1853–1921), Spiritual Director at the Major
Seminary and future Bishop of Bobbio, then Archbishop of Ravenna.
Don Bosco was accompanied to the train station by the administrator working for Marchioness
Consuela Vidal y Moragas (1861–98), Leandro Súñer, whom he had met in Barcelona and who
had visited him a day earlier at Valsalice on his return from Germany. Don Bosco arrived in Milan
at 12.40 and was guest of his friend Archbishop Luigi Nazari di Calabiana. Immediately that
afternoon there were many visits from clergy and laity. At 11.00 a.m. the following day, there was a
Salesian conference. After the solemn Mass celebrated by the parish priest (the schola cantorum
from the Valdocco Oratory sang a dazzling Haydn Mass), Fr Lasagna gave a vibrant address while
Don Bosco huddled in an armchair next to the bishop’s chair. Then came a collection. After
Benediction Don Bosco, tired and bent over, exited slowly from the church supported by the
Archbishop who was seven years his senior, and Viglietti, between two rows of people who were
deeply moved. On Monday he celebrated Mass in the Archbishop’s chapel. At the end he spoke to
the many who were there, receiving them one by one, giving each a medal and a brief word as a
memento. He then left Milan exhausted, at 4.25 p.m. and was back at Valsalice by 8.30 p.m.6 A
large part of the Milanese press was interested in the visit, though from different perspectives. The
moderate liberal Corriere della sera, gave great prominence to it on the 13th and 14th. La
Perseveranza wrote sympathetically, Il Caffè, L’Italia and Il Pungolo expressed admiration, the
Catholic and conciliatory Lega Lombarda and other papers in Milan provided ample information, as
did Il Corriere di Torino in Turin and L’Eco d’Italia in Genoa. Also interested were the anticlerical Il
Secolo, La Lombardia and the extremist Crispin La Riforma in Rome, not without stressing that
Don Bosco was ‘one of the influential heads of the Italian clerical party.’ The Catholic right wing
5 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 126-127.
6 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 37-45.

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Osservatore Cattolico was full of information and praise in its 12 and 13 September issues.7
Naturally, no less so was L'Unità Cattolica where Fr Giacomo Margotti was all for Don Bosco.8 It
was an anticipation of the celebrations, recognition, the broad range of evaluations of an
ideological and political nature which took place after 31 January 1888.
2.2 Within the family at the Oratory and elsewhere
On 22 September, the secretary noted: ‘All the newspapers are saying that Don Bosco is seriously
ill. Don Bosco thanks God that his health has been better for some time. Fr Margotti came to visit
this evening alarmed by the reports in the newspapers.’ A telegram even arrived from La Croix in
Paris, requesting the ‘Superior of the Salesian Congregation’ for news on Don Bosco. Don Bosco
himself replied: ‘I am well. I cannot explain your anxiety, but thank you for the attention.’9
He returned to the Oratory on 27 September, leaving again on the 29th for S. Benigno, where
he attended the novices’ retreat, and on 3 October received the vows of 53 of them. He spoke at
length about charity, lambasting people who took the vow of obedience and then abandoned
themselves to the sacrilege of criticism.10
He turned his gaze towards new missions in a circular to Cooperators on 15 October 1886,
translated into several languages. Only the work of the Salesians and their Cooperators could
come to the aid of such ‘pitiful misery’ and ‘poor neophytes.’ He overlaid existing realities with
future plans: ‘It is good for you to know that to ensure the total conversion of Patagonia we have
already decided to open a way from the western side of Chile and already a group of Salesians
has gone there to found a house over the Cordillera in the city of Concepión belonging to the
Chilean Republic. It is from there that colonies of missionaries should leave to evangelise
Araucania and western Patagonia spreading soon, little by little into the Chiloe and Magellan
Archipelago in the so–called Tierra del Fuego, all populated by countless indigenous tribes without
any idea or religion and civilisation.’11 Sending out the circular required major mobilisation of clerics
and boys to write out addresses for recipients of all kinds including the Emperor of China, the Shah
of Persia and any number of newspapers. The result was flattering.12
‘Right at the moment I must leave for Foglizzo to clothe a hundred future missionaries as
clerics. Two days later, I will return here and write again,’ Don Bosco told Mrs Teodolinda Pilati from
Bologna on 4 November, who had sent him a considerable donation of 500 lire [1,808 euro].13 He
went to Foglizzo for the official opening of the new novitiate for the clerics, St Michael the
Archangel’s. He was given a great welcome there by the people, youth and adults, led by the
Mayor. There was a solemn banquet involving the municipal council and parish priests from nearby
towns. The blessing of the new chapel took place at the St Michael’s Novitiate at 5.30 p.m. and
Don Bosco presided at the clerical clothing of 75 novices. The next day he left from Montanaro
station and was back at the Oratory by 5.00 p.m.14 Faithful to his promise (and hopeful) he
immediately wrote again to Mrs Pilati with his customary exaggerated quantities. Of course, there
7 Una fedele cronaca su Don Bosco a Milano traeva dal Corriere di Torino il BS 10 (1886) no. 10, October,
pp. 122-123.
8 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 215 and 216, Tuesday and Wednesday 14 and15 September 1886, pp. 859
and 862-863.
9 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 46 and 48.
10 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., p. 49.
11 E IV 360-363; cf. La missione de’ Salesiani in Patagonia ed una lettera di D. Bosco a’ suoi cooperatori,
“L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 248, Friday 23 October 1886, p. 990.
12 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., p. 54.
13 E IV 364.
14 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 51-53.

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were also clerical novices at the Oratory, D, Benigno and other houses. ‘I am back home from the
function at Foglizzo’ he told her. ‘I blessed the habits for a hundred and ten ‘levites’ now added to a
band of about 500 others preparing to go and work among the savages. I recommend them all to
your charity and your sister’s charity, so they may grow in knowledge and holiness and thus gain
many souls for heaven.’15
The chronicler opens a glimmer of light on Don Bosco’s private life over these and the following
weeks: ‘For a month around here, every day (if it is fine) I have the carriage prepared and take D.
Bosco for a ride. The driver takes us into the countryside. There we get down and D. Bosco walks,
talks and recovers a bit.’16 This was the context in which he invited a parish priest to come and find
him. The priest had been a companion of his at the Pastoral Institute (Convitto) and was now a
benefactor: ‘If you are not worthy of being nuisance like D. Bosco is, you are worthy of being a
donor. Why don’t you come still and see this poor friend of yours?’17
On 30 November, he was at Valsalice for the pupil’s prize–giving. Beforehand there was a family
banquet with Cardinal Alimonda, Fr Margotti and other important people in attendance. The
chronicler noted that the distribution of prizes ‘was truly splendid. The Cardinal spoke at length.’ At
6.00 p.m. he returned to the Oratory.18
2 December was an emotional day. In the morning Don Bosco received the vows of around
twenty clerics, who came from S. Benigno, in his small chapel. In the late afternoon, seated in an
armchair on the sanctuary in the Church of Mary Help of Christians, he attended the farewell
ceremony for 26 Salesians and 6 Sisters leaving for Latin America.19 Present were Bishop
Manacorda and Bishop Leto. Fr Lasagna spoke. Cardinal Alimonda concluded with Benediction
and some enthusiastic words. Don Bosco was present but silent, accompanying the farewell
greeting he gave each of the travellers with visible emotion and tears.20
On Christmas day Viglietti, who was ordained priest on 18 December, celebrated his first
solemn Mass. The new refectory for members of the Superior Chapter was opened. It was next to
the library and very near Don Bosco’s small chapel and room. This made it possible for him to join
the common meat.21
There are two significant letters at the end of December. The first thanked generous Count
Eugenio De Maistre, one of Count Rodolfo’s sons, who had put him up in Rome in 1858. He
promised special prayers for him and his family with the usual attractive intentions: ‘I will ask
heaven to make your crops abundant, the good health of your family and the great consolation of
seeing them go from virtue to virtue until they all find themselves gathered around you in
paradise.’22
The other letter was addressed to Bishop Cagliero, the last to him; Fr Lasagna brought it to
America when he departed with the missionaries. He told him that debts contracted in America with
the General Administration were now paid off, ‘paid by Don Bosco’ he said magnanimously. ‘Long
15 E IV 364.
16 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., p. 59; cf. also pp. 60 and 61.
17 To Canon B. Rumiano, 30 November 1886, E IV 365.
18 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 55-56.
19 “L’Unità Cattolica” had announced this earlier by publishing an invitation circular signed by Don Bosco,
no. 280, Tuesday 30 November 1886, p. 1119, La partenza da Torino di nuovi missionari per l’America.
20 Cf. C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 56-58; Partenza dei missionari
salesiani, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 284, Saturday 4 December 1886, p. 1134; La missione salesiana per
l’America, BS 11 (1887) no. 1, January, pp. 7-9: a news item also appeared in the Osservatore Cattolico
di Milano 2 December.
21 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 62-63.
22 E IV 365-366.

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live abundance!’ He then turned to some practical matters, in particular the request to send precise
information on the development of the missions in Latin America to the Superior Chapter,
Propaganda Fide and the Lyons mission centre. He alternated this request with cheerful nostalgic
notes: ‘Are you preparing a pagan choir to come and sing at My Golden Jubilee Mass? Pay
attention, because this evening, Deo dante, I will give a short talk from the old ‘little mount’ to our
Salesians … Take great care of your health; work, temperance, and all will go well. Amen. May
Mary guide us to heaven.’23
But Don Bosco was no longer able to give the goodnight with the strenna for the new year from
the usual pulpit. In the early years of the Oratory there was a heap of excavations (dug from
foundations), the ‘little mount’ which the Oratory boys used like running up and down. ‘For some
days now, D. Bosco has been utterly exhausted’ the chronicler noted. But he did lend a hand
hearing confession of the two senior classes. Commenting on the doctor’s advice that he give this
up he told Fr Viglietti: iIf I cannot at least hear the boys’ confessions what else can I do for them? I
promised God that I would be there for my boys until my last breath.’24
3. A new year and flashes of renewed vitality (1887)
1887 began with a message accredited to the Virgin Mother, the dream of the Handmaid of the
Lord. Don Bosco had this dream over two nights, 4 and 5 January, and entrusted it in very clear
fashion to two sheets of paper, the first part in Italian, the second in Latin. Fr Viglietti transcribed it
faithfully into his chronicle. In their words and content, the texts confirmed the essence of Don
Bosco’s faith in the power of the Handmaid of the Lord’s intercession as mediatrix of graces and
solicitous motherly helper. She, ‘cui fecit magna et potens est, not only encouraged the recovery of
young French lad Ludovico Olive whom the doctors had given up on, but was above all solicitous
for the spiritual health of her children. She complained of bad talk and the ineffective confessions
of the boys and warned the priests to be faithful administrators of the means of grace.25
On 5 January, Don Bosco allowed himself to be involved in a youth foundation requested by
another Latin American nation. The secretary recorded: ‘Today the Bishop of Quito (Republic of
Ecuador) arrived, spent more than an hour with Don Bosco and said he was no leaving until D.
Bosco had given him some missionaries. Don Bosco seemed well–disposed.26 Bishop Jose
Ignacio Ordóñez left for Rome and returned to the Oratory on 12 February, when agreement was
soon reached.27 The agreement was drawn up and signed by Don Bosco (the last he would sign)
on the 14th. It was the opening of a college of arts and trades.28 and was ratified by the
plenipotentiary minister resident in Paris, Antonio Flores, who would eventually become President
of Ecuador from 1888–1892. Don Bosco communicated this to the current President José María
Plácido Caamaño (1883–1888) on 7 March, as we know from his deferential reply.29 L'Unità
Cattolica announced the news warmly on 12 August.30 The farewell to departing missionaries took
place on 6 December 1887, just at the beginning of Don Bosco’s final illness.
His health seemed to improve in early January, enough to offer hope for a new trip to southern
France: ‘D. Bosco is doing fairly well’ Fr Cerruti told French Salesian Fr Charles Bellamy: ‘I am
23 Letter of 31 December 1886, E IV 366-367.
24 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 63-64.
25 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886…, pp. 69-73. The two originals are published in
critical edition by C. ROMERO, I sogni di don Bosco..., pp. 98-99.
26 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 66-67.
27 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., p. 69.
28 The text is in MB XVIII 783-784.
29 Found in MB XVIII 784-785.
30 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 187, Friday 12 August 1887, pp. 746-747.

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convinced that this year, too, the Lord will make it possible for him to go at least as far as
Marseilles, but we don’t yet know if this is certain, or when.’31 The chronicler noted on 23 January:
‘Yesterday evening D. Bosco heard confessions from 5.30 until 8.00 p.m. It was wonderful to see
all the boys in the 4th and 5th year go.’32 On the 25th Don Bosco reassured Mrs Olive from
Marseilles of her son’s health – ‘Ludovico is better and better’ – and suggested as a good work,
helping the orphans at St–Cyr.33 On 29 January he was at the solemn Feast of St Francis de Sales
with a sung Mass and the presence of Cardinal Alimonda.34 ‘Health, holiness and perseverance on
the way to Heaven’ he wished his young friend from years ago. Ottavio Bosco di Ruffino, by now
married and a father.35
Fr Cerruti was not so optimistic about Don Bosco’s health at the end of the month and hinted, as
he had on several other occasions, of some kind of moral suffering. ‘Also pray for D. Bosco’ he
wrote to Fr Rocca. ‘He is physically very low due to some serious internal problem which is not
over yet. Blessed obedience!’36 Just the same, on 3 February, Don Bosco was at the church of St
John the Evangelist for the Cooperators conference and listened to Fr John Marenco’s talk (the
Rector of the house) from the sanctuary.37 Over these days, too, he agreed with Fr Dalmazzo, who
had come from Rome, on matters concerning the upcoming consecration of the Church of the
Sacred Heart.38
In March, the Salesian Bulletin launched a new appeal for charity, always Don Bosco’s supreme
concern, heightened by the recent earthquake that hit Liguria, causing considerable damage to
some Salesian works. At the beginning of the booklet was written: ‘D. Bosco in past years used to
go to southern France at this time, visiting friends and benefactors in Mentone, Monaco, Nice,
Cannes, Toulon, Marseilles. This year, however, he has been forced to renounce this trip which he
would gladly undertake and which is really needed to seek alms for his dear orphans. Thank
heaven he is not ill as such but his general weakness, upsets, and doctor’s advice, force him to
remain in Turin. Here, though, he can receive letters and will not fail to reply to them. He can also
receive any charitable individuals who wish to visit him He has decided to go to Rome in the
second half of April, where on the 7th [in fact it was the 14th] of May, unless there are further
delays in work, he will attend the consecration of the beautiful new Sacred Heart Church, the
object of his keenest interest.’39
The earthquake along the western Ligurian Riviera, which struck on the morning of 23 February
1887, also felt in Piedmont and Tuscany, was a new opportunity to ask for charity. The house at
Vallecrosia had the greatest need.40 Don Bosco was personally involved, recommending to the
Salesians above all to be austere and to save.41 Naturally, he also involved the Cooperators, as his
secretary noted on 4 April: ‘D. Bosco always thinks up new ways to get the Cooperators to help.’
He wrote a beautiful and moving letter and had it inserted in the April Bulletin, appealing to public
charity for the damage caused by the earthquake in his houses in Liguria.42 Above all, it was a new
31 Letter of 14 January 1887, ASC B 521, original 2 pp.
32 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 gennaio 1887 al 15 maggio 1887, p. 3.
33 E IV 406.
34 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 gennaio 1887..., pp. 3-5.
35 Letter of 30 January 1887, E IV 371.
36 Letter of 31 January 1887, ASC F 3810344, original. 2 pp.
37 La festa di S. Francesco di Sales e la Conferenza dei Cooperatori Salesiani in Torino, BS 11
(1887) no. 3, March, pp. 26-27.
38 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., p. 6; BS 11 (1887) no. 3, March, pp. 26-27.
39 BS 11 (1887) no. 3, March, p. 25.
40 Cf. Chap. 23, § 1.1.
41 Cf. circular to Salesians, 1 March 1887, Lettere circolari di D. Bosco e di D. Rua..., pp. 44-46.
42 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., pp. 28-29; cf. BS 11 (1887), no. 4, April, pp. 37-
38.

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occasion to create a more compact, active community of minds and hearts.43 He wrote other
passionate letters regarding current calamities and needs, always humbly asking, promising
prayers, trustingly reassuring people of the reward. Some of these letters were undated; all were
an expressionof these agonising days. ‘You should not wonder that this poor priest once again
appeals to your charity which is so well known to me. I find I have great need of it.’ This was how
he began a letter to a Genoese Cooperator to ask her help for the damage caused by the
earthquake. He asked: ‘for the love of God’ like a poor friar, ‘who had no financial resources,’ like a
truly poor man, and apologised for his bad writing. He was ‘elderly and half–blind.’44 The same
expressions appeared in another letter to Genoese Baron Rafaelo Cataldi,45 and also to
Marchioness G. Tagliacarne from Turin, thanking her later for a donation of 100 lire.46 He also
praised a Venetian priest for his substantial donations: ‘I bless you and your charity, but I also
greatly praise your courage because you yourself are doing things without waiting for others who
come after you to do them, as some people do, and for the most part they are fooled.’47
The chronicler, meanwhile, did not miss out commenting on dreams, nightmares really, which
Don Bosco sometimes refashioned. His health was very much up and down.48 This was reflected
by some news from Fr Cerruti over these days: ‘Our beloved D. Bosco is sufficiently well but needs
us to console him by fulfilling our duties exactly and by our holy perseverance. This will very much
prolong his life which is so dear and precious to us.’49 D. Bosco is well enough and gives us a
constant and splendid example of self–denial, poverty and purity. Let us imitate and console
him.’50‘D. Bosco is somewhat uncomfortable; yesterday he did not say Mass and had to retire to
bed early. This morning he did not celebrate Mass but is very tired and a bit constipated. Let us
pray.’51 ‘D. Bosco is a bit better.’52
He was up and down over the days that followed. On 5 and 6 April, the secretary noted some
alarming events: ’This evening around 7.00 p.m, D. Bosco felt very bad. I was really frightened. He
was unable to speak, struggled to breathe, could not move and needed me to undress him
immediately and put him to bed. He almost did not know what I was doing.’ ‘This morning, D.
Bosco could not celebrate Mass, got up late, took a little coffee but vomited it almost immediately.
Then he picked up strength and is better now. Today he went to lunch with the others. He went to
bed early this evening.’53 The unstable nature of the situation was also stressed in a letter of Fr
Cerruti’s to Fr Rocca in mid–April, with comment on the trip to Rome: ‘D. Bosco is improving, but is
always less well, worse than last year. Yesterday he poured out some of his moral worries
confidentially… Poor man! He is suffering a lot. Let us pray . And let’s be good. He leaves for
Rome in a few days, but in stages.’54 ‘D. Bosco leaves with Fr Rua on Wednesday [20 April].’55 ‘Our
beloved D. Bosco is sufficiently well and leaves for Rome the day after tomorrow for he
consecration of the Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus.’56
43 Cf. letter of March 1887 to E. Nerli, A. Parodi Cataldi, C. Louvet, G. Musso Bensa, E IV 371-373, 476; cf.
Chap. 22, § 2.
44 Letter to O. Dufour, undated, IV 374.
45 E IV 374-375.
46 Letter of 30 March and 4 April 1887, E IV 376.
47 Letter to Fr Varettoni, undated E IV 375.
48 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., pp. 15-17.
49 Circular to Salesian Provincials, 28 March 1887, ASC 381, printed
50 Letter to Fr A. Riccardi, 31 March 1887, ASC B 5210557, original. 2 pp.
51 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, 7 April 1887, ASC F 3810352, original 3 pp.
52 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, 11 April 1887, ASC F 3810353, original 2 pp.
53 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 gennaio 1887..., pp. 29-30.
54 Letter to Fr G. Barberis, 15 April 1887, ASC B 5210162, original 1 f
55 Letter to Fr G. Barberis, 15 April 1887, ASC B 5210162, original 1 f.
56 Circular to Salesian Provincials, 18 April 1887, ASC F 381, printed; cf. Also letter to Fr L. Rocca, 19 April,
ASC F 3810355, original 2 pp.

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4. Final journey to Rome
Don Bosco also gave some indication of his state of health in a letter to his great benefactor and
friend Count Colle. He dwelt mostly on his immediate plans for himself and the Colles. ‘I do not
know if you have received news of us for some time,’ he wrote. ‘In fact, I am almost forced to
abandon correspondence except for strictly confidential matters. At present the consecration of the
Sacred Heart Church has been finally set for 13 May. I am forced to make the trip to Rome in short
hops, but I hope to be there on that day and find both of you there in good health. We can speak
calmly together then. From Rome we will return here to Turin for the Feast of Our Lady Help of
Christians on 24 May.’57 But news came to him of a worsening of the Count’s heart problem and on
12 April, Don Bosco wrote expressing his concern and promising prayers from himself, the
Salesians, and the boys.58 Days earlier he had a fever and slight bronchitis.
The May Salesian Bulletin gave readers more precise information on the Sacred Heart Church:
12 and 13 May, the organ tested. 14th, the consecration of the building, continuation of festivities
until the 19th. It also announced that Don Bosco would be present, with the young schola cantorum
from the Valdocco Oratory. The body of the article was dedicated to a rapid review of what Don
Bosco had done to carry out ‘the audacious, indeed reckless project’ entrusted to him by the Head
of the Church. ‘Initially bewildered,’ he had replied: ‘This work is dedicated to the memory of the
great protector of orphans, Pius IX. But the orphans are the delight of the Blessed Virgin Mary and
the Sacred Heart of Jesus, so Mary will provide.’ Now the Church ‘towers over all of Rome.’ But not
everything was finished: the bell tower was unfinished and the facade lacked statues. Some altars
inside had not been built and all the chapels, except for Mary Help of Christians were missing their
altar pieces. The murals were not all complete and the main altar still needed steps and the altar
table. The consecration could have been delayed but it was urgent to provide pastorally for a
population of more than 15,000 souls.59 In reality, above all they wanted Don Bosco to be there as
he keenly wanted to be, before his precarious health meant he could no longer travel to Rome.
He left Turin on a first class ticket with Frs Rua and Viglietti on 20 April. He arrived in Rome on
the 30th at 3.00 p.m. after stopping at Sampierdarena in Genoa from the 20th to the 23rd, La
Spezia from the 23rd to the 25th, Florence from the 25th to the 28th, Arezzo from the 28th to the
30th. Audiences began at Sampierdarena in the afternoon and continued the following morning.
There were people asking for blessings and graces from Mary Help of Christians. In the afternoon,
in the Church of S. Siro, ‘packed with people,’ Bishop Francesco Omodei Zorini gave a
conference.60 Audiences continued during the mornings of the 22nd and 23rd. ‘At 11.00 am’ the
secretary noted, on the final day, 23 April, ‘we went to lunch. D. Bosco took no food, he was too
tired, and we left at 11.45.’61 The stop at La Spezia was less tiring, made more relaxing by the
festive welcome from the boys, the city and a large gathering of ecclesiastical, civil, and military
authorities. Fr Rua gave the conference to Cooperators on the Monday morning, 25 April .62 At
Florence, where he arrived on the evening of the 25th, Don Bosco was the guest of Countess
Uguccioni, who was in a wheelchair. Meals and audiences, though were at the Salesian house.
Don Bosco celebrated Mass in the Uguccioni’s private chapel, or the chapel at the college.
57 Letter of 8 April 1887, E IV 526.
58 E IV 526-527.
59 La consacrazione della chiesa del S. Cuor di Gesù al Macao, BS 11 (1887) no. 5, May, pp. 49-51.
60 Don Bosco a Genova, BS 11 (1887) no. 6, June, pp. 66-67.
61 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., pp. 31-39.
62 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., p. 43.

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Audiences were carefully controlled, limited to ladies and gentlemen of the aristocracy and better–
known clergy, including Archbishop Cecconi and his Auxiliary, Donato Zati di San Clemente, who
placed his carriage at Don Bosco’s disposal including for a relaxing excursion.63
In the late evening of the 28th the travellers were at Arezzo as guests of the Bishop, Giuseppe
Giusti (1814–97). A day of complete rest followed, with a four–hour outing by carriage and on foot
with the Bishop, Fr Rua and the secretary.64 In the afternoon of 30 April, Don Bosco arrived at
Termini Station at 3.00 p.m. and entered Sacred Heart from via Magenta behind the church apse
where there was a simple room for him. He remained there until 18 May, almost as a recluse,
celebrating Mass in a small room adjacent to his own and going out only for the papal audience on
13 May. However, there were many distinguished visitors: Cardinals Ricci, Bartolini, Laurenzi,
Verga: his friend Mons. Kirby the Rector of the Irish Seminary, who encouraged a Salesian
foundation in London along with Countess Stackpole; Prince Doria, Marquis and Marchioness
Vitelleschi. He wrote to Count Colle again from Rome, and to Claire Louvet on 1 and 3 May
respectively, inviting them to the Feast of Mary Help of Christians.65
The solemn dinner on 8 May, feast of the Apparition of St Michael the Archangel, was special. It
was not only an encounter between Don Bosco and some eminent clergy and lay people, including
the Archbishop of Catania, Archbishop Dusmet, and Prince Czartoryski, but it also became a de
facto opportunity to present his successor, Fr Michael Rua. The boys came and sang a hymn in
honour of the Vicar, who said a few words, thanking them and giving them a sweet each. During
the dinner, Don Bosco recalled with sincere emotion his and the Oratory’s great friend Fr Giacomo
Margotti, editor in charge of L'Unità Cattolica, who had died two days earlier at 62 years of age.66
On 8 May 1887, the Cardinal Vicar sent out a notice about the solemn consecration. Don Bosco
wrote again on the 12th to Count Colle who had given some not so reassuring news of his health,
and listed some of the more important upcoming events: on the 13th he would ask for a special
blessing for the Count at the papal audience; on the 14th the consecration of the Church and a
solemn octave to follow.67
Especially touching was the private audience with Leo XIII at 6.30 p.m. on 13 May: It lasted for
an hour. The Pope treated him with great gentleness: ‘I am old’ Don Bosco said to a lively and
energetic man five years his senior. ‘I am 72 and this is my final journey and the conclusion of
everything for me.’ Then, ‘D. Bosco told him about everything especially the Sacred Heart Church.’
‘We left truly moved and confused by so much kindness.’ Don Bosco presented Fr Rua to the Pope
as his Vicar and successor, an ascetic figure who must have immediately made an impression on
the Pope.68
Beginning with the consecration on 14 May by the Cardinal Vicar, Lucido Maria Parocchi, the
new Protector of the Salesian Society,69 there were various Cardinals and bishops who took part in
the different festivities. The Schola cantorum from Turin, masterfully conducted by Salesian
coadjutor Giuseppe Dogliani, was very much involved and appreciated. Don Bosco, ‘very tired and
lacking in strength,’ took no public part in any of the rites. But he attended the banquet of honour
on the 14th: he offered a brief toast followed by some lofty words from Parocchi. Don Bosco went
down to the church on Monday the 16th and celebrated Mass at the altar of Mary Help of
63 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., pp. 44-47.
64 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., pp. 47-49.
65 Cf. E IV 527, 476-477.
66 BS 11 (1887) no. 6, June, pp. 67-68.
67 E IV 528.
68 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 genn. 1887..., pp. 62-76.
69 Cf. Festa in Roma per la Consacrazione della chiesa del S. Cuore di Gesù, BS 11 (1887) no. 6, June, pp.
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Christians, barely able to control his emotion and the flow of tears. The people thronged around
him as far as the sacristy, asking for his blessing.70
Not only was much of the hospice still to be built but the church, too, still needed lots of money
to complete. Before leaving, Don Bosco took a pen and thanked the Holy Father ‘for the charitable
and truly paternal reception’ and especially asked him to help: ‘If your Holiness could either in part
or fully come to our aid with the remaining L. 51,000 [184,841 euro] our finances would be under
control. All 250,000 of orphans pray daily that your Holiness’ health may be preserved. We are all
working for this in a heartfelt way. Please forgive my terrible writing.’71 He would write once more in
November.
On Wednesday the 18th at 9.20 am, Don Bosco left Rome for the twentieth and final time. He
made a stop at Pisa as guest of Archbishop Capponi, who made it possible for him to have two
nights and a day of utter rest.72 Don Bosco used the opportunity to write to the Colles with a P.S.
the took up most of the letter. He told them he had spoken well of them and especially the Count’s
illness to the Pope, and Leo XIII had asked Don Bosco to give them a special blessing in his name,
with a plenary indulgence.73
Following his return from Rome,74 on 23 May, Don Bosco received a visit from the Duke of
Norfolk on his way to Rome. The same day there was a Cooperators conference held in the
Church of Mary help of Christians by ‘Fr Rua, Vicar of Don Bosco,’ according to the Salesian
Bulletin.75 This was another public passing of the baton on the eve of the most solemn Salesian
Celebration. The amazed chronicler wrote, about the extraordinary Feast of Mary Help of
Christians, Don Bosco’s last: ‘Masses began at 2.30 am and continued until 2.00 p.m. with
constant communions. Right from the morning we saw extraordinary graces, young people with
crutches in hand, paralytics begin to move.’76
There are two letters, on 27 May and 6 June respectively, to the Carmelite Sister Superior in
Tunis. In 1884, Don Bosco had encouraged her to accept the invitation from Cardinal Lavigerie to
found a monastery in his episcopal see in Tunis: ‘Have faith: nothing is lacking to us if we have
faith. The good God commands this foundation.’77 The two letters he sent, (one a repetition)
contained the special blessing obtained from Leo XIII for them and the Carmelite Sisters in Algiers
and Carthage.78
‘D. Bosco is going well enough. Deo Gratias,’ Fr Cerruti told Fr Rocca .79 But in reality, worn out,
bent over, Don Bosco was forced to walk and support himself with a stick beside him. The
chronicler often referred to rubbing his legs with ‘oil of henbane’ to reduce swelling.80 He himself
wrote: ‘The heat in Turin now is threatening to burn us up, so I have come to Valsalice, where I feel
better thanks to the cooler climate.’81 The chronicler confirmed this on 10 June: ‘He is very well and
at least no longer needs to complain about it being too hot. He is very cheerful and in good
humour. He loves recalling things from the old days of the Oratory.’82
70 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887 al 23 dicembre 1887, pp. 3-5.
71 E IV 377.
72 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 9-11.
73 Letter from Pisa, 18 May 1887, E IV 529.
74 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 9-10.
75 BS 11 (1887) no. 7, July, p. 74.
76 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 13-17.
77 Cf. letter to M. Marie des Anges, 17 July 1884, E IV 412-413.
78 E IV 413-414.
79 Letter of 4 June 1887, ASC F 3810363, original 2 pp.
80 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 17-18 (3 June), 20-21 (5 June).
81 A C. Louvet, from Turin-Valsalice, 12 June 1887, E IV 477.
82 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 23-24.

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Struggling more and more to write, he wrote to two people in France he was still in close contact
with. To Louvet, who had come to Turin for the Feast of Mary Help of Christians and left with tears
in her eyes, he made his goodbye explicit: ‘I have always assured you that our earthly relationships
are not lasting ones, but that in eternal life we will spend our days in true joy without end and will
never lack the thing we desire: in perpetuas aeternitates.’ He told her not to fear imminent war:
‘When I see the least danger,’ he added ‘I will tell you immediately, assuming I am still among the
living.’ He concluded by hoping the Blessed Virgin would keep her in good health ‘but always and
securely on the way to Paradise.’83 The ‘Way to Paradise’ returned in his last four letters to her on 4
and 25 July, and 4 and 5 September. As a priest, he saw himself in the final phase of his earthly
pilgrimage while she had to ‘still wait some time.’84
On 14 June, he wrote a letter to Count Colle, one of unusual length given his situation and more
concerned about the recipient’s health than his own. He assured them both that a room and table
were ready for them at Valsalice for the feasts of St Aloysius and St John, and the climate was
pleasant. He told them they could speak ‘of our business in Rome, S. Benigno and of our
‘missionaries’ especially in need, with the added problem of Bishop Cagliero’s serious fall from a
horse on the Cordillera.85 He wrote again a few days later, assuring the Count of his many prayers,
also including a brief prayer to St John and asking him, if he felt the need to reply, not to tire
himself but to limit himself to two simple words or phrases, ‘I am or I am not better.’86
He returned to the Oratory on 23 June for the beginning of his name day celebrations. He had
the usual meeting in the morning of the 24th with the past pupils who were paying their traditional
respects. Fr G. B. Piano, parish priest of the Great Mother of God parish spoke on their behalf. He
began: ‘It is a good thirty years ago since I entered here and became part of D. Bosco’s family.’
Calling him by ‘the sweet name of father’ he saw certain features embodied in him: ‘The family
[familiarity] and love, both of these are part of you.’ ‘How often, when we see ourselves surrounded
by a large crowd of children, we are reminded of your kind face, your penetrating gaze, your
fatherly advice and we do what we can to copy that.’ ‘Love, this magical word, guided you
throughout your life. You loved God and in God you loved your children.’ ‘You love us.’ He ended
with a heart–rending prayer: ‘O God, hear our prayers, hear our requests. Send your blessing
down on our beloved, white–haired Father. Preserve him for many years yet for the good of your
Church, of society and our love.’87 The secretary felt he needed to note in his diary: ‘There was a
splendid academy in the evening. The trouble was that towards the end, D. Bosco felt unwell and
had to leave.’ The following day he had recovered once more.88
5. Interlude between recollection and governing
A new ‘exile’ began on 4 July, this year at the college in Lanzo, lasting until 19 August. 89 He moved
around in that small world, usually in a wheelchair. This was not his only problem: ‘D. Bosco is well
83 Letter from Valsalice, 12 June 1887, E IV 477-478.
84 E IV 478-479.
85 E IV 529-530.
86 To Count L. Colle, 18 June 1887, E IV 530-531: “O St. John’ was the prayer in French, like the letters ‘do
not allow us to celebrate without obtaining from the good God either the perfect recovery or at least a felt
improvement. Amen’.
87 Nella fausta ricorrenza dell’onomastico dell’ottimo fra i padri Bosco D. Giovanni gli antichi suoi figli in
attestato di riconoscenza, 24 June 1887. Turin tip. salesiana 1887, pp. 3-4, 6, 8-9, 11, 14.
88 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 25-26.
89 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., p. 27.

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enough’ the chronicler noted, ‘except for the dreams disturbing him at night,’ ignoring the fact that
these, too, could have been simply the result of age and poor health.90
Don Bosco had almost completely abandoned any direct government of his institutions. But just
the same he was present implicitly or explicitly as an inspiration, as well as memory and prophecy.
He was a living relic, source of trust, certainty for the future and his dreams, even the most
ordinary of them, were religiously collected. They represented for him and those closest to him, the
creativity that encouraged people to go forwards in vigilant continuity.
He spent days at the Oratory, Valsalice, Foglizzo, but there was no interruption at all in two
kinds of presence: animation through word and example, and his contribution through
correspondence, suggested by the yearning not to cut off the relationships most needed and
helpful for supporting his works. We can be amazed at the insistent crusade of charity, his
disturbing descriptions of urgent needs, his habitual exaggeration of figures. Not all the young
people in his houses were ‘orphans’, maybe not even the majority, and they certainly did not reach
the numbers he quoted. One example is a letter he wrote at Lanzo to a priest friend, parish priest
at Boves (Cuneo): ‘Your fraternal letter calls to mind things that were my delight, but no longer.
Only your benevolence and charity remain unchanged. My family, which was only around fifteen
thousand orphans when I used come to your place, now is around three hundred thousand, all
healthy, strong and with indescribable appetites. They are my heirs and successors… Now, do me
a special favour. Tell Marquiss Montezemolo from me and all the Salesian benefactors that we all
offer him our thanks and pray our humble respects. They remember him, pray for him every day,
and await him with great pleasure.91 The constant worry of expenses and debts justified this
rhetoric of hyperbole. On the other hand, the wealthy, too, had to deserve Paradise and if it cost
inevitable sacrifices for the poor, then even more so did he need to confront the wealthy who lived
in economic and social security with the need for consistent donations.
From Lanzo, he wrote immediately to his more familiar recipients with their different problems.
To Louvet, giving her courage, he also gave news about his health … and the health of others: ‘Fr
Rua is better, Count Colle no.’92 He told the Count he was sending Fr Rua to him, who ‘knew very
well the intentions’ of everyone involved, the Count, Countess and the writer. Clearly, this referred
to use of financial resources.93 Further on he praised the Cooperator from Bologna, Teodolinda
Pilati, who had donated the considerable sum of 15,000 lire [54,365 euro]: ‘May God be blessed for
inspiring you to do good works in your lifetime … ’ The three hundred thousand ‘orphans’ would ‘at
least offer a holy communion.’94
He gave news of his own health over a handful of days in letters he wrote: ‘I am here at Lanzo
half blind and half if not entirely lame, and almost unable to speak.’ ‘My Hand no longer works for
writing’ he told Baroness Azelia Fassati Rici on 24 July.95 And he wrote to Louvet on the 25th: ‘I am
at Lanzo. Health is a bit better, and yours? … Fr Rua’s health is not as would be desired. At the
moment he is in Toulon with Count Colle who is seriously ill.’96 ‘I find myself almost in the same
situation. A little better but I cannot walk without two people supporting me’ he shared with Count
Colle on the 26th.97 Then on the same day writing to Teodolinda Pilati: ‘I struggle to write. My days
90 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 29-30.
91 To Fr G. Calandri, from Lanzo 22 July 1887, E IV 381.
92 Letter of 4 July 1887, E IV 478.
93 Letter of 7 July 1887, E IV 531.
94 Letter of 26 July 1887, E IV 382-383, followed by another on 15 August after another offering of 20.000
lire (E IV 383).
95 E IV 382.
96 E IV 478.
97 E IV 531.

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are flying quickly to their end.’98 Fr Cerruti noted in one of his letters over those days: ‘D. Bosco is
well at Lanzo.’99
He had letters read to him at Lanzo, amid tears, from missionaries, received visits from local
authorities and others, and was present at the prize–giving for students.100 By mid–August, news of
his health was not good: ‘D. Bosco has been suffering from upsets over these days, which leaves
him exhausted. He is in pain, does not speak … Struggles to breathe, cannot be at the past pupils’
dinners because he cannot manage the travelling.’101 The Salesian Bulletin confirmed this and
added to it. On the afternoon of 11 August, the priest past pupils came to Lanzo with a
representative group. The parish priest of Cunico d’Asti, Fr Griva, who led them, said that ‘Don
Bosco was so moved by this that at first he couldn’t speak.’ ‘They were still his eyes but as for his
overall looks – Ah! How much he seemed to be suffering. He did not want to receive us in the hall,
but, supported by our arms, went out into the fresh air in the field next to the college and he gave
us an audience there, reminding us how he had first welcomed boys in the fields in Valdocco. He
went down in a wheelchair.’ ‘We pushed the wheelchair as far as the pergola at the bottom of the
field. He got us to sit there and told us a thousand things in a few minutes.’ ‘He spoke of his
Golden Jubilee Mass in 1891.’ He would have liked a choir made up of Patagonians, and wine
from Cunico d’Asti to drink. To the question as to what they were to tell the Oratory he replied: ‘Tell
them I am very well and that all the worries they have for my health do not disturb my peace of
heart.’102
On 14 August, he wrote a letter full of hope to Countess Colle who had provided amazing news
on her husband’s health. It was a grace. ‘May the Blessed Virgin be thanked forever and ever’ she
said.103
He moved to Valsalice on 19 August, remaining there until 2 October, when he returned to the
Oratory. In reference to the imminent feast of Our Lady’s birthday he promised prayers for his
privileged correspondents: ‘Is your health good?’ he asked Louvet and told her: ‘Mine is a little
better.’104 ‘P.S. My health is better’ he told her again a day later.105 He gave Count Colle family news
and presumed he was in good health.106
On 13 October, he met 900 French pilgrims on their way through Turin, at parco del Valentino.
They had stayed there for supper at the Sogno restaurant. The Salesian Bulletin referred to it: ‘Told
that the room could not hold all those people, D. Bosco sat outside near the door. After a few
moments of rest and when they were all around him he gave them a blessing from his heart, which
he wanted them to pass on to their families, relatives and friends. It was to be extended to there
works and dearest intentions. But since his state of health and the number of listeners did not allow
him to continue in a loud voice he asked Fr Rua to say some words on his behalf.’107
On 17 October, he thanked Count Colle who had sent 5,000 francs [18,122 euro] for expenses
involved in clothing the clerical novices, which was to take place the ‘following Thursday.’108 It was
his final letter to the Count, other than a note reserved for him ‘to be sent after my death.’ The note
98 E IV 382.
99 Letter of 26 July to Fr L. Rocca, ASC F 3810363, original 2 pp.
100 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 30-34.
101 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 34-35.
102 BS 11 (1887), no. 9, September, pp. 106-107.
103 Letter of 14 August 1887, E IV 532.
104 Letter of 4 September 1887, E IV 479.
105 Letter of 5 September 1887, E IV 479.
106 Letter of 6 September 1887, E IV 532-533.
107 BS 11 (1887) no. 11, November, p. 137.
108 E IV 533.

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was contained in the Memorie dal 1841.’109 But we know that the Count died on 1 January 1888, a
month before Don Bosco went to Foglizzo Canavese for the clerical clothing of 94 novices.110 He
returned to Turin in the afternoon of the following day, ‘dead tired and with no strength left.’ 111 On
28 October, he wrote to his faithful benefactor from Nice, architect Vincenzo Levrot: he did not ask
for alms but promised special prayers, his own and the Salesians’ over the Feast of All Saints and
All Souls.112 On 1 November, the secretary noted: ‘For the first time D. Bosco was forced this year
not to go down with the boys in the church to say the rosary for the deceased.’113
Yet, he was not so completely out of energy that he could not keep asking for money. That was
the last activity he would relinquish. Viglietti noted on 28 November: ‘D. Bosco’s activity has
diminished. I have noted him writing, here and there, asking for aid, then there is always another to
follow and now, in our current straitened circumstances with extraordinary needs and problems that
seem insurmountable, D. Bosco is providing, with a new circular, for the missionaries in general but
especially for Ecuador, asking for help.’114 He was referring to a long circular with other individuals,
naturally, put together for him, on missions and missionaries with particular reference to the
immediate expedition to Quito.115 A shorter one on the same topic followed on 20 November.116 He
was no less tenacious with personal requests. The first recipient was the Pope himself. He did this
on 6 November, with a letter sent through the Papal Chamberlain Bishop Francesco Salesio Della
Volpe. It was a renewal of a petition sent directly to the Pope from Rome, to obtain a grant of
51,000 on behalf of the Sacred Heart Church. ‘The Holy Father’s charity gives me hope that he
will pay it’ he wrote to Della Volpe as an encouragement for the renewed appeal. ‘I find myself in
very straitened circumstances, so if the boundless charity of the Holy Father can come to my aid,
the moment could not be more timely.’ 117 There were also urgent needs coming from the missions
and missionaries about to depart. He wrote to a benefactor on 7 November: ‘Help me to the extent
that you can, and in time God will say to you: you saved a soul, be assured of your own salvation.’
He concluded: ’I can no longer write; these are my final efforts from my poor hand.’118
On the afternoon of 24 November, he presided at the clerical clothing of Polish Prince Augusto
Czartoryski (1858–93). His parents and entire family were there. ‘This is certainly a memorable day
for the Congregation,’ the secretary commented. It was the last sacred ceremony Don Bosco
performed.119 Accompanying the vocational journey of Polish Prince Augusto Czartoryski, heir to
that very noble family and pretender to the Polish throne, and accepting him into the Congregation,
had presented Don Bosco with some delicate issues over a three year period. He had come to
know the entire family in Paris, visiting them at the invitation of Prince Ladislao on 18 May 1883.
He had been very cautious in evaluating the young prince’s inclination to the clerical state. His
father placed great store on his accession to the throne. However, he had always encouraged him
to walk the path of holiness.120 Finally, on 14 June 1887, Don Bosco accepted him and, in autumn,
admitted him to the novitiate at S. Benigno Canavese.121 The prince professed his vows at
109 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 112-113.
110 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., p. 42.
111 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 42-43.
112 E IV 410.
113 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., p. 44.
114 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 55-56.
115 Circ. 4 November 1887, MB XVIII 785-789.
116 Circ. 20 November 1887, MB XVIII 789.
117 In MB XVIII 351; cf. Chap. 30, § 2.
118 To Mrs T. Zavaglia-Manica di Argenta (Ferrara), 7 November 1887, E IV 384-385.
119 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 48-54.
120 Cf. Letter of 27 May, 3 July, 26 August, 15 December 1885, and again, 5 January 1887, E IV 432-435.
121 Cf. Documenti XXXVI 46-48.

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Valsalice on 2 October 1888. Struck down by tuberculosis he was ordained a priest on 2 April
1892, despite serious opposition from his father.122 He died on 8 April 1893.
The missionaries ‘willingly go to give their lives amid the savages in America’ Don Bosco wrote
gracefully to Mrs Broquier from Marseilles, who had sent him 500 francs [1,812 euro], ‘but you
provide the bursary. Both serve the Lord and work to earn souls for Heaven. Whoever works to
save sols saves her own soul: And there is more: whoever gives alms to save souls will be
rewarded with good health and a long life. Let us give much if we want to obtain much! He
concluded, unaware that this would be his final letter to her: ‘I can no longer walk or write, except
badly.’123 It was the Gospel of charity and use of wealth proclaimed to the rich, according to Don
Bosco. A testament.
6. Future Projections
Though less physically present in the active field of work, Don Bosco was there via spoken or
written messages and through the ideal image his sons bore in their thoughts, hearts, style of
activity. But there was more. Instead of impeding matters, it seemed that his reduced activity and
health issues had given wings to his daily planning and nightly dreaming, this latter reflecting or
prolonging the former. It was a phenomenon, moreover, that seems to have developed just at the
time of his physical decline. The dreams mostly concerned two fundamental aspects: celebration of
the present and corn for the future – the spread of the Salesian work around the world and
Salesian fidelity to the original inspiration. Other aspects flourished parallel with these, concerning
the spiritual circumstances of young people in harmony or otherwise with God. He spoke gladly of
these things to those close to him such as members of the Superior and General Chapters. Fr
Lemoyne, then in the closing chapter of his life, to Fr Viglietti, who was charmed by it all and
recorded it all including the nightmares and hallucinations.
We see a prehistory of this in the dream of the ten diamonds which took place over three
occasions on 10, 11 September 1881 at S. Benigno Canavese. On the first occasion, a noble
gentleman appeared to him and the rectors gathered around him. The man was wrapped in a cloak
adorned with ten diamonds, symbols of the virtues Salesians were meant to cultivate (Pia
Salesianorum Societas qualis esse debet): faith, hope, charity – work and temperance –
obedience, poverty, expectations of the eternal reward, chastity – fasting. On the second occasion,
a thick gloom covered everything which only allowed people to read a card on which was written:
Pia Salesianorum Societas quails esse periclitatur anno salutis 1900 and where the individual who
first appeared was now in a torn and moth–eaten cloak. The diamonds or virtues were now
replaced by the opposite vices: sleep and sloth, laughter and coarseness, selfishness, gluttony,
idleness, a tear or rent which is disobedience, concupiscence, luxury, attachment to earthly things,
absence of hope. Finally, the darkness dissipated when a young man resplendent in white
appeared and gave them a lengthy series of warnings, concluding with a hymn of hope and to the
glory of God.124.
We have simply mentioned a dream he had in August 1883 and which he told members of the
Third General Chapter that year on 4 September. It appears to be a dreamlike version of Don
Bosco’s unrealistic aspirations to be with his missionaries on the other side of the Atlantic.125 After a
breathless race he finds himself in a ‘hall’ where many people were talking, among other thing, of
‘the multitude of savages still engulfed in the shadows of death, endless hordes in Australia, India,
122 Cf. Note by Fr G. B. Lemoyne in MB XVIII 802-803.
123 Letter of 27 November 1887, E IV 386.
124 Documenti XXIII 197-199; cf. C. ROMERO, I sogni di don Bosco..., pp. 59-71.
125 Cf. Chap. 31, § 3.

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China, Africa and more particularly in America. Europe, a commentator says, Christian Europe, the
great teacher of civilisation, and Catholicism, seem to have become apathetic toward the foreign
missions. There are few who are zealous enough to tackle the lengthy journeys or unknowns
[peoples? places?] to save the souls of millions who have also been redeemed by the Son of God,
by Christ Jesus. Another said that a huge number of idolaters are living in misery outside and far
from knowledge of the Gospel in America alone.’ He then condemned the ignorance of
geographers concerning the enormous wealth in the regions around the Cordilleras. Don Bosco,
who sought an explanation but no one listened to him, was then approached by ‘a young man
about sixteen years old.’ It was the young Luigi Colle, who indicated a numbered rope which when
uncoiled, let him see all of South America, where the Salesians and the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians were working. At Don Bosco’s requests about the future, the young man had him climb
aboard a train which zig–zagged through America from north to south. This was a reality already
being planned and the docile savages would come, in future, to receive instruction, religion,
civilisation and trade with a new generation of Salesians unknown to Don Bosco. The concluding
reflection was his own: ’The Salesians will draw the population of America to Jesus Christ through
the gentleness of St Francis de Sales.’ ‘Civilisation will replace barbarism and many savages will
come to be part of the flock of Jesus Christ.’126
Another dream on the future of the Congregation but with special focus on fidelity to the Rule,
was the one on 28 November 1884, where the devils met to decide the best way to destroy the
Salesian Congregation. Various traps were considered: gluttony, love of riches, freedom or
libertinism, acquiring learning for oneself and not on behalf of others. This final suggestion seemed
to gain unanimous consent.127
In the dream he had about the future of the Salesian Society on the night of 31 January 1885
and again on 1 February, creativity has the upper hand, day and night. It was a projection and
planning in the present or for the future, for himself or for his successor. It came a few hours before
the departure of the Salesians to America led by Bishop Cagliero. ‘All throughout the day before’
said Lemoyne, who had first heard the dreamer tell his dream ‘[Don Bosco] fell prey to much
agitation and emotion, thinking about the departure of Bishop Cagliero and the missionaries. The
following evening, ten of his sons had to begin their journey from Sampierdarena to Marseilles. His
fatherly tenderness made him feel depressed and down.’ The dream, similar to the one about the
missions in 1883, had as its scenario this time a ‘huge plain between Chile and Argentina’
traversed by Salesian missionaries. Mysterious routes spread out from there with fantastic vehicles
coming from existing houses in Argentina, Uruguay, Brazil, but then pressing on to the unknown
countries beyond rivers, seas and lakes as far as ‘Mesopotamia’ real or ideal, and southern Africa.
At a certain point, a huge table appeared with children flocking to it and singing and a great variety
of men and women of various colours, kinds and attitudes. ‘Each crowd that entered,’ his
‘interpreter friend’ explained to Don Bosco, was from nations or parts of nations all to be converted
by the missionaries.’ Others of ‘rough and strange’ appearance, were ‘Sons of Cain … Belonging
to Patagonia and southern Africa.’ It was a vision of a potentially unlimited Salesian presence.128
A very high mountain was the setting for one dream. Don Bosco told the Salesian Chapter on
the evening of 2 July 1885, again concerning the spread of Salesian work around the world. From
one high peak the ‘Angel Arphaxad (China)’ invited them to ‘fight the Lord’s battle and gather the
peoples in his granaries.’ At the foot of the mountain, people of many unknown languages
gathered. The second scene was Africa, and the ‘Angel of Cam’ stood at the centre, proclaiming
126 C. ROMERO, I sogni di don Bosco..., pp. 83-93. The dream gave rise to many interpretations, adapted
on the bases of the human and theological sciences, and also had political implications cf. Don Bosco e
Brasilia: profezia, realtà sociale e diritto, ed. C. Semeraro. Padova, CEDAM 1990.
127 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 20 maggio 1884..., pp. 28-31; cf. MB XVII 385-387.
128 Documenti XXIX 43-48; MB XVII 299-305.

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salvation for the black continent. Finally, Don Bosco’s imagination brought him to Australia and
Oceania, ‘various clusters of countless islands,’ again with children calling out. It was an offer of
various work spaces for a Congregation with a future full of promise. Don Bosco spelt out the
conditions: ‘That the Salesians do not allow themselves to be caught up in love of comfort.’ ‘If they
do not give in to gluttony they will have long–lasting security.’ They should also disseminate the
Bulletin and expand the work for adult vocations.129
On 17 July, Don Bosco was bothered in a dream by the invitation to open an improbable girls’
oratory near the Piazza Vittorio Emanuele, where he had arrived with Mamma Margaret and his
brother Joseph.130 In another, on 29 September, his ideal notion of the priest emerged strongly. He
found himself walking towards Castelnuovo with an elderly priest. The conversation came around
to priests in general and they agreed on a notion that Don Bosco never failed to propound in word
and deed: ‘Work, work, work! Here is the aim and the glory of priests, never to be tired of working.
How many souls are thus saved! How many things there are to do for the glory of God! Oh, if the
missionary were truly missionary, if the parish priest were truly parish priest, how many miracles of
holiness would shine out everywhere? Was there a lack of priests? If every priest acted like a
priest there would be enough.’131
We have mentioned the missionary dream he had at Sarriá on 9 April, devoutly and movingly
recorded by his young secretary, Carlo Viglietti.132 As it was on the other occasion, the dream’s
observation point was near Castelnuovo and the onlookers were coadjutor Giuseppe Rossi and Fr
Rua. A sea of children surrounded Don Bosco telling him: ‘We have waited so long for you. Finally,
you are among us and you will not run away from us.’ Then, just as happened in the dream he had
at ten years of age, a shepherdess invited him and the youngsters around him to look ahead and
read. Valparaiso and Santiago passed before them. From that point, the number of future
Salesians could be seen beyond mountains, hills and seas. The youngsters read: it was Peking
[Beijing], and between Peking and Santiago Africa appeared, with dozens of Salesian houses, then
Hong Kong, Calcutta, Madagascar. A condition for all this to happen needed to be fulfilled: that the
Salesians ‘constantly cultivate Mary’s virtue’ and also that they distinguish carefully between
earthly and heavenly sciences.133
On 3 July 1886, the secretary noted: Mary Help of Christians prepares the road the Salesians
must take. From this month Don Bosco speaks only of China. He asked Festa to make a serious
study of these places … and today, unexpectedly, a letter arrived from China (Shanghai). He tells
us that a large sanctuary has been built near Shanghai, dedicated to Mary Help of Christians, and
the Chinese are going there on pilgrimage … They make the Stations of the Cross and practices of
piety and obtain extraordinary graces … D. Bosco was moved to tears, and says that even if he
can no longer go on, his sons will see what Mary has prepared for them in China.’134
On other occasions, real nightmares alternated with dreams: assaults of monsters, suddenly
finding himself in the midst of a battle, seeing farmers disconsolate when faced with empty
haylofts, seeing caskets full of riches whose contents flowed through the hands of the poor under
their very eyes.135 On 24 March 1887, Don Bosco commented: ’It is a dream’ after telling of a
129 G. B. LEMOYNE, Sogni, ASC A 0170604, with a variety of explanations, a letter to Bishop Cagliero and
repeated interpretations, then and decades later: MB XVII 643-647.
130 Documenti XXX 416-417.
131 MB XVII 383-384.
132 Cf. Chap. 33, § 5.
133 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di don Bosco. Dal 24 marzo 1885..., pp. 84-87. E. Ceria mentions it in MB XVIII
72-75.
134 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 18 maggio 1886..., pp. 20-21.
135 Documenti XXXII 427 and 483; MB XVIII 25, 149, 161, 169-170.

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prediction of famine as punishment for the abuse of wine.136 The secretary recalled one scary
nightmare Don Bosco had on 1 April, a ‘vision’. Terrifying things were related: a frightening
rumbling noise, gradually increasing as if it was an earthquake, a fearful cry, inarticulate human
voices coming from a large barrel with people ripped apart inside it, groans, cats meowing, dogs
barking, words of warning, hell: ‘Multi gloriabantur in terris et cremantur in igne.’ A voice then
offered the preventive remedy: ‘Hurry up and pay your debts with gold and silver,’ that is ‘with
incessant prayer and frequent communion.’ Don Bosco was out of breath, afraid and weeping,
when he told me this dream’ Viglietti informs us.137
In a very short dream at the beginning of 1887, Our Lady reproached Don Bosco and priests in
general for failing in their duty to warn the rich to make good use of their wealth and give their
excess to the poor.138 Some remnants of a familiar idea were provided by two other brief dreams,
the first recounted on 24 October, the other toward the end of November 1887. In the first ‘he sees
Fr Cafasso, with whom he visited all the houses of the Congregation, including the ones in
America; he sees everyone’s situation and each individual’s state.’139 In the second, he recounted
things that ‘fearfully increased his responsibility before God.’ ‘I saw my way of advising young
students and the trade boys, ways of preserving the virtue of chastity, the harm that befalls
someone who violates this virtue – they seem to be alright then suddenly they die. Ah! To die
because of that vice! It was a dream about just one thought, but what a splendid and great one!
But I cannot go on at length, I do not have the strength to express this idea’ he concluded.140
We know that Don Bosco reminded Bishop Cagliero in a letter on 10 February 1885, of the
fundamental realism and moral function of the dreams.141
7. Works begun, planned foreseen
Inactivity did not stop Don Bosco from playing a decisive role in beginning new works. In autumn
1887 he opened the way for Salesian entry into Trent in the Austro–Hungarian Empire, but in an
area whose people, culture and language was Italian.142
The first negotiations had begun in 1877 at the initiative of a certain Gambari, but they came to
a standstill almost as soon as they began. The city saw a growing number of Salesian Cooperators
and sympathisers, however. Negotiations resumed in 1885 at the initiative of a Cooperator, the
Mayor, Paolo Oss Mazzurana. He went ahead in full agreement with Bishop Giovanni Della Bona
and the Congregation of Charity. Management of an orphanage was on offer, situated in the
Palazzo Crosina e Satori. It had 25 boys and 25 girls, some in internal workshops, others enrolled
in schools around the city. At its session on 13 July 13 1885, at which Don Bosco presided, the
Superior Chapter decided to request clarification of the proposal’s concrete terms.143 Naturally, the
prior condition was for the girls to be relocated. After visiting the work, the Economer, Fr Sala,
reported back to the Chapter at its meeting on 2 November 1885. The salient points for a likely
agreement came out of this discussion. Don Bosco concluded: ‘Let Fr Sala study the project. Frs
136 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 gennaio 1887..., pp. 21-22.
137 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 gennaio 1877..., pp. 22-28.
138 Cf. C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 18-20; MB XVIII 361.
139 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 43-44; MB XVIII 463.
140 Documenti XXXVI 57; cf. MB XVIII 465.
141 E IV 314; cf. Chap. 30, § 4.1.
142 For the beginning of the Salesian expansion in the Austro-Hungarian empire with the first presence in
Trent, see S. ZIMNIAK, Salesiani nella Mitteleuropa. Preistoria e storia della provincia AustroUngarica
della Società di S. Francesco di Sales (1868 ca.-1919). Rome, LAS 1997, pp. 94-107.
143 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 63v, session on 13 July 1885.

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Sala, Durando and Lazzero will examine it and report back.’144 At its meeting on 1 December 1885,
the text, in 16 points, was presented by Fr Durando, discussed and approved.145 On 17 November
1885, Bishop Della Bona died and was succeeded by Bishop Eugenio Carlo Valussi on 7 June
1886. Once the proper contract was drawn up the Superior Chapter meeting on 15 September, at
which Fr Rua presided, appointed Fr Pietro Furno (1858–1905) as Rector. He arrived in Trent on
15 October, along with the mature cleric Simone Visintainer (1852–1928). In 1893, the Salesians
founded their very own work there, which became a rich source of vocations for the Lombard–
Veneto Province, (1895, with Mose Veronesi as Provincial) and then the Veneto Province from
1925.
The beginning of Salesian activity in London came at the very end of Don Bosco’s life. He was
involved, just the same, to the extent his fading energy allowed. The work was to be established at
Battersea, an area of London on the right bank of the Thames dependent at the time, on
Southwark diocese. Bishop John Butt, who met Don Bosco at Sacred Heart in Rome 1887,
advised him against going to such a poor area but he found Don Bosco adamant, so much so that
the Bishop raised the question with Fr Rua, who spoke of it at the Chapter. Nevertheless, the
Bishop warmly welcomed the Salesians on their arrival. Countess Stackpole supported the work
from Rome, where she lived, along with the new eighty–five–year–old Archbishop Kirby, whom we
have met in these pages. In 1874, the Countess had the parish of Battersea established at her own
expense, with its church dedicated to the Sacred Heart of Jesus. But the priest assigned to it had
left ,and the Bishop had no more priests available to administer it. All he could do was to look on it
as a simple chapel dependent on the nearest parish. The Countess appealed to Leo XIII, assuring
him that Don Bosco would take care of the parish, and attached schools for boys and girls, so long
as the land and building were completely handed over to him.146 The Pope was in favour and
Propaganda Fide passed on its nulla osta to the Bishop for handing over the former parish and
responsibility for maintaining the school.147
Don Bosco, who was ill, was not at the Superior Chapter meeting on 10 June 1887, which
discussed accepting the work. However, replying to objections from the Economer, Fr Sala, Fr Rua
defended the Superior’s decision.148 But before Salesians were sent there, Fr Dalmazzo was asked
to make an exploratory visit. He arrived in London on 9 October, and wrote to Don Bosco in favour
of the choice.149 On 14 November, Irish Salesian Fr MacKiernan, Rector and parish priest,
Englishman Fr Macey, assistant parish priest, and catechist, and coadjutor Rossaro in triennial
vows, departed Turin for England. They were welcomed at the station on 16 November by a
friendly young priest, the future Cardinal Archbishop of Westminister, Francis Bourne, and brought
letters of presentation with them Some of those remain: one to the Duke of Norfolk and one to the
Italian Consul in London.
To the Duke, Don Bosco wrote: ‘Certainly a work of this kind requires courage, especially in the
great city of London. But God, who has helped us with other foundations, will also help us with this
one and we hope for your Highness’ support. The church has already been supplied with some
furniture by some charitable citizens but there is still nothing for the priest teachers and their
residence. It is for these early needs that I am asking your Highness to help and advise.’150 For the
Consul, he stressed the fact that the Salesians sent to the parish at Battersea would also be
144 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 86r-v, session on 2 November 1885.
145 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 88v-89v, session on 1 December 1885.
146 Text of the petition in MB XVIII 800-802.
147 Cf. W. J. DICKSON, The dynamics of growth..., pp. 87-88.
148 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 99r, session on 10 June 1887; cf. W. J. DICKSON, The dynamics of growth..., p.
91.
149 Cf. W. J. DICKSON, The dynamics of growth..., pp. 92-94.
150 Letter of 13 November 1887, E IV 385.

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involved in ‘seeing to the moral well–being of English and especially Italian youth living in the
parish.’151
The Salesians were established at Liège in Belgium only when the large technical institute, the
‘Orphelinet Saint–Jean–Berchman’ was opened on 8 December 1891. However, this had its roots
in an event four years earlier on 8 December 1887. The previous day, Don Bosco had received
Bishop Victor–Joseph Doutreloux (1837–1901), Bishop of Liège in 1879. It was not the first time
‘the bishop of the people and its children, the poor, workers and of fraternal encounter’ had been in
contact with Don Bosco. Like many other things in Belgium, he had been struck by reading
d’Espinet’s book. Since August 1883, he had been insisting, in person and through
correspondence, on asking the Salesian Society to run the “Patronage des Apprentis’ in Liège.152
On receiving a negative reply due to lack of personnel, the bishop followed up with another letter in
which he announced he was coming to Rome in spring 1884 and would visit Don Bosco. This took
place in May. Other letters followed, the last being on 17 May 1886, brought by lawyer Doreye. It
was insistent and concrete and together with his final visit on 7 December 1887, was able to drag a
‘Yes’ from Don Bosco. On 8 December, Don Bosco dictated the following to Fr Viglietti:’It pleases
God and the Blessed Virgin Mary that the sons of St Francis de Sales will go to open a house in
Liège in honour of the Blessed Sacrament.’153 It was up to his successor, Fr Rua, and Fr Scaloni,
the first Rector, to agree with the bishop, following Don Bosco’s death, on the Salesian work in
Belgium.
8. Final illness
In December, according to the secretary’s note on the 2nd, Don Bosco’s health began to give real
cause for alarm: ‘D. Bosco feels he will soon have to cease celebrating Mass. The poor man says
so with great regret in a very soft voice. I have been helping him celebrate the Holy Sacrifice for
three years every day and have noted how his strength has been constantly failing. Months ago he
stopped turning around for the Dominus vobiscum. Now for a month at communion I have been
distributing the Sacred Host for those hearing Mass. Nor does he have the strength to say the Ave
and Oremus after Mass. I say them and he mentally accompanies me.’154
The final illness unfolded in four stages: from 2–19 December, he got worse; from 20–29
December he was in danger of death; from 30 December 1887 to 19 January 1888, there were
hopes of a recovery; from 21–31 January the inexorable final collapse. Because the Salesian
Bulletin was a monthly magazine, it could not provide up–to–date and detailed news, however the
January and February issues in 1888 gave essential and precise information on the second stage
with the near certainty of the end in the final days in December and the renewed hopes over the
first twenty days of January.155 Secretary, Fr Viglietti, and lay Salesian Peter Enria, nurse, kept up
detailed entries over the whole periods beginning with the early days of December until death.
From these and information from the Superiors of the Congregation who were always around the
dying man, a detailed Diary of Don Bosco’s illness was put together for the April issue of the
Salesian Bulletin.156 It was a bare–bones narration, but filled with dramatic tension on how Don
Bosco experienced his final illness and expectation of death with genuine humanity and deep faith.
151 Letter of 14 November 1887, MB XVIII 454-455.
152 For the first letter, 19 August 1883, and for others, cf. A. DRUART, Les lettres de monseigneur
Doutreloux à don Bosco, RSS 2 (1983) 274-295.
153 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., p. 65.
154 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 56-57.
155 Cf. BS 12 (1888) no. 1, January, pp. 6-7 and no. 2, February, pp. 14-15.
156 BS 12 (1888) no. 4, April, pp. 38-49.

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It was something Don Bosco experienced, in the final seesawing of health, with an aura of
mystical zeal and ‘cupio dissolvi et esse cum Christo,’ but with the same calm seriousness with
which he had spoken to youngsters and adults about death and eternity. He experienced his illness
and awaited death in prayer, offering up his suffering in the firm belief that it had to be accepted for
the greater glory of God and the salvation of souls, his soul and the souls of others, and that
eternal salvation is a serious matter. He believed this was the merciful gift of God and the result of
human effort, and that along the journey to Calvary, the Mother of Jesus is present when called
upon. He believed, too, that everyone’s prayer, beginning with the people closest to him, was
important. He spontaneously and gratefully accepted care, and medicines which would alleviate
pain and bring about recovery if that were to be God’s pleasure and if it could be of use to his
neighbour. At any rate, suffering was accepted as a means of purification and salvation when
therapeutic intervention did not succeed. The Recommendation for myself in the Memorie dal 1841
al 1854–5–6 was an eloquent prelude to all his likely ultimate suffering in life.
From 1 December, Don Bosco was ‘not at all well.’157 From 6 December he ceased celebrating
Mass, making an exception with great effort, on 11 December, Third Sunday in Advent. On 6
December, however, he succeeded in being present for the ceremony to farewell missionaries. ‘He
entered the sanctuary supported by Festa and myself while Fr Bonetti preached,’ the secretary
noted: at the end ’the missionaries filed past one by one to say goodbye and kiss D. Bosco’s hand
… They were weeping, D. Bosco was weeping and the whole church was weeping.’158
There were four priests and four coadjutors led by Fr Calcagno who were preparing to leave.
They opened an oratory and trade workshops in the Ecuadorian capital. They took a letter with
them for the Archbishop of Quito who, as we know, had been especially passionate in his request
for them. ‘I am handing over these beloved sons of mine in J. C. into your hands’ Don Bosco wrote
‘as if into the hands of a loving Father who wants to help them on every occasion with appropriate
advice and spiritual and temporal aid. They are coming with all good will to correspond to Your
Grace’s expectations, by working with all their strength for the Christian education and instruction
of poor and abandoned youth especially: and when their number is greater they will gladly devote
themselves to the spiritual and moral good of tribes who perhaps need their work in order to know
and follow the way to Heaven.’159
Bishop Cagliero arrived from America on 7 December. Don Bosco embraced him and was
deeply overcome with emotion, weeping copiously, ‘weeping like a child.’ In the evening there was
an hour–long meeting with the Bishop of Liège, Bishop Doutreloux, who was present for the
common meal the following day. As we have said, the ‘no’ on the evening of the 7th became a ‘yes’
the following day. Don Bosco was unable to celebrate Mass for the Immaculate Conception. ‘He
spent a sleepless night and was exhausted.’160 On 15 December, the secretary summed this up:
‘Since for about two weeks he has not felt strong enough to celebrate H. Mass, he has been at my
Mass each day and received H. Communion.’161 ‘D. Bosco has not been very well for some days.
He finds it difficult to breathe and eats very little,’ Fr Cerruti wrote.162
157 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., p. 58.
158 Cf. C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 58-61; cf. La partenza dei missionarii
salesiani per l’Equatore e l’arrivo in Torino di Monsignor Cagliero, BS 12 (1888) no. 1, January, pp. 7-9.
159 Letter of 6 December 1887, E IV 387. The Apostolic Vicariate of Mendez and Gualaquiza was created in
1893 and the first Vicar was Fr James Costamagna Costamagna, who was Provincial Argentina for 14
years.
160 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 62-69.
161 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., p. 70.
162 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, 15 December 1887, ASC F 3810410, original 2 pp.; “D. Bosco has been unwell for
some days. Let us pray”, he told Fr Cesare Cagliero the following day (ASC G 992, original 1 p.

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An outing in the carriage with Fr Rua and the secretary on 16 December did not help. On 20
December, the secretary’s entries indicate a noticeable worsening. Don Bosco ‘can no longer
walk,’ ‘he is taken around in a wheelchair and his breathing is laboured.’ Nevertheless he asked to
go out for his usual carriage ride. In the evening the doctor ‘found him quite agitated.’ Fr Ceruti was
not optimistic in his correspondence the same day. ‘This evening’ he told Fr Rocca ‘I will give our
beloved D. Bosco your greetings and prayers, and those of your house. Unfortunately, he is getting
worse. He is up for part of the day, or rather, sitting up, since he has to be moved in a wheelchair,
but is disturbed by asthma attacks and lack of strength. Let us pray.’ In the postscript he repeated:
‘I recommend prayers and communions in the house of D. Bosco. Pray to the Sacred Heart of
Jesus and Mary Help of Christians. He is in bed and we are worried. I leave in sorrow seeing him
in such a state. May God’s will be done.’163
On the evening of the 21st the doctor even predicted no more than four or five more days of life.
But he ate ‘jelly and sorbet’ the secretary wrote, wanting the newspaper to be read to him and to
see certified and insured letters,’ meaning letters containing donations.164 Dr Vignolo’s calming
words (he was Viglietti’s uncle) that ‘it is not a case to be too alarmed,’ did not seem well–
founded.165 But this was belied on the difficult day that was Friday the 23rd, when it seemed he had
begun his final agony. The chronicler had us live this hour by hour. Don Bosco was concerned
about having someone other than his young secretary with him to assist him spiritually. ‘I am off to
eternity’ he said and spoke openly and repeatedly of ‘Holy oils’ and ‘Viaticum”. He insisted on
asking that people pray for him, for a death ‘in God’s grace.’ ‘I want nothing else he said. Cardinal
Alimonda came to see him: ‘May I do God’s holy will’ Don Bosco told him. I have done all I could.’
‘He wanted the Cardinal’s blessing. They were both emotional and kissed and embraced one
another.’ At 5.00 p.m. Fr Giacomelli, his confessor, arrived. They were alone for three minutes. It
was all done.’166
Christmas Eve was a day of heightened spirituality and pathos. At 7.30 a.m. he receive Viaticum
from Bishop Cagliero: ‘D. Bosco shone like an angel … It was a solemn moment, only sobs could
be heard.’ At 10 p.m. he turned to Fr Viglietti, asking for another priest to be with him during the
night as well: ‘I fear I will not reach the morning’ he told him. At 10.30 p.m. he entrusted his
notebook with the final Memorie to his affectionate secretary, asking him to give it to Fr Bonetti. At
11.00 p.m. ‘Bishop Cagliero came and administered the final anointing. He [Don Bosco] spoke only
of eternity, gave advice, then slept.’167 Fr Cerruti told Fr Rocca: ‘This morning Bishop Cagliero
solemnly administered Holy Viaticum to D. Bosco, who unfortunately is rapidly getting worse.
However, this evening and this morning he could no longer be heard vomiting. If this returns it is
only a matter of days. If it stops he could still last for part or all of 1888. This is what Fissore thinks
who consulted with two other [doctors] and he will return before midday. However, Don Bosco does
not put much store on his recovery. He asks insistently for the sacraments of the Church and wants
all temporal matters to be settled. With this in mind we have had the notary here almost all day
yesterday.’ As a postscript he wrote: ‘The consultation has just finished (11.00 am). We observe a
notable improvement especially after vomiting stopped.’168
For the first time, on Christmas Day L'Unità Cattolica gave News on the serious illness of Fr
John Bosco and noted: ‘Our eminent Cardinal Archbishop, who loves and reveres him as a saint,
163 Letter of 20 December 1887 with p.s. on 22 December, ASC F 3810411, original 2 pp.
164 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 71-75.
165 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., p. 75.
166 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 16 maggio 1887..., pp. 75-78 e Dal 23 dicembre 1887 al 31
gennaio 1888, pp. 3-7.
167 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco, Dal 23 dicembre 1887..., pp. 6-9.
168 Letter of 24 December 1887, ASC F 3810412, original 4 pp.

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went to visit him and, moved to tears, blessed him.’169 On the same day they spoke of an
avalanche of telegrams. One came from Rome with the Holy Father’s blessing. Fr Cerruti said: ‘D.
Bosco’s state continues to be worrying, though this morning Fissore found the beginning of an
improvement. May God let it continue. He is peaceful and has kept his full awareness, but insists
on soon having all the comforts of the Church. Yesterday, Bishop Cagliero administered the Holy
oils and telegraphed the Pope – indeed Don Bosco himself wanted him to telegraph, asking the
Pope for his apostolic blessing.’170 On the 26th Cardinal Alimonda, who was leaving for Rome,
came once more. Don Bosco assisted at Mass and received communion each day. Requests for
information came from all sides, especially Rome, from the Cardinal and the Pope, while special
prayers, public and private, were asked for his recovery.171
Beginning 26 December, Fr Rua gave the rectors information on the illness each day until 31
December, then on 2, 5, 18 January 1888.172 In the first such communique he confirmed what the
newspapers said: Don Bosco was ‘seriously ill’ and told them of the course of the illness since 6
December, when Don Bosco had stopped celebrating Mass except for 11 December, the Third
Sunday of Advent.173 In the postscript to the next letter, he explained the illness in the categories of
the day: ‘As well as the cerebro–spinal decay’ afflicting him ‘for many years’ there was another ‘the
doctors call cardio–pulmonary,’174 then speaking of ‘sensible improvement,’175 or, more precisely,
quoting L'Unità Cattolica, ‘only relative’ improvement, with ‘the most recent information’ being
‘alarming once more.’ 176
Some significant entries on the patient’s essential lifestyle stand out over these days: ‘D. Bosco
often asks the doctors to tell him clearly about his state “because I fear nothing; I am at peace and
ready.” ‘On the 29th, fearing the final hour had come, he had Fr Rua and Bishop Cagliero called
and gave them a fundamental command: ‘Promise me you will love and support one another like
brothers. Mary’s help will not be lacking. Recommend frequent communion and devotion to the
Blessed Virgin. Recommend my eternal salvation to everyone and pray.’ Later he whispered: ‘One
needs to learn to live and to die, both.’177
News on D. Bosco’s illness given by the Salesian Bulletin provided information on the critical
stage from 22 to 29 December, summing it up thus: ‘No human hope of recovery and only divine
kindness could reconstitute a physique destroyed by fifty years of tireless work, suffering and
sacrifice for poor and dear young people. This is the cause of his illness. Citizens, the wealthy, the
aristocracy, municipal; authorities in Turin, and other well– known individuals sought information on
his condition. Various Piedmontese bishops visited him. Telegrams arrived from all over Italy and
from abroad. Everywhere they were praying for his recovery and continue to hope.178
On the 29th, a journalist from L'Unità Cattlica recounted his visit to Don Bosco lying ill and was
amazed at what he found. He had gone ‘to the bedside where he lay seriously ill’ but added: ‘We
say “serious” though it does not look so at first sight. His countenance has lost none of its habitual
169 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 299, domenica 25 December 1887, p. 1194.
170 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, 25 December 1887, ASC F 3810408, original 2 pp.
171 Cf. C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dicembre 1887..., pp. 9-15 and 19-20.
172 Cf. ASC A 4570310ss; see also FdR 3980 A10-B11; ASC A 0240602 ff.
173 Letter of 26 December 1887, ASC A 0240602.
174 Letter of 27 December 1887, ASC A 0240601.
175 Letter of 28 December 1887, ASC A 0240603.
176 Letter of 29 December 1887, ASC A 0240604.
177 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 16, 17, 19. It was the skill that Silvio Pellico
said he had learned at the moment of a “truly exemplary and holy” death, before his mother and, a year
later, his father: “They taught me first of all to live then to die” (Letter of 27 May 1838 to Countess Ottavia
Masino di Mombello, Epistolario di Silvio Pellico raccolto e pubblicato a cura di Guglielmo Stefani.
Florence, Successori Le Monnier 1990, p. 175).
178 Notizie della malattia di D. Bosco, BS 12 (1888) no. 1, January, pp. 6-7.

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calm and serenity; his gaze, as usual, is kind, lively, filled with sweet expression; his colour id
perfect as before. He is fully aware, perfect, we would say, sparkling. These are all in real contrast
to he weakness which has left him exhausted and with a voice so weak it barely issues from his
lips.’179
‘The illness continues to be serious, slow and enduring’ Fr Rua announced the following day,180
news which contradicted on the last day of the year: ‘Let us rejoice in the Lord’ he began, informing
readers he had been able to telegraph the Pope through Cardinal Alimonda in Rome: ‘The doctors
are now saying there is positive improvement.,Then, he continued ‘I can notify you that or beloved
Father is somewhat better and the doctors are beginning to offer hopes of a recovery.’ At 11.45
a.m., after consultation with doctors Fissore, Vignolo, Bestenti and Albertotti, the doctor looking
after him, an optimistic bulletin was issued: ‘The danger is over. Very noticeable improvement. The
fever has ceased. No more vomitting. Liquid behind the right lung almost entirely disappeared.
Hope for continued progress. Mind perfectly lucid.181
The optimism was moderated two days later: ‘Our beloved Father’s serious illness is not getting
worse but nevertheless improvement is very slow. Proximate danger of death averted.’ Fr Rua let
people know he would only write again when there was ‘relevant new information to indicate.182
‘Fortunately,’ L'Unità Cattolica announced at the dawning of the new year ‘the patient’s condition
has change much over the last two days. Yesterday the doctors again found a noticeable
improvement and declared that there are no longer symptoms of the illness which justified fear of
immediate danger of death, and indeed, this offers the well–founded hope he will get better.’183
‘Since the 30th of last month [December]’, repeating the Salesian Bulletin’s news ‘D. Bosco had
begun to feel better.’ ‘In subsequent days the improvement has been more noticeable.’ ‘Currently
D. Bosco is still in bed and it could also be that from now on he can spend time in his room.’184
Count Colle died on 1 January. He added to the incalculable number of donations he had made
over recent years with a large legacy of 400,000 francs [1,421,710 euro]. Fr Cerruti wrote to Fr
Rocca: ‘Above all I give you news of D. Bosco who continues to improve. Indeed, the doctors are
saying the danger has passed. Please God it continues since we depend only on God and Mary
Help of Christians.’185
Hopes for recovery seemed revived over the first twenty days in January. On 5 January, Fr Rua
gave some stunning information: ‘Our beloved Father is getting better and better. He breathes
more freely, more easily. Speech is clear and he can eat more comfortably. Doctors continue to
give hope of convalescence soon and that he will soon be able to get out of bed. I will tell you in
another letter of the day to be set aside for common thanksgiving, with a solemn ceremony and the
singing of the Te Deum.’186
On 7 January, the secretary noted: ‘This evening, following the doctor’s advice, we began giving
D. Bosco and egg and coffee after some pieces of bread cut up. Before taking the food, he took off
his biretta, made the sign of the cross and prayed, weeping. I was very much afraid the food might
be bad for him, instead he kept everything down very well … It was 6.00 p.m.. D. Bosco then said
to me: Viglietti, ask Fr Lemoyne how to explain how someone who has been in bed for 21 days
179 La nostra visita a D. Bosco, “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 302, Thursday 29 December 1887, p. 1206.
180 Letter of 30 December 1887, ASC A 0240605.
181 Letter of 31 December 1887, ASC A 0240606.
182 Letter of 2 January 1888, ASC A 0240610.
183 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 1, Sunday 1 January 1888, p. 1.
184 Notizie di D. Bosco, BS 12 (1888) no. 2, February, pp. 14-15; cf. C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal
23 dic. 1887..., pp. 20-29.
185 Letter of 2 January 1888, ASC F 3810414, original 3 pp.
186 Letter of 5 January 1888, ASC A 0240609.

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almost without eating, out of his mind, etc., suddenly comes back to life, perceives everything,
feels strong, healthy as if he had never been ill.’187
There is a record of a visit from the Duke of Norfolk on 8 January. The Duke spent about half an
hour with Don Bosco. Almost by association of ideas the beggar in Don Bosco came to the fore
once more. He told Fr Viglietti: ‘Before his illness D. Bosco spent his last penny and was without
any money during his illness, but noted that his orphans continued asking for bread before and
after, therefore whoever wants to do some charity, let him do so because D. Bosco can neither
come or go.’188
Despite Dr Fissore’s predictions, suggesting no more than two months of life left for Don Bosco,
some reasonably good news was recorded for a number of days. ‘D. Bosco continues to get better
and we hope he can soon begin his convalescence’ Fr Cerruti wrote on 10 January.189’This
morning he heard my Mass and received communion, the secretary noted on 11 and 15 January.190
Given this context we can believe a letter in French to the Duke of Norfolk is genuine, either written
or dictated by Don Bosco on 13 January, and which Fr Berto had a copy of. Don Bosco said his
health was still precarious and he was still in bed, but he was concerned about liabilities of 250,000
francs [894,819 euro] which had accumulated over the years of work on the Sacred Heart Church
and Hospice in Rome. He would feel very much relieved if the Duke could give him the aid that
charity and availability allowed. In recompense, the donor could count on the prayers of his
250,000 orphans.191 Midway through the month L'Unità Cattolica offered the news that ‘Bishop
Cagliero, taking advantage of the noticeable improvement of the revered Don Bosco, went to Nice
on the 4th of this month.’192 Some days the news continued to be good, in the Salesian Bulletin
retrospectively and in real time from Fr Viglietti: ‘Today D. Bosco received a visit from the Bishop of
Malines in Belgium. (18 January)’. Fr Rua wrote: ‘News of our beloved Father continues to be
good. The doctors hope that if nothing happens to slow the progress he makes in convalescence,
he could easily get up from bed next week.’193
Fr Viglietti continued with his notes: ‘Although slowly improving, D Bosco can now say that all he
needs is some strength to get out of bed. He has no real pain. On the 15th he began to hear Mass
each morning and receive communion from me. Today D. Bosco received a visit from the Bishop of
Lari in India, Francesco Filippo (20 January.’194 Fr Cerruti was no less optimistic on the 20th; ‘D
Bosco is getting better. On Monday he will start to get up.’195
Instead, it was the beginning of the end. On 22 January, the chronicler wrote: ‘D. Bosco had
gone backwards a bit in the last two days’ though still receiving visits from the Archbishops of
Cologne, Treviri ( 22 January), and Paris (24).196 Writing to Fr Barberis on the 24th, Fr Rua had to
radically revise the expectations aroused by the circular he sent to rectors on 18 January, and
invited him to recommend that rectors in his Province, which included the novitiate houses, ‘have
special prayers said, and exercised of piety’ for Don Bosco. In fact, he wrote, ‘Some new
187 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 23-24.
188 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 25-27.
189 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, ASC F 3810415, original 3 pp.
190 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 27-28.
191 E IV 407-408.
192 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 12, Sunday 15 January 1888, p. 46.
193 Letter of 18 January, ASC A 4570310.
194 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 27-29. “Francesco Filippo” was Bishop Jules
François Philippe (1835-1904), titular bishop of Lares, coadjutor of the Vicar Apostolicof
Visakhazigapatnam in India, of the Missionaries of St Francis de Sales of Annecy, founded in 1838 by Fr.
Pierre Marie Mermier.
195 Letter to Fr L. Rocca, ASC F 3810416, original 2 pp.
196 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 29-32.

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deterioration has been noted for some days.’197 The situation became irreversible over the days
that followed: ‘D. Bosco is very serious today.’ ‘He told Bishop Cagliero, who spoke to him about
going to Rome, “Wait till after”’ (25 January). ‘He continues to be serious.’ (26 January). He replied
to the though suggested to him by Fr Bonetti, that ‘Jesus suffered on the cross without being able
to move,’ saying ‘Yes, that is what I am always doing.’198
The illness was in the final straight over the 27th and 28th. The chronicler wrote on the 28th: ‘D.
Bosco continues to grow worse. Yesterday, during the night and again this morning he was often
quite delirious.’ This morning he called out a good 20 times: Mare! Mare! [Piedmontese for Mother]
and for some hours, his hands joined, he has been saying; “Oh Mary! Oh Mary!” He tells everyone
we will see each other in Paradise. He told Fr Bonetti: “Tell the boys I will be waiting for them all in
Paradise.” This morning he received the scapular of Our Lady of Mount Carmel. He has given
everyone final reminders.’ ‘He often takes the crucifix and kisses it. He told Fr Bonneti:”When you
speak or preach, insist on frequent communion and devotion to Our Blessed Lady.” When given a
picture of Our Lady Help of Christians he said “I have always placed all my trust in Mary help of
Christians.’
The doctors had given up hope: ‘They found him gravely ill and the only hope they leave is that
the illness drags on, but there is no hope of saving him.’199 On Sunday 29th L'Unità Cattolica
combined The Feast of St Francis de Sales and D. Bosco’s health: ‘Venerable D. Bosco, in prey to
the slow degeneration of the spinal cord, which can be seen from the alternating improvement and
deterioration, had truly improved for some weeks. But over recent days things have worsened
again and continue to do so, mainly respiratory symptoms and although this does not preclude
hope for improvement, it does nevertheless give cause for concern, given its persistence.’200
The diagnosis was quickly confirmed by the facts. We see these in the chronicle: ‘D. Bosco
continues to be very ill,’ ‘he is always out of his senses.’ (29 January). On the 30th it reported:
‘Tonight he stopped talking, only groans.’ ‘Bishop Cagliero said the litany of the dying and gave him
the blessing of Carmel at 10. He was completely out of it.’201 Shortly before the final agony,
however, he succeeded in articulating a prayer familiar to him and which he used to suggest to
others: Marie Mater gratiae/ dulcis parens clementiae /Tu nos ab hoste protege / et mortis hora
suscipe.202 It was a prayer he had also written in the first circular on behalf of the construction of
the Church of Mary Help of Christians.203 ‘At 1.45 the final agony began. Fr Rua and Bishop
Cagliero said the prayer [of the dying]. The death rattle continued until 4.45 am. The Angelus bell in
our Church rang. D. Bosco’s breathing slowed. Half a minute later he was a corpse, he was in
Paradise.’204 St Vincent de Paul had entered heaven at the same hour, 4.45, on 27 September
1660.
9. First celebration of the ‘dies natalis’ in freedom
197 Circ. on Don Bosco’s last illness, FdR 3980 B12-C2.
198 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 29-33.
199 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 29-35.
200 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 24, Sunday 29 January 1888, p. 95.
201 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 35-40.
202 It would be sung on 22 June 1889 at the ceremony blessing Don Bosco’s tomb. The musician, Gerolamo
Maria Suttil, called it D. Bosco’s last prayer. He knew him very well and was very much taken up by him:
taken in at the Oratory in 1852 as a refugee from Venezia, then under the control of the Hapsburgs, he
continued to be a guest there: Cf. BS 13 (1889) no. 8, August, pp. 99-100.
203 Cf. Chap. 14, § 5.4.
204 C. VIGLIETTI, Cronaca di D. Bosco. Dal 23 dic. 1887..., pp. 40-41.

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The final goodbye was not traumatic, just the end of a long farewell begun years before with
gradual detachments and absences, many stages of physical decline and worsening health. The
final illness, too, with its deterioration of a body already weakened and failing, though lucid in spirit
and keen in faith, and with its inextinguishable flame of charity, had prepared for the ‘goodbye until
we meet in Paradise’ of Wednesday morning, 31 January. Don Bosco had always been near in
strong and loving concern for his people. Everyone was sure he would be even closer and more
caring from paradise where he had so often fixed a convincing appointment in the present and for
the future. So, the sufferings of his long illness were to some extent forgotten in the transfiguration
of someone so beloved, holy and protective, still very much present in the minds and imagination
of Salesians, boys, Cooperators, friends, admirers. The report of events following his death, under
the headlines D. BOSCO !!! in the Salesian Bulletin, interpreted their state of mind perfectly: ‘We
loved him as one loves the smile of childhood, the hopes of the young, the supports and good
things of mature age. For us he was the greatest, noblest, affectionate, generous person you could
possibly find on earth. There is no moment in our lives that does not bear some memory of his
affection for us.’205
This was shown by the solid nature and quality of the people who crowded around the body laid
out in the Church of St Francis de Sales and at the funeral rite in the Church of Mary Help of
Christians. On the 31st, dressed in priestly vestments, the body was exposed in an armchair in the
corridor behind his private chapel. The Salesians were able to visit him, followed by ‘crowds of
priests, large numbers of the upper class, devout matrons.’ At 6.00 p.m. a large number of
Daughters of Mary Help of Christians were also admitted. The same day, Fr Rua announced the
Father’s death to Salesians, the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians, Salesian Cooperators.206
The Sorrowful announcement was given to all the past pupils by the Past Pupils of the Oratory
Committee for demonstrations to Rev. D. Bosco, signed by the President, Carlo Gastini and
Secretary Matteo Alasia.207 Cardinal Alimonda sent a telegram and letter the same day from
Genoa.
At 6.00 am on 1 February, the body was laid out in the Church of St Francis de Sales. A
sorrowful and reverent, grateful and affectionate crowd of young people and adults, clergy and laity
from every social class filed by throughout the whole day. ‘It seemed as if the whole of Turin came
to the Oratory.’ “Let us go to D. Bosco!” they said to one another.’ The Church of Mary Help of
Christians was packed with people who had come to pray for the peace of his soul. At 9.00 p.m. all
the boys from the Oratory said their night prayers before his body and the Rector, Fr Francesia,
gave the traditional goodnight.
Lying in the bier left open so Salesians coming from a distance could see his face, the body was
placed on the catafalque erected beneath the cupola in the Church of Mary Help of Christians on
the morning of 2 February. The solemn funeral was celebrated at 9.30 a.m. by Bishop Cagliero.
The funeral Mass he himself had composed in 1862 was sung. At 2.00 p.m. the coffin was closed
and a glass ampule enclosed, with a scroll containing a brief biography of the deceased. 208 The
solemn funeral possession took place in the afternoon, attended by at least 100,000 people, very
many parish priests, countless representatives of clergy and civil bodies in Italy and abroad,
educational institutes and Catholic Associations, plus three bishops: Cagliero, Leto and Bertagna.
The procession wound along the via Cottolengo, the Corsi Principe Oddone and Regina
205 BS 12 (1888) no. 3, March, p. 25: the entire news item, pp. 25-36; in folder. no. 4, April, pp.
38-51, Diario della malattia di D. Bosco, recalls Don Bosco’s earthly days froml 2 December to 31
January and La tumulazione della salma a Valsalice.
206 BS 12 (1888) no. 3, March, p. 28; Lettere circolari di don Michele Rua ai salesiani, pp. 1-3.
207 BS 12 (1888) no. 3, March, pp. 28-29.
208 BS 12 (1888) no. 3, March, pp. 32-33.

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Margherita, via Ariosto. It was a triumphant cortege for ‘a great man more alive than ever in the
veneration of the multitude, the respect for his memory, the greatness of his institutions.’209 On
return to the Church of Mary Help of Christians, Bishop Bertagna gave absolution to the body.
Then the coffin was carried to the Church of St Francis de Sales to await burial.
‘ “What a beautiful celebration!” more than one person exclaimed’ according to the chronicler
‘and those who at first wondered at an exclamation of the kind also ended up saying “It was a
beautiful celebration!” They repeated to one another the witty and loving words they had heard
from D. Bosco’s lips, told some of the dearest features of his life with a smile, a sense of
contentment that is difficult to put into words. The time for sorrow was over. Everyone felt that D.
Bosco was alive and not far away.’210
Since 31 January, the Salesian Superiors had been trying to gain permission for Don Bosco’s
body to be buried in the Church of Mary Help of Christians. In fact, the fear was that bureaucratic
difficulties would force him to be buried in the city cemetery. On the evening of the same day they
met at 10.00 p.m. and with Bishop Cagliero present the Superior Chapter made a promise – as
recorded in the minutes – ‘that if Our lady gives us the grace to be able to bury D. Bosco beneath
the Church of Mary Help of Christians or at least at our house at Valsalice, work would begin this
year or as soon as possible to decorate his chapel.’211
Following requests, permission was given for Don Bosco to be buried beyond the city
boundaries at the Salesian Study Centre at Valsalice. Work was quickly carried out to provide a
grave site. On the afternoon of 4 February, at 5.30 p.m. the burial took place in extreme simplicity.
The funeral carriage was followed by the carriage used to take Don Bosco for rides over his final
months and was now occupied by Bishop Cagliero, Frs Bonetti and Sala. A crowd of more than a
hundred clerics received them. At Valsalice, Bishop Cagliero repeated the funeral rites. Frs Cerruti
and Lazzero were with Fr Rua and the Superior General of the Daughters of Mary help of
Christians, Mother Caterina Daghero. Bishop Cagliero and Fr Rua both spoke at the end.
It was the happy thought of the clerics at Valsalice with their Rector to send Fr Rua a message
that same evening, professing their unconditional obedience to him as father and superior,
indicated by Don Bosco himself as his successor.212
By looking after Don Bosco’s remains , Valsalice became even closer to Valdocco where the
presence of the deceased was more real and tangible, alive through his original work: the Oratory,
whose very stones spoke, along with the stones of the churches of Mary Help of Christians and St
Francis de Sales, and through memories, spirit, grace, tied in with them and animating them … but
even more so through the people who represented him in real life, beginning with the serious yet
simple, secure, modest, devout and trustworthy figure of his successor, his intimate ‘vicar’ always,
and now Rector Major, Blessed Michael Rua.
209 BS 12 (1888) no. 3, March, p. 34.
210 BS 12 (1888) no. 3, March, p. 35.
211 Capitolo Superiore, session on 31 January 1888, fol. 109v.
212 BS 12 (1888) no. 4, April, pp. 50-51.

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Chapter 35
SNAPSHOTS AND AN OVERVIEW
After a little less than a month’s stay, Don Bosco left Paris on Saturday, 26 May 1883. There was a
lengthy silence on the train that took him, with Fr Rua and Fr De Barruel to Dijon. Finally, the main
speaker tells us, he broke the silence and said to Fr Rua: ‘What an extraordinary thing! Do you
remember the road that runs from Buttigliera to the Becchi? There on the right is a hill; on the hill is
a small house; at the foot of the hill running down to the road is a field. This poor little house was
where my mother and I lived. As a ten year old boy I took our two cows to pasture in that field. If all
these gentlemen knew they were creating such a triumph around a poor little peasant boy from the
Becchi, eh? Providence’s joke.’1
We have already looked at an overall view and evaluation of Don Bosco’s personality in relation
to both main periods of his life story, especially from the end of the 1840s and early years of the
next decade, then from the 1870s and into the 1880s. But no less interesting were the many
evaluative recollections beginning from 31 January 1888. Despite their immediacy, they often seem
to be more objective than a number of the many reconstructions that followed, partly under the
influence of a widespread hagiography which gave more value to interpretation – sometimes
warped by particular unessential historical accounts – than the enormous amount of
documentation available on an extraordinary daily existence full of facts and ideas; and also partly
from times that were particularly favourable to ‘celebratory’ or rather, unfocused, contributions
which had a tendency to see Don Bosco within the framework of the multiplicity of works that had
eventuated – especially his two Religious Institutes of educators – in a century that was further
away from his time in history and, in some respects, from his ideal influence.
Testimonies and counter–testimonies given during the processes of beatification and
canonisation could also have significance, conditioned by the still modest and monotonous
Salesian narrative tradition gradually being put together. There is no doubt that calmer reflections
are possible today, encouraged by a more controlled detachment (which does not make it an
outsider’s view) from the distant present. Detached, but more faithful to it due to more information,
better documentation, historiographical contributions and perspectives able to forewarn of or free
people from futile and misleading mediations.
However, we should not distance ourselves from the origins which indelibly marked the life of
Don Bosco and his work. They are the roots which, in various ways, determined the growth,
expansion, results, the outlet for all the inner forces which helped Don Bosco navigate his way
through life, often amid storms and reefs.
1. Substantial features immediately echoed in the press
Journalistic perceptions are necessarily bound by time and space but are often closer to reality
than certain myths that build up outside time and history. In many instances, they are not simply
locked into the fleeting moment. A number of newspapers, in fact, had been following events
regarding Don Bosco for some years, either positively or negatively, even for decades, mixing
1 Documenti XXV 284.

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familiar, daily news items with events that were more relevant such as his mission outreach, the
battle over the secondary school at Valdocco, and some events with international repercussions
such as his journeys to Paris, Frohsdorf and Sarriá (Barcelona).
Even the more celebratory emphases and the emotional impact they echoed derived from the
feeling that here we are faced with a ‘personality’, a man, a priest, who was outwardly simple,
modest, but of immense spiritual stature and notable individual characteristics. Testimony to these
were concrete works already widespread in Italy and abroad: oratories and patronages, technical–
vocational schools for apprentices, and initiatives on behalf of young workers, hospices, infant,
elementary, lower and upper secondary classical and technical schools, print shops and
publishers, migrant missions.
An historical sense is often missing from these recollections, weakened by the prevalence of
dubious kinds of provincialism which ignore much of what was achieved or is being achieved
elsewhere and in other historical contexts. This makes the dynamic and courageous operator less
realistically the pioneer, precursor, the first or unique actor. It forgets what we have often reminded
the reader of since the first chapters and which we have followed in this biographical
reconstruction: in no area was Don Bosco the only and unique actor. There was no activity he put
his hand to in which he did not involve others intensely – lay men and women, male and female
religious – with major creativity and passion, extending himself into fields both within and beyond
his attention as priest and educator: the abandoned, poor, blind, deaf mute, orphans, boys in
correctional institutes etc.
L’Unità Cattolica in Turin stood out for its calm and balanced journalistic recall. It had always
been a friend to Don Bosco and, more than all the other newspapers, provided information on
developments of Salesian works and their founder and promoter. Its priest friend had died ‘in the
Lord’s embrace, the Lord he had served faithfully over seventy–two years which were full,
abounding in good works, one greater and holier than the other,’ wrought ‘with rare patience,
invincible constancy.’ ‘In fact, his life is among the most providential and had many points of
contact with outstanding lives, most of all the life of St Francis de Sales, the Saint he emulated with
singular devotion in his meekness, kindness, unalterable calm and zeal against heresy.’ He was
‘the apostle for our times,’ whose ‘dominant thought’ was ‘the education of youth,’ working
‘tirelessly in every way, in spoken word, his writings, and with many and varied institutions.’ ‘It is
said that Don Bosco had the gift of miracles and many tell of solid proof … but it is certain that the
greatest, most outstanding miracle is that he did so much with such apparently weak means.’ It
listed some of his most prodigious achievements: having moved ‘public charity … At a time of so
much selfishness.’ Amid so many wars against religious institutions, he had succeeded in ‘founding
a new Religious Order which had spread with incredible speed through Italy, France, Spain, the
Americas, even as far as the savages of Patagonia.’ He had enriched many dioceses with priests,
had widely promoted good press, multiplied the number of churches, and in particular had built the
Church of Mary Help of Christians, ‘goal of numerous pilgrimages.’ Poor as he was, he had left
behind ‘institutions costing tens of millions.’ Nevertheless, the article emphasised, he ‘lived in the
world as someone foreign to the glory given him’ and no calumny, jealousies, persecutions
disturbed ‘his peace of heart,’ assisted by ‘his continuous union with God and his deep humility.’2
L’Osservatore Cattolica from Milan, at the head of the intransigent group of Italian newspapers,
was poor in information but made up for it with excessive rhetoric. It more or less openly intended
to celebrate in Don Bosco the unbeaten champion of the ‘Catholic ideal.’ It began: ‘Don Bosco.
This simple name sums up an entire apostolate, perhaps the greatest and most wonderful of the
2 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 26, Wednesday 1 February 1888, p. 105. The newspaper dedicated the entire first
two pages to Don Bosco the following day, full of information even in the weeks that followed, quoting,
among other things, material from other newspapers.

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19th century,’ a ‘giant of charity.’ His death was ‘a worldwide misfortune,’ ‘one of the most fateful
events of 1888.’ His was a name summed up ‘a true Christian era.’3 The Voce della Verità in Rome,
which had not been sympathetic to Don Bosco’s mediation in the exequatur question under Mons.
Francesco Nardi, now presented his life as a sequence of ‘portents.’4
‘A true Christian hero’ Il Diritto Cattolico from Modena described him as, ‘an athlete of the Faith,
an outstanding Italian who spent his lengthy career in works of virtue and charity and performing
prodigies, true miracles with God’s help.’ The Berico from Vincenza proclaimed him to be ‘one of
the splendid figures that the Catholic Religion made a giant of.’ The Pensiero Cattolico from Genoa
predicted: ‘There will come a time … when he is raised to the altars like so many other heroes of
charity, especially St Vincent de Paul.’ ‘One does not weep; one prays and calls on the graves of
saints,’ L’eco di Bergamo pontificated.5
The other important Catholic daily in Turin, the Corriere Nazionale, highlighted Don Bosco’s
religious and pedagogical genius wholly aimed at the complete salvation of youth which both
uplifted the people and brought social regeneration. ‘A man endowed with keen faith and steady
trust in Providence,’ it said. ‘This Italian priest is a modern example for all the clergy and Catholic
laity of what to do and say on behalf of all of society through the education of youth.’6
The secular Corriere della sera spoke of ‘a life wholly spent in works of religion and charity,’
hoping that even ‘in the liberal field, many men could be counted on who had Don Bosco’s truly
superior organisational mindset supported by the strength of will and perseverance that leads to
accomplishing the most wonderful enterprises.’7 Moderate Catholic leaning papers in Barcelona,
too, such as the Correo Catalano, the Revista Popular, the Hormiga de Oro and the Diario de
Barcelona, who had been interested in Don Bosco for years before and after the unforgettable visit
in 1886, painted a picture of a man with an extraordinary wealth of intuition and achievements and
strongly marked characteristics: man of God, ‘poor and obscure’, ‘virtuous’ and revered, firm in
faith, tenacious in confronting obstacles and persecutions while fulfilling his mission, ‘a remarkable
priest who was victorious in a hundred battles,’ ‘a new apostle of charity,’ ‘a new St Vincent de
Paul,’ ‘father of the poor.’ He was an apostle of the young, ‘a son of the people and dedicated to
the people,’ entirely dedicated to ‘the religious and social education of poor abandoned boys,’ ‘the
poor children of the people, from off the streets and squares, abandoned and despised by
everyone, even, very often, by their parents.’ ‘He built real palaces of charity for them in various
parts of Europe, which brought together the most exquisite zeal for the religious education of their
residents, perfecting them in a range of skills according to their vocation.’8 Among these, special
care was taken of boys prepared for manual work in arts and trades workshops, members of the
emerging ‘working class’.9 ‘Beloved, of God and men,’ his grave was ‘surrounded by glory,’ ‘a hope
3 “L’Osservatore Cattolico”, 31 January-1 February 1888, no. 25, quoted by G. TUNINETTI, L’immagine di
don Bosco nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare..., pp.
240-241.
4 “La Voce della Verità”, 3 February 1888, no. 28, p. 2, quoted by G. TUNINETTI, L’immagine di don Bosco
nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare..., p. 241.
5 Citati da G. TUNINETTI, L’immagine di don Bosco nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella
storia della cultura popolare..., pp. 241-242.
6 Prodigi della carità, “I1 Corriere Nazionale”, no. 31, 1 February 1888, quoted by G. TUNINETTI,
L’immagine di don Bosco nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura
popolare..., p. 239.
7 Don Giovanni Bosco e le istituzioni salesiane, “I1 Corriere della sera”, 1-2 February 1888, no. 32, quoted
and commented on by G. TUNINETTI, L’immagine di don Bosco nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don
Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare..., pp. 235-236.
8 Cf. R. ALBERDI, Resonancia de la muerte de don Bosco en Barcelona, “Salesianum” 50 (1988) 211-214.
9 R. ALBERDI, Resonancia de la muerte de don Bosco..., “Salesianum” 50 (1988) 190.

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for everyone.’ Don Bosco would certainly be regarded by posterity as one of the most distinguished
figures of the century.’10
Don Bosco’s action on behalf of the working world was highlighted in Turin by the Voce del
operaio, the Catholic Workers Association Weekly. ‘No man was more popular in Turin than Don
Bosco,’ it said ‘and the worker cohort in particular had real veneration for this admirable priest. And
rightly so, since Don Bosco dedicated his great soul, his tender heart as father and apostle, to the
working class for more than fifty years.’11 On 23 September 1888, the Workers Association group
from the Great Mother of God parish met at Valsalice. The group’s parish priest and ecclesiastical
assistant, Fr Giovanni Battista Piano (1842–1928) celebrated a Mass of suffrage. He had been a
pupil at the Oratory from 1854–58 and, as we have indicated, spoke in the name of the Oratory
past pupils who came along on the morning of 24 June 1887, to pay their traditional respects. In
front of the tomb, with a past pupil’s devotion, he illustrated ‘in essential words how D. Bosco had
been one of the few who really understood and knew how to resolve the difficult work issue, how
he had always been the true friend, true benefactor of the worker.’ He also recommended
remembering Don Bosco’s saying: ‘A sincere Catholic cannot be other than at least an honest
worker, a loyal citizen, an unenviable father of a family.’12
2. Outlines of a profile taken from recollections at memorial services
Substantial elements for a profile also emerge from the many memorial services. Some in
particular, came from personalities who had had more than a casual or superficial relationship with
Don Bosco, people who knew his works and shared his thinking and who also had a personal view
and evaluation of the secular world with which Don Bosco had interacted in a very timely way and
with inexhaustible vitality, and in which they themselves continued to operate: Cardinal Gaetano
Alimonda, Bishops Tommaso Reggio, Emiliano Manacorda and Donato Velluti Zati of the Dukes of
San Clemente, notable personalities of the Catholic Movement, and Canon Giacinto Ballesio.
Genoan Cardinal Gaetano Alimonda (1818–91) was a leading journalist in his city already as a
young priest: L’Armonia (1848) founded at the same time as the Turin L’Armonia, Il Cattolica di
Genoa (1849) then Il Cattolica (1851) the Stendardo Cattolico (1862). A collaborator of the Annali
Cattolici between 1863 and 1866, in contrast to the Margotti approach, he encouraged Catholics to
take part in political elections. A renowned preacher not only in Genoa, sometimes called the
‘Lacordaire of Italy’, the ‘new Bossuet’, he dealt with topics in a conservative way that was a
constant comparison between the Catholic Faith and current ideologies and customs of the time.13
In the address he gave at the month’s mind, Alimonda went back to the four principal
dimensions of his revered friend’s work.14 The Salesian Bulletin, maintained that ‘of all the funeral
eulogies,’ Alimonda’s held ‘prime of place.’ ‘It was a masterpiece,’ since the speaker, ‘like an
10 Eulogy by the editor of the “Revista Popular” 34 (1888) 100, quoted by R. ALBERDI, Resonancia de la
muerte de don Bosco..., “Salesianum” 50 (1988) 214.
11 La morte di Don Bosco, “La Voce dell’operaio”, no. 3, 5 February 1888, p. 2.
12 Gli Operai Cattolici della Sezione Gran Madre di Dio in Torino e l’Unione del Coraggio Cattolico alla
tomba di D. Bosco, BS 12 (1888) no. 12, December, pp. 146-147: reproduced the article published by the
Voce dell’Operaio in no. 19 1888.
13 Cf. G. ALIMONDA, L’uomo sotto la legge del sovrannaturale, 4 Vols. Genoa, tip. Della Gioventù 1866-
1868; Expanded edition, 4 Vols., ibid. 1881; ID., I problemi del secolo XIX, 3 Vols. Genoa, tip. della
Gioventù 1874-1876; the 1882-1883 edition, 4 Vols.: four series of conferences given in 1872, 1873,
1874, 1875 respectively, on Problemi religiosi, Problemi paleontologici, Problemi filosofici, Problemi
economici: Cf. G. TUNINETTI, v. Alimonda, Gaetano, in Dizionario storico del movimento cattolico in Italia,
Vol. III, t. I. Casale Monferrato, Marietti. 984, pp. 12-13.

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outstanding painter or sculptor, knew how to represent the holy man in all his beauty, a man who
with his timely works stood like a giant astride the 19th century.’15 This text was translated into
other languages, with editions in Nice, Barcelona and Buenos Aires. According to the Cardinal’s
theses, Don Bosco, moved by charity, did an extraordinary work of evangelisation, indeed
divinisation of his century. Four great passions marked his activity: education and pedagogy,
‘nurturing the worker’ and through this, creating a better social order with a solution to the ‘worker
question’, promoting free and empathetic associations, extending civilisation to peoples still
deprived of this in Africa, Asia, Oceania.
Don Bosco had accepted everything the new ‘pedagogical discoveries’ showed and had
animated them with religious faith, offering youth very many and varied institutions and modes of
growth and formation.16
In a century of progress in arts, trades, industries, he had taught people how to join work with
prayer, using the most modern ‘machines and equipment’ in very many areas of work, since work
was tied in with true freedom guaranteed by a religious meaning for life, honesty, happy use of
leisure time, a harmony of ‘all things beautiful, mystical, of science, poetry, musical instruments,
singing.’17
Modern society believed it had found its security in forced organisations which culminated in the
army and police force. This was based on a system of preventive repression. By contrast, Don
Bosco had established large families of voluntary educators, male and female, flanked by the free
association of Cooperators, all aimed at creating one great family around his youthful institutions,
thanks to the ‘preventive system’ practised in them. ‘So,’ he commented, ‘the movement created
through the association proceeds in an orderly and tranquil fashion; it does not require violence or
ruinous ways; literature, arts, industry at the heart of the Association all takes place and grows
harmoniously.’18
Finally, Don Bosco had conceived of and achieved the leap of putting Salesians into Argentina,
enabling itinerant peoples on the ‘huge plains’ of Patagonia to participate in the benefits of
civilisation. Thus, by contrast with secular individuals who went among the indigenous peoples ‘to
sell goods or take away new materials,’ Don Bosco had divinised ‘the work of culture among
hospitable races’ to bring peace, salvation, freedom: he had not sent people ‘to enslave [others]
but to extend the kingdom of God, with fervent love for the Church and unshakeable fidelity to the
Pope.’19
At the basis of it all shone ‘the intimate and divine virtue which dominated the life of this Servant
of God, his animating virtue, heavenly charity’ that puts up with, believes, hopes, sustains
everything.20
A peer of Alimonda’s, nobleman Tomaso dei marchesi Reggio (1818–1901), also active in
journalistic initiatives in Genoa in the 1840s and 1850s and who then became Archbishop of
Ventimiglia and Archbishop of Genoa, was beatified in 2000. He brought heightened activity with
more visible social and political openness to youth and worker groups. With Fr Magnasco, future
Archbishop of Genoa, Frs Frassinetti and Sturla, he had cooperated in founding the first Genoan
14 Cf. Giovanni Bosco e il suo secolo. Ai funerali di trigesima nella chiesa di Maria Ausiliatrice in Torino il 1°
marzo 1888. Discorso del cardinale arcivescovo Gaetano Alimonda. Torino, tip. salesiana 1888, 53 p.;
Funerali di trigesima nella Chiesa di Maria Ausiliatrice, BS 12 (1888) no. 5, May, pp. 56-58.
15 BS 12 (1888) no. 4, April, p. 52.
16 G. ALIMONDA, Giovanni Bosco e il suo secolo..., pp. 9-20.
17 G. ALIMONDA, Giovanni Bosco e il suo secolo..., pp. 21-29.
18 G. ALIMONDA, Giovanni Bosco e il suo secolo..., pp. 29-43.
19 G. ALIMONDA, Giovanni Bosco e il suo secolo..., pp. 43-50.
20 G. ALIMONDA, Giovanni Bosco e il suo secolo..., pp. 50-53.

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Catholic Workers Society in 1854.21 As Bishop of Ventimiglia, a diocese which hosted the Salesian
work at Vallecrosia in 1876, Bishop Reggio dared draw a comparison between Don Bosco’s
mission as priest of the young and workers, and Christ’s redeeming work, as would also be done in
1933–34 in Pius XI’s Jubilee Year of Redemption.22 ‘Our Don Bosco’, as he said in his funeral
eulogy in his own cathedral ‘was prefigured endless centuries ago in the image of Jesus the
Redeemer, in his humility, meekness, his burning love for souls, in everything,’ especially by
imitating the Redeemer in saying: sinite parvulous venire ad me. ‘These were Jesus’ words and
they describe everything about D. Bosco’s character.’ 23 It was the emerging feature the speaker
underscored again when going back over the salient points in his life, beginning with his early
apostolate in the prisons: ‘This was D. Bosco, the friend of youth, saving society through youth, his
mission.’24 He then stressed the choice of prevention more than other speakers did. As he put it,
the Piedmontese educator had not adhered to the dominant pedagogy. Based on the principle that
‘what is bad must be repressed, not prevented’ this left full freedom of expression to youthful
instincts and inclinations, except for the censure that could then derive from the experience of evil,’
‘Let the young person know evil early on and abhor it or correct himself through remorse’ was the
foundation of this principle. But with his strong and penetrating insight into the youthful mind, Don
Bosco thought differently: ‘Instead of allowing the youngster to know evil in all its ugliness, let his
heart be uplifted in love for what is good. Let the youngster be guided by persuasion and the sweet
attractiveness of loving–kindness, rather than by the steely violence of the law. Away with all
mollycoddling. A strong body, vigorous mind are equally developed through honest recreation,
music and gymnastics along with work either of mind or hands. Educate the heart more than
anything else and wisely instil the sense of faith and holy fear of God.’25
Emiliano Manacorda from Penango in the diocese of Casale Monferrato (1883–1909) became
the Bishop of Fossano in 1871, and had a degree of influence on Don Bosco. He came to know
him when still a young priest, and soon began work in the Roman Curia. He shared a passion with
the founder of the Salesians – catechetics, and the belief that the social question and more
specifically the worker question was essentially a moral issue which had to be resolved through
charity. He did not hide the injustices resulting from progress, built on the ‘inhumane, the cruel
antisocial and anti–christian’ exploitation of the worker, but he cringed at any suggestion of
revolution, considering socialism to be the enemy of religion and society.26 According to him, one
could not contemplate ‘D. Bosco’s marvellous life’ without twin reflections on the designs of Divine
Providence who prepared his faithful servant for great works and ‘the power and effectiveness of
the charity that made D. Bosco an object of wonder and profound veneration for all classes and
nations.’ For this Bishop, Don Bosco was so contrary to ‘revolution’ that he was God’ s gift to
humanity as a remedy for the intellectual aberrations’ and ‘the filth of the basest passions which
the 19th century had become a receptacle of, a product of the ‘rationalistic philosophy’ of the
preceding century. ‘The modern world’ he opined ‘flees from looking to heaven, and hearts only
know how to love what refers to the senses.’27 In Manacorda’s words, for Don Bosco the entire
period of upbringing was ‘a real workshop’ in which all the faculties of mind and heart were
21 Cf. M. PANICO GIUFFRIDA, v. Reggio, Tomaso, in Dizionario storico del movimento cattolico in Italia, Vol.
III, t. 2. Casale Monferrato, Marietti 1984, pp. 705-706.
22 Cf. for example, the homily for the canonisation and address to the Salesian Family, on 1 and 3 April
1934 respectively, Discorsi di Pio XI, Italian edition edited by D. Bertetto, Vol. III. Turin, SEI 1961, pp. 84-
87.
23 Nelle solenni esequie di trigesima in suffragio del sacerdote D. Giovanni Bosco, fondatore dei salesiani
fatte per iniziativa del Rev.mo Capitolo della cattedrale di Ventimiglia il I ° marzo 1888. Orazione letta dal
Vescovo Mons. Tommaso de’ Marchesi Reggio. S. Pierdarena, tip. e libr. salesiana 1888, p. 4.
24 T. REGGIO, Nelle solenni esequie..., pp. 7 and 22.
25 T. REGGIO, Nelle solenni esequie..., pp. 13-15.
26 Cf. G. GRISERI, v. Manacorda, Emiliano, in Dizionario storico del movimento cattolico in Italia, Vol. III, t.
2..., pp. 497-498.

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activated and harmoniously coordinated to the supreme end, ‘the glory of God through the
salvation of souls,’ above all of the young.28 His wide variety of initiatives stemmed from this. He
did not get lost in all this but was in control of it all. ‘D. Bosco was thought, and love’ he said. So,
no wonder that ‘he had such an influence on the heart and spirit of whoever approached him, even
the most reluctant and undisciplined.’29 Bishop Manacorda recalled the major elements of his
undertakings, his successes, the ‘many imposing, costly works,’ generated by charity ‘amid
countless obstacles.’ Finally, he thanked God who had responded to ‘apostasy and perversion of
some of his people by giving humanity the gift of Fr John Bosco, the honour, apostle and athlete of
the 19th century. He made use of all his strengths of nature and grace and took up the struggle
against evil with zeal that is worthy of the greatest heroes: ‘the marvel that was his whole life.’30
More intimist in style was the eloquent biographical portrait drawn by Florentine Bishop Donato
Velluti Zati dei Duchi di S Cemente (1845–1927), Auxiliary bishop of Florence, at the month’s mind
celebrated in the Filippini church on 3 March 1888. The Pontifical Mass was celebrated by the
Bishop of Arezzo, Giuseppe Giusti. Don Bosco was ‘the outstanding apostle of the young and of
childhood, emulating St Vincent de Paul and Giordano Emiliani, Joseph Calanz, de la Salle in our
century, the holy priest formed according to God’s heart, the founder of the institute placed under
the patronage of St Francis de Sales.31 The speaker felt ‘lost’ faced with the immense daily work of
this man’ and the ‘barely credible works … of a priest who was a great benefactor of humankind.’32
He then went on to list developments in his life, dwelling especially on the beginnings as an apostle
in the prisons, and the early Oratory.33 He concluded by attempting a spiritual profile in which he
hinted at the ‘many extraordinary deeds, marvels, which would need to be submitted to the
Church’s judgement. He preferred to identify the ‘two miracles’ of Don Bosco in what he had done
and been. There were ‘all the houses, all the oratories, all the thousands of children saved, the
huge amounts of money collected for charity,’ and finally, ‘Don Bosco’s entire life’ with its qualities
and solid virtues.34 His judgement on Don Bosco the educator? ‘He was incomparable in the art of
educating, an enemy of too much and too little, like his heavenly Patron. He guided [youngsters]
along the middle way which alone leads to virtue. He thought big, had a magnanimous heart and
was an enemy of the pedantry of those who love things to be always regulated by the clock and
compass.’35
Very much within the Salesian ambit was the funeral eulogy preached by an Oratory past pupil,
Canon Giacinto Ballesio (1842–1917), Provost and Vicar Forane of Moncalieri; he spoke as part of
the memorial service celebrated in the Church of Mary Help of Christians on 8 March 1888. With
great emotion he described the image of Don Bosco as paterfamilias of the ‘house attached’ at
Valdocco where the speaker, a peer of St Dominic Savio, spent the happy years of his
adolescence as a student.36 Don Bosco had been ‘the man who thought, loved, feared and hoped,
spoke and worked, made every effort and sacrifice on behalf of his boys, given him by heaven.’37
‘What history cannot fully tell,’ he explained ‘what it will not succeed in understanding well, is the
27 Elogio funebre nei solenni funerali di trigesima celebrati il 1 ° Marzo 1888 in suffragio del compianto
sacerdote D. Giovanni Bosco fondatore dei Salesiani letto nella parrocchia del SS. Cuore di Gesù di
Roma da S. E. Rev.ma Mons. Emiliano Manacorda vescovo di Fossano. Rome, Tip. A. Befani 1888, pp.
7-9.
28 E. MANACORDA, Elogio funebre..., pp. 10-14.
29 E. MANACORDA, Elogio funebre..., pp. 20-21.
30 E. MANACORDA, Elogio funebre..., p. 27.
31 D. VELLUTI SAN CLEMENTE, D. Giovanni Bosco. Parole dette nella Chiesa dei Padri dell’Oratorio di
Firenze. Firenze, Libr. Salesiana 1888, p. 9.
32 D. VELLUTI SAN CLEMENTE, D. Giovanni Bosco..., pp. 11-12.
33 D. VELLUTI SAN CLEMENTE, D. Giovanni Bosco.., pp. 12-32.
34 D. VELLUTI SAN CLEMENTE, D. Giovanni Bosco..., pp. 38-42.
35 D. VELLUTI SAN CLEMENTE, D. Giovanni Bosco..., p. 40.
36 BS 12 (1888) no. 5, May, pp. 59-60.

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intimate side of his life, his constant, calm, kind, invincible, heroic sacrifice; his study and great love
for his boys, the trust, respect, reverence and affection he inspired in us; the great authority,
opinion of holiness and learning we had of him, regarding an ideal type of moral perfection.’38 He
continued: ‘This is how D, Bosco governed his, indeed our, beloved Oratory, with the holy fear of
God, with love, the edification of good example.’39 He then added: ‘Cheerfulness was woven in with
religious piety, study and work … D. Bosco was its soul. His uniform was Servite Domino in
laetitiae’40 ‘So who is Don Bosco? D. Bosco among us was the Man of God, the man of good for
everyone but especially for the children of the people, and we could well say that pauperes
evangelizantur.’ ‘For us he was a teacher and guide in loving young people and leading them to
what is good. For us he was the example of truly Christian kindness. In his way of governing us he
did away with artificial formality and rigour which puts a gap between the one who commands and
the one who obeys.’ ‘Loving and expansive, he exercised authority by inspiring respect, confidence
and love.’41
3. Official documentation during the stages leading up to the canonisation
The term ‘saint’ was being used from the day Don Bosco died. The Corriere Nazionale in Turin
picked up on the words used by the people as they filed past his body, and drew the inference: ‘All
believers will come to his graveside because that grave will become an altar.’42 Even Bishop
Tomaso Reggio was asking himself a month later: was he offering a ‘gloomy word’ in his cathedral
or a ‘panegyric on a saint’? ‘D Bosco is in heaven’ he replied. “He is experiencing eternal glory
living for his children and is an imperishable example for us.’43 And when he sought to discover
where his hero drew ‘so much virtue and power’ from to achieve his countless works for good, he
found the roots in a deep interior life wrapped, though it was, in simplicity. He had intuited this
when he first saw him and heard him speak. ‘Small in stature, his appearance reminded you he
was a son of the peasant class, of simple, open ways of working. His gaze was shrewd, his word
calm and thoughtful but pleasant, always worth something. It revealed an upright man, a pious
soul, the priest of J. Christ. As priest of Jesus Christ, he knew everything about him and loved him
and he knew and loved creatures in him.’ Then he added a special comment – similar to the one
expressed by Bishop Velluti Zati regarding the miraculous deeds attributed to Don Bosco – and
concluded with a prophetic canonisation: ‘If I were to say nothing else about his life, the fact is that
sometimes even extraordinary gifts of God do not necessarily make saints. Even if the small things
may not always reveal something extraordinary, his priestly life was exemplary, active and
passionate: seventy–three years, I would say, spent entirely in the love of God and of souls! There
is no problem here: D. Bosco was a saint. And what can saints not do! All of us here admired the
saint. Yes, that is what it looked like to us when he spoke words to us in this very place which
memory will never forget. I still seem to hear that word of his now, so alive, so incisive and
inspired!’44 ‘My Children, today we have honoured the memory of a great man and tomorrow we
37 G. BALLESIO, Vita intima di D. Giovanni Bosco nel suo primo oratorio di Torino... Torino, Tip. salesiana
1888, pp. 6-7.
38 G. BALLESIO, Vita intima di D. Giovanni Bosco..., p. 9.
39 G. BALLESIO, Vita intima di D. Giovanni Bosco..., p. 12.
40 G. BALLESIO, Vita intima di D. Giovanni Bosco..., p. 14.
41 G. BALLESIO, Vita intima di D. Giovanni Bosco..., pp. 19, 21.
42 Prodigi della carità, “Il Corriere Nazionale”, no. 31, 1 February 1888, quoted by G. TUNINETTI, L’immagine
di don Bosco nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare..., p.
239.
43 T. REGGIO, Nelle solenni esequie..., pp. 3-4.
44 T. REGGIO, Nelle solenni esequie..., pp. 23-24; cf. also E. MANACORDA, Elogio funebre..., pp. 3-4.

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will erect a church to a great saint’ were also the concluding words of the Bishop of Barcelona at
the memorial service in the Church of Our Lady of Bethlehem on the afternoon of 5 March 1888.45
If not sanctity, less prejudiced members of the secular world certainly recognised at least a
special moral superiority of religious origins. While not sharing the ‘ascetically based system’
practised in his ‘philanthropic school,’ the Milan L’Italia, run by Republican–leaning Dario Papa,
recognised that Don Bosco had been ‘a superior man, iron–willed and of first rate energy, and a
profound, broad mind.’46 La Nazione in Florence made a similar judgement, and with similar
reservations: ‘We might disagree with him regarding his educational methods, but we cannot deny
our admiration for him.’ ‘With his institutes, the boys he took in and his charity of all kinds, he
demonstrated what the iron will of a Catholic priest joined with virtue and the true charity of the
Gospel can do.’47
It was taken for granted that in the Catholic and Salesian world close to Don Bosco there would
be an immediate move to open the Diocesan Information Process (1890–97) as soon as possible.
This precedes the cause for beatification and canonisation.48
The introduction of the cause in Rome saw the beginning of a series of official documents
throughout the basic stages, which described the Venerable Servant of God in summary form.
These were the three stages of Servant of God (heroic virtue), Beatification, Canonisation.
It began with a decree signed by Pius X on 24 July 1907, establishing the commission to
introduce the cause.49 According to the practice at the time, this attributed the term ‘Venerable’ to
the Servant of God.
Twenty years later, at the conclusion of a journey which had its tough moments, following on
from the preparatory Commission on 20 June 1925 and two other preparatory events on 20 July
and 14 December 1926, the Congregation of Rites,on 8 February 1927, and in the presence of
Pius XI, expressed its unanimous opinion in favour of Don Bosco’s heroic virtue, approved by the
Pope on 20 February.50 The public reading of the decree relating to this took place on 20 July.51
The decree approving the two miracles for beatification followed on 17 March 1929.52 After the
Congregation of Cardinals, in the presence of Pius XI, had voted on 9 April in favour of proceeding
securely with the solemn beatification, the Pontiff gave his solemn ex cathedra approval on Sunday
21 April, ordering that the decree be made public 53 and that the Apostolic Letter in the form of a
Brief be sent out regarding the beatification being celebrated as soon as possible in the Vatican
Basilica.54 The rite took place on Sunday, 2 June.
In the final stages of the Apostolic Process, the decree of approval for the two miracles required
for canonisation was issued on 19 November 1933.55 Two weeks later, on 3 December, the de toto
decree was issued declaring that the public proclamation could safely go ahead.56 On 1 April 1934,
45 BS 12 (1888) no. 5, May, p. 64; R. ALBERDI, Resonancia de la muerte de don Bosco..., “Salesianum” 50
(1988) 208-210.
46 Particolari sulla vita di don Bosco, “L’Italia”, no. 32, 1-2 February, quoted by G. TUNINETTI, L’immagine di
don Bosco nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura popolare..., p. 235.
47 “La Nazione”, 2 February 1888, quoted byll’“Unità Cattolica”, no. 28, Friday 3 February 1888, p. 110.
48 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica, vol. III..., pp. 61-110.
49 AAS 41 (1908) 641-648.
50 P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica, Vol. III..., pp. 188-205.
51 AAS 19 (1927) 150-153.
52 AAS 21 (1929) 165-167.
53 AAS 21 (1929) 195-197.
54 AAS 21 (1929) 313-318.
55 AAS 26 (1934) 31-34.
56 AAS 26 (1934) 68-71.

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Easter Sunday, the Pope, speaking ex cathedra before Mass, declared Don Bosco a Saint,
proposing him for the veneration of and imitation by the Church. In his homily during Mass he
outlined for the faithful the principal virtues of his life.57
The long and rigorous process – with moments of particular severity which are occasionally
recognised in the official documents themselves – concluded with the ‘Litterae Decretales’
Geminata Laetitia, dated 1 April 1934. They reconstructed the entire journey that had led to adding
St John Bosco to the host of Saints in the Catholic Church and authoritatively proclaiming him as
such before the Universal Church.58
The documents regarding the normal biographical elements are repetitive, but differed in their
development and in what they emphasised.
Obviously, they are to be evaluated according to the values and limitations of the historiography
of the day, which they reflect. Information and related interpretations and evaluations were taken
for the most part from documentation assembled by Fr John Baptist Lemoyne, and which was
partly reflected in the first nine volumes of the Biographical Memoirs59 and summed up in the two
volumes of the Vita del venerabile servo di Dio Giovanni Bosco (Life of the Venerable Servant of
God, John Bosco) compiled by the same author, appearing in 1911 and 1913.60 Apart from the
occasional emphatic tones – more so in the ‘Litterae Decretales’ which concluded the Process –
the documents belonging to the Process are characterised by a notable moderation in choice of
content, and great discretion in evaluation regarding the reference literature, certainly evident in
the tendency to highlight Don Bosco’s outstanding role within the Church and society of the 19th
century. At any rate, the discourse indulges much less in the extraordinary and laudatory than does
certain lazy literature of Salesian origin of yesteryear, and even occasionally of today. Without a
doubt, minus the obsessive and unilateral forms of certain productions and their comments, they
are based on fragile historical foundations which came to light close to and during the first
centenary of Don Bosco’s death.61
The best developed document, replete with information, is obviously the concluding one, the
‘Litterae Decretales’ on 1 April 1934. But the most significant one concluding the difficult Process
appears to be the summary decree on Don Bosco’s heroic virtue, issued on 8 February 1927 and
repeated in the address of Pius XI on 20 July, when it was read out publicly. In affirming the high
standard of life of the candidate for canonisation, in fact, the Pope’s words were the result of the
verification of outstanding Christian and human maturity which consisted of the constant practice of
faith, hope and charity, guaranteed by solid values of temperance, fortitude, justice and prudence
and other virtues associated with or stemming from them. His was a life willed by God in realising
the gifts of nature and grace totally oriented to God’s greater glory and the good of his neighbour.
Clearly, the decree presumed that the many ‘imputations’ [objections] presented in Don Bosco’s
regard during the Apostolic Process, were overcome. Sometimes with a resolve and tenacity that
57 In sollemni canonizatione beati loannis Bosco, AAS 26 (1934) 217-221.
58 AAS 27 (1935) 281-295.
59 G. B. LEMOYNE, Memorie biografiche di don Giovanni Bosco, vol. 1-5, 1898-1905... del venerabile servo
di Dio don Giovanni Bosco, Vol. 6-9, 1907-1917. Between 1930 and the canonisation of Don Bosco,
which took place on 1 April 1924, Volumes 11-14 were made public, still in extra-commercial editions;
from 1834 to 1838 Volumes 15-19 followed and in 1939 the tenth Volume
60 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica, vol. III..., pp. 111-116.
61 Cf. For example G. CERONETTI, Elementi per una Antiagiografia (don Bosco), in ID., Albergo Italia. Torino,
G. Einaudi Editore 1985, pp. 122-133; S. QUINZIO, Domande sulla santità. Don Bosco, Cafasso,
Cottolengo. Torino, Edizioni Gruppo Abele 1976; M. L. STRANIERO, Don Bosco rivelato. Milano, Camunia
1987; not to mention the myriad of celebrations, apotheoses with a poor critical sense which will be
discussed later: cf. § 5 and 6. Nevertheless, as has been remarked on during this study and in the
bibliography, it also gave impetus to a considerable amount of research and studies of notable value.

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was not merely ritual. ‘This man’ he affirmed ‘engaged in arduous undertakings subject to not a few
difficulties. He worked among young people and adults of very different characters, never deviated
from exercising Christian virtues, and indeed achieved the highest degree in them as was
recognised and defined after severe canonical discussions.’62Pius XI alluded to this not only when
he accepted the unanimous recognition by the Congregation of Rites that Don Bosco had practised
all Christian virtues to a high degree, but also when he discreetly referred to the not always
peaceful serious examinations carried out in the preceding years by witnesses, consultors and
commission members. He divided into two categories men who had appeared like meteors in
history: those who ‘flash past, causing more terror than benefit,’ ‘like a rod and whip to castigate
peoples and sovereigns’; and to the contrary, others, ‘greater because they are greater in good,
great in love of humanity’ who ‘pass through and arouse true admiration, an admiration filled with
sympathy, acknowledgement, blessing, just like there is for the Redeemer of mankind, the Man–
God who passed through, blessing and being blessed.’ ‘The Venerable Don Bosco’ (he continued,
suggesting his own admiration linked to indelible personal memories) ‘belongs to this category of
men, chosen from out of all humankind, those colossi of great charity. His figure can be easily
reconstructed if we replace the detailed and rigorous analysis of his virtues from the earlier lengthy
and repeated discussions, with the summary which brings it all together and reconstitutes the
beautiful and grand figure out of all the bare lines.’63
It seems the right moment, therefore, to bring together the features emerging from this figure,
built up over 25 years of ‘detailed and rigorous’ analysis and which became even more persuasive
when seen through the controversies already known to whoever is familiar with his biography.
These controversies concerned his exorbitant activism, the apparently limited nature of his prayer
life, the preoccupation with finding money, the tight and astute administration of it to the seeming
disadvantage of justice, his exploitation of extraordinary but at times ambiguous deeds, his
troubled relationships with Archbishops Riccardi di Netro and Gastaldi, his stubborn nature, his
carelessness in forming personnel who were often inadequate for the delicate mission of education
because of their youthfulness
The documents assume all these different debates, and although they do not explicitly reflect
them, they are certainly the result of them. In any case, they paint an exemplary figure for the
Church and the world – as the Congregation of Rites ended up seeing him – which at the same
time tends to achieve the greatest degree of fidelity possible to the historical reality. Certain
features emerge relating to Don Bosco, the core of his work, (youth, the structures he put in place
for them, his preventive style of activity) and finally the vision of life which was the horizon for all of
this.
Highlighted above all were his humble origins, the persistent lack of means, the chief difficulties
and contradictions which were a cross but also an opportunity to display his virtue through his
tireless effort. 64 The Gospel image of the ‘mustard seed’ that becomes a tree (Mt 13: 31–32, Mk 4:
31–32) recurred often.65 ‘Over such a troubled period shaken by agitation from many individuals
teeming with desire for novelty, and with many persecutions of the Church, Blessed John Bosco,
among other men and women of holy life raised up by God, arose truly ut gigas ad currendam
viam,’ (Ps 18;6)66 creating works of exceptional value for the earthly and human salvation of youth
and their personal and social growth. He sought help from everywhere to guarantee the
62 AAS 21 (1929) 196; cf. A summary picture of these in AAS 21 (1929) 316.
63 Discorsi di Pio XI I 677.
64 AAS 41 (1908) 646; AAS 19 (1927) 150, 151; AAS 21 (1929) 166, 196; AAS 26 (1934) 32 and 68-69;
AAS 27 (1935) 282 and 283.
65 AAS 19 (1927) 150; AAS 26 (1934) 31.
66 AAS 26 (1934) 32.

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functionality and vitality of these works.67 However, it was also made clear, perhaps with reference
to certain criticism, that Don Bosco ‘frankly revealed necessities and urgent needs to those with
possessions to encourage their generosity, though without ever rendering their willingness less
free through indiscreet requests.’68
The documents noted the enormous breadth and greatness of his activity and works, beginning
with the initial oratory up to the courageous adventure of the missions abroad:69 ‘an activity carried
out with huge efforts, discomforts, journeys which are evidence of a busy, active and arduous life,’70
‘a magnificent work of Christian education which spread throughout the world over a short period
and continues to grow vigorously.’71
There were often remarks of equal measure concerning Don Bosco’s special human qualities
and the inner resources of grace from on high.72 From childhood he appeared to be extraordinarily
gifted in human terms,73 gifts cultivated above all by an exceptional mother.74 His precocious and
profound rootedness in God made of him a priest constantly inspired not by fame and gain but only
by faith made active through charity, aimed at promoting ‘the glory of God and the salvation of
souls.’75 The religious source was almost tangible to whoever had been able to admire his
profound interiority up close.
‘Don Bosco with God,’ ‘Don Bosco’s union with God’ were the most frequent kinds of statements
used to describe this. He had been ‘so outstanding in his spirit of prayer that his mind was
constantly united with God, although he might have seemed distracted by a multiplicity of affairs.’76
Already in the beginning at Valdocco, the documents stated, ‘he was on fire with that divine flame
of charity which, through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, led him to translate into action the works
prefigured in that incipient oratory.’77 ‘The spirit of the Lord was in him.’78
It is remarkable that by contrast with the then current discussions and even some emphases
given by Pius XI, only two of the official documents made any mention of the gratiae gratis datae:
the extraordinary as expressed through predictions, reading consciences, healings, visions and
miracles.79 It is especially amazing that only one indication (‘ut fertur’) was made to the much
publicised dream at nine/ten years of age.80 Instead, the supernatural in its precise theological
significance was placed within the context of the marvellous things he did and the undoubtedly
heroic virtues he practised. Pius XI obviously took this perspective: ‘In the life of the Servant of
God,’ he noted ‘the supernatural had almost become the natural, the extraordinary had almost
become the ordinary.’ ‘Every year, every moment of his life was a miracle, a series of miracles.’
‘When one observes such an immense harvest of good, one asks oneself: how could all this have
happened? And the answer can only be this: it is the grace of God, the hand of God Almighty that
arranged all this.’81
67 AAS 21 (1929) 196.
68 AAS 19 (1927) 151.
69 AAS 41 (1908) 646; AAS 21 (1929) 166 and 316; AAS 26 (1934) 70.
70 AAS 19 (1927) 151.
71 AAS 26 (1934) 31.
72 AAS 21 (1929) 165-166.
73 AAS 19 (1927) 151; AAS 21 (1929) 313; 27 (1935) 282.
74 AAS 41 (1908) 642; AAS 21 (1929) 313, 315; AAS 26 (1934) 68; 27 (1935) 282, 283.
75 AAS 21 (1929) 195 and 316.
76 AAS 26 (1934) 70.
77 AAS 26 (1934) 32.
78 AAS 21 (1929) 314.
79 Cf. AAS 21 (1929) 166; AAS 27 (1935) 288.
80 AAS 27 (1935) 283.
81 Discorsi di Pio XI II 36-40.

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Don Bosco’s familiarity with religious reality, finally, found particular expression in three great
devotions, sign of an open and frank Catholicity understood in the context of both Pius IX’s and
Pius XI’s times: Christ the Saviour and Redeemer, the Eucharist: the Virgin Mother Help of
Christians; the Church and the Pope.82
At the centre of the documents’ attention and in the footsteps of famous predecessors like
Saints ‘Joseph Calasanza, Vincent de Paul, John Baptist de la Salle and others similar’83 was Don
Bosco’s firm will amid countless difficulties, to dedicate himself totally to the young above all, the
poor who lacked anyone to guide them, and to whatever concerned them This, of course, also
came through in every moment and expression of our biography. Under the regime of God’s love,
Don Bosco gave his all in his radical and heroic dedication, including to the material and earthly
good of the young.84
For this reason, his work, considered with absolute priority in an intra–ecclesial perspective as
an instrument producing ‘eternal salvation’, was considered remarkable also for its strong social
value . ‘In fact,’ as the de tuto decree for canonisation noted emphatically ‘this far–seeing man,
inspired by God, had foreseen how decidedly important it was for the preservation of society from
impending ruin to lead young people, especially abandoned ones, on the path to salvation. In
realising this work which his generous soul carried out so energetically, there is no doubt he
occupies prime of place among the educators of Christian youth in our time.’85
The decree began from a completely negative view of the 19th century in which, as it states,
‘the fruits of what had been sown widely in the preceding century came to maturity, to the harm of
the Church in Italy in particular.’ By the mercy of God, however, it had been opposed by men of
outstanding holiness. ‘Among them the Blessed John Bosco, who stood out for the nobility of his
soul and the greatness of his enterprise. He pointed the way to salvation through tough past times
and stood up like a milestone in the last century.’86 Similar concepts, referring to the errors of
heretics and innovations and the sophisms of men far from the Faith were expressed in the
‘Litterae Decratales’.87 They aimed at highlighting, in evident dependence on Pius XI’s addresses,
the modern nature of the saint’s initiatives. ‘A careful observer of the nature and mentality of his
time and a prudent evaluator of new things, he did not hesitate to put new discoveries and
progress of human and civil culture to use including for the growth of religion.’ Besides, ‘by joining
his strenuous defence of faith and morals with charity and prudence, he constantly followed the
rule of winning the benevolence of his adversaries. In this way, in those turbulent times, he robbed
the enemies of the Christian Faith of any specious pretext for abuse of power, and avoided either
himself or his institutions being mixed up in politics. By way of summary, ‘Don Bosco was truly sent
by God to promote the Christian restoration of human society which had become estranged from
the truth, and he gained great merit before Christian and civil society, his name being known all
over the world.’88
Repeated references to the dynamic associations of men and women were also placed within
this context. These were men and women organised in consecrated life or living in the lay state
and committed to charitable work among the young: the society of the St Francis de Sales, the
82 AAS 21 (1929) 316; AAS 26 (1934) 70; cf. Chap. 2, § 2.
83 AAS 41 (1908) 642.
84 AAS 41 (1908) 644-645; AAS 19 (1927) 151; AAS 21 (1929) 165-166, 195-196, 314-315; 26 (1934) 31-
32, 69, 219-218; 27 (1935) 282-283.
85 AAS 26 (1934) 69.
86 AAS 26 (1934) 68AAS 27 (1935) 286-287.
87 AAS 27 (1935) 286-287.
88 Litterae Decretales, AAS 27 (1935) 287-288.

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FMA Institute, the Salesian Cooperators Union, the Work of Mary Help of Christians for clerical
vocations among young adults.89
Great importance was given to the ‘prevenient education’ approach to which Don Bosco had
given his own original form in the pedagogical arena. ‘Bearing in mind the scriptural Initium
sapientiae timor Domini, Don Bosco followed the approach of prevenient concern, assistance and
charity.’90 It could be described as both a new method and one derived from St Philip Neri. 91 He
had re–adapted it and brought it up to date, especially as a system of paternal and maternal love,
and proposed it as such to male and female educators, consecrated men and women, and lay
people.92
He attracted adolescents whom he found abandoned and in difficulties through loving–kindness,
and filled with the spirit of St Francis de Sales and St Philip Neri, he won their affection, amused
them with games, so much so that they flocked to him from everywhere as they would to a most
loving father. This divine charity shown them, however, was united to such supernatural prudence
that it became a perfect educational method, outlining an excellent and sure way within
pedagogical discipline.’93 As for moral formation, truly and properly speaking the Servant of God’s
educational method aimed at preventing evil by careful vigilance, kind words, meekness and
charity: a method he called the preventive method. As we have said, it was a new method with
which one changes ‘the hearts of adolescence by preventing rather than by punishing.’94
Again, all of Don Bosco’s life was spent under the banner of novelty in a successful synthesis of
the divine and the human which the de tuto decree for the canonisation saw adequately
represented by the wisdom and prudence of 1 Kings 4:29. ‘God gave him wisdom, since detached
from all earthly goods he was uniquely positioned to promote the glory of God and the salvation of
souls. “Give me souls” he said “and take away all the rest.”’ ‘God gave him prudence because he
chose the most suitable means for such a great mission.’95 The Pope echoed this in his homily on
1 April 1934: ‘Entirely consecrated to procuring the glory of God and the salvation of souls, he
granted no truce in bring about what he believed God wanted, with reckless zeal, never distracted
by the suspicion of others, courageously pursuing ways and methods introduced by the new
times.’96 The language of the ‘Litterae Decretales’ matched this. Don Bosco was ‘a very dear
ornament of Italy and the whole Catholic orb,’ ‘a hero of holiness,’ ‘who will remain in memory and
blessing over the centuries for so many great benefits that his countless spiritual progeny renders
to civil and Christian society until today.’97
Finally highlighted was Don Bosco’s effort to affirm human and divine values in his charitable
activity, and the way he developed these in a unified way. This likened him to the great modern
saints, in line with the words of the First Letter to the Corinthians, who were entirely focused on
God, and boundlessly dedicated to their neighbour in charity: St Francis de Sales, with his ‘devout
humanism’, St Vincent de Paul whom he emulated, St Philip Neri, the living image of Servite
Domino in Laetitia. It was taken for granted in the early biographies, while he was still alive, that
89 AAS 41 (1908) 645-646; AAS 21 (1929) 166 and 315-316; AAS 26 (1934) 70; AAS 27 (1935) 284-285.
90 AAS 41 (1908) 645.
91 AAS 21 (1929) 315.
92 AAS 19 (1927) 152.
93 AAS 26 (1934) 68.
94 Litterae Decretales, AAS 27 (1935) 284, 285-286. The central thesis of the Bull was “Don Bosco the
Saint of Christian education” according to a lengthy essay by D. BERTETTO, San Giovanni Bosco visto da
Pio XI come “grande maestro ed eroe dell’educazione cristiana”, in R. GIANNATELLI (Ed.), Don Bosco.
Attualità di un magistero pedagogico. Rome, LAS 1987, pp. 23-113.
95 AAS 26 (1934) 70.
96 AAS 26 (1934) 219.
97 AAS 27 (1935) 281.

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Don Bosco would often be referred to in the document as ‘the new Philip Neri,’ the ‘Italian Vincent
de Paul,’ or the St Vincent de Paul of the 19th century.’98 These were saints who, along with St
Ignatius Loyola, were celebrated more than others as masters of practical charity for the thousands
of men and women in the 19th century ‘dedicated to initiatives similar or identical to those of Don
Bosco, in agreement with him in their spirituality and often in their methods.99
4. ‘An admirable model of holiness and work’
This is Pius XI’s definition. Our biographical reconstruction confirms it. Moreover, we have already
noted the various post mortem commemorations along these lines and the documents from the
Process we have just see. Don Bosco appears as a priest of faith, open to the divine, the
supernatural, and equally fully embodied in earthly realities through his intense activity. But this
does not make him a solitary phenomenon, an exceptional event. We have emphasised that ‘the
spirituality of Catholic action’ is precisely one of the characteristics of his century.100 None of the
journalists’ comments or the canonical processes or Pius XI’s addresses create any rifts in these
two characteristics of his personality. He was able to be perceived as a diviniser of his 19th century
because he had recognised one of its crucial problems, and had spent all his physical and mental
energies on it: the world of the young in areas where poverty and abandonment reigned, filling it
with religious and civic content. Even one of the ‘most liberal’ newspapers – as L’Unità Cattolica
described it in an article – the Gazzetta di Torino, described him as uniting ‘religion and charity’ in
his tireless work and did not hide its admiration for a man who was both ‘pious and charitable.’101
It was something so evident that Pius XI himself dared express the mixture of ‘holiness and
work’ with the bold formula Qui laborat orat. When others had adopted it in other words and
contexts a few decades earlier, they had been accused of ‘Americanism’. Obviously, what he
meant by it was not to identify them but to suggest the vital shared presence of orat and laborat,
the religious dimension and earthly commitment. Pius XI insisted on it, convinced that he had
recognised it in Don Bosco’s practical behaviour thanks to his direct and deep appreciation gained
over a few busy days spent with him in Turin.102 These were the credentials he offered a large
Salesian community as soon as he was elected Pope. ‘We are pleased to be among the oldest
personal friends of the Venerable Don Bosco. We saw this glorious Father and Benefactor of yours
and saw him with our own eyes. We were with him, heart to heart. We had a lengthy, uplifting
exchange of ideas, thoughts and considerations.’ He had admired the twofold dimension in him as
‘a great giant and supporter of Christian education.’103 In his day–to–day efforts he had seen Don
Bosco reveal the perfect marriage of the two fundamental ‘principles’ or maxims of his way of
working: the Da mihi animas coetera tolle and Qui laborat orat. At the Oratory in Turin he had been
able to see a man who was ‘present to everything, busy with a continuous range of affairs amid
many requests and consultations’ and at the same time ‘his spirit always elsewhere, always above
98 The French press in particular insisted on this in February 1888: cf. Courte notice sur Don Bosco et les
Oeuvres Salésiennes. Marseille, Typ. et Lit. Salésiennes 1896.
99 Cf. Especially Chap. 2, §§ 4-7.
100 Cf. Chap. 2, § 7.
101 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 27, Thursday 6 February 1888, p. 106.
102 He often liked to say: “the Holy Father was able to see the Blessed from close at hand” (17 June 1932,
Discorsi di Pio XI II 722); “He had been able to see the work and had the chance to be close to it” (8 May
1934, Discorsi di Pio XI III 122); “He had the good fortune to see him close up”, “he had been able to get
to know him with a certain familiarity, thus had the good fortune to get to know him, and judge him as a
man of great standing from any point of view” (15 May 1934, Discorsi di Pio XI III 129). On Don Bosco’s
image in Pius XI’s words, cf. L. CRIPPA, Don Bosco nella stima di Pio XI, “Salesianum” 37 (1975) 853-
860; ID., L’imitazione di don Bosco alla luce del magistero di Pio XI, “Salesianum” 39 (1977) 483-496.
103 To educators and pupils at the S. Heart Institute in Rome, 25 June 1922, Discorsi di Pio XI I 33-35.

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where his serenity was ever unperturbed, where calm always dominates, was always sovereign,
such that the great principle of Christian life was fulfilled in him: Qui laborat orat.’104 ‘Since his
prayer was incessant,’ he explained ‘his constant conversation with God’ and the quality of his
work lay in ‘his ongoing invocation: Da mihi animas caetera tolle, souls, always seeking souls. The
love of souls.’105 In Turin he had been able to admire, ‘a great, exceptional worker’106 and a great
friend of God and workers for the faith,’107 completely dedicated to promoting the glory of God
through his apostolic efforts.’108
In our journey through Don Bosco’s biography. we have seen that the glory of God and the
salvation of souls was the constant summit of his experience and spiritual teaching. It was the
concrete translation of the twofold yet single Gospel commandment of love of God and neighbour.
It was not his invention. He had learned it as a clerical student at the pastoral seminary set up by
Chiaverotti and enhanced as Guala’s and Cafasso’s Pastoral Institute (Convitto), where it was
infused with an Ignatian and Liguorian spirit and refined with new touches in the encounter with the
ideals of Francis de Sales, the apostle of the Chablis. There are a good number of scholars who
had seen Don Bosco as one of the most prominent representatives of this spirituality. One
distinguished theologian has written that we find in him ‘the perfection of charity necessary for
every apostolate’ such that it lead him to ‘even leave aside divine contemplation ... in order to
serve God in the salvation of his neighbour.’ Hence, a man of ‘prodigious activity in every good
work’ and a man ‘of the highest contemplation,’ ‘a man of God’ in the full sense of the term.109 It
was not an isolated opinion. Someone, well informed in the history of spirituality, has said he is ‘the
emblem of the modern kind of Saint’ whose ‘type of holiness adheres to the most evident and
irrepressible needs of our life today.’ Don Bosco’s mission was completely social.’ ‘His
temperament was all about concreteness, practicality, and in keeping with the needs of social life.’
‘So, his was a spirituality made up of impulses ordered to action and direct incitement, to bringing
about Christ’s kingdom in real terms,’ ’for the glory of God.’ ‘Don Bosco was an active
contemplative.’110 ‘Times have changed now,’ Don Bosco himself states ‘so as well as praying
fervently we need to work and work tirelessly if we do not want to see the total ruin of the present
generation.’111 ‘Believer or non–believer,’ wrote an enthusiastic scholar of Don Bosco, a pupil and
beneficiary of his spiritual guidance for many years, ‘whoever encountered this powerful and
extraordinary genius for good could not separate these two ideas embodied in him or hide either
aspect: the man of Christianity, the Saint, and the man of powerful, broadly innovative activity in
education and charity.’112
Another scholar of spirituality observed that ‘his interior life was fully focused in his outward
existence and, one could even say, was strengthened by it. It was the gestures of this life, simple
and so varied but done with the perfection of charity, which were also gestures of adoration, and
they made up the essence of what could be described as the liturgy of men of action.’113 The Spirit
of God, says a theologian of our times ‘can lift up to the highest contemplation those who, by dint
of charity, are immersed in the service of their neighbour in the most extenuating circumstances of
104 After the reading of the Decree on Heroic Virtues, 20 February 1927, Discorsi di Pio XI I 677 e 679.
105 Discorsi di Pio XI II 1005-1009; cf. Again, Discorsi di Pio XI III 35 and 46.
106 To leaders of the “Magneti Marelli”, 28 January 1933, Discorsi di Pio XI II 814.
107 To groups of faithful, including youngsters from the Pius XI Institute in Rome, 28 May 1938, Discorsi di
Pio XI III 747.
108 Cf. Discorsi di Pio XI III 87-88.
109 C. PERA, I doni dello Spirito Santo nell’anima del B. Giovanni Bosco. Turin, SEI 1930, p. 57.
110 A. PORTALUPPI, La Spiritualità del Beato D. Bosco, “La Scuola Cattolica” 58 (1930), pp. 24-26.
111 Conf. ai Cooperatori a S. Benigno Canavese, 4 June 1880, BS 4 (1880) no. 7, July, p. 12.
112 A. CAVIGLIA, “Don Bosco”. Profilo storico. Turin, SEI 1934, p. 10
113 P. CRAS, La spiritualité d’un homme d’action. Saint Jean Bosco, “La Vie Spirituelle”, 20 (1938), t. 44, pp.
287-288.

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active life … Who could doubt the high degree of contemplation arrived at by St Catherine of
Siena, St Vincent de Paul, the Cure of Ars, St John Bosco, to quote just some?’114
5. The ‘legend of the saintly entrepreneur’115
If objective historical analysis of Don Bosco’s everyday activity, most of it during his working hours
(he left few hours for sleep) obliges us to deny any dualism in the two areas we have been talking
about, then even less so does it allow us to carry them to the extreme. We have seen how Don
Bosco continued to be a priest of charity and salvation in his feverish activity, completely the ‘man
of God.’ We have also seen in tangible ways how his precocious and uninterrupted inclination to
the ‘mysterious’ or the ‘miraculous’ was never unbalanced in the direction of the magical. He was
no shaman. Rather was it always solidly based on assumptions that were theological and
ecclesiastical to a degree. Thus, it does not seem historically justified to make a janus–like
character out of him, a split personality or some kind of ‘completely anomalous kind of saint.’116 The
‘daily’ and the ‘nightly’ side of him co–existed without any problem, also because, as we have
seen, the other dimension is completely incomparable with the first, absolutely dominant over and
the source of the second.
However, it would be to present an unbalanced view of him if he were to be identified as overly
immersed in the ‘too humanly human’ of an exaggerated activism, more so if likened to the style of
action and management of the industrial world. It seems historically unsustainable to lock him into
categories quite alien to his slow, laborious, measured way of working – we have read one letter to
Fr Cagliero where he calls him a bogianen [Piemontese term for the stubborn, tenacious, resolute
character of the Piedmontese peasant]117 – by calling him an ‘entrepreneur’ of either the sacred or
the profane, a manager or founder, and leader who was in some ways similar to a head of industry,
business leader or the like.
He was given this description in satirical fashion by the Fischietto, a newspaper which took
mocking interest in the Dominus Lignus [or in Piedmontese, Bosch=wood]. It attributed him with
the refined skill of ‘making money at any cost,’ making him ‘a very lucky industrial Catholic.’118 It
was an anomalous description, a negative imprint which anticipated others of the opposite kind, but
in reality, just as misleading.
It would seem that the profile closest to the reality of the great worker that Don Bosco was as
founder and governor was the one drawn by the title and content of an article L’Unità Cattolica
dedicated to him the day after he died. The columnist – it could even have been a member of the
Salesian Superior Chapter – wrote of Don Bosco the wise organiser in quite spare terms but ones
that hit the mark: ‘From documents Don Bosco reserved to himself we see the wisdom and
especially the care and order with which he managed (right up until he fell ill) the huge amount of
administration involved in houses spread throughout Europe and America. Everything was
managed with regularity and simplicity at the same time … D. Bosco knew every detail of each of
the houses. Daily correspondence involving reports and instructions kept their progress constantly
under his gaze … distance, transport difficulties, the number of measures to be taken, none of
these things affected their progress thanks to his wise organisation and especially his unity of
114 J.-H. NICOLAS, Contemplazione e vita contemplativa nel Cristianesimo. Città del Vaticano, Libr. Editrice
Vaticana 1990, p. 279 (v. also pp. 38-39, 313-314); cf. M.-D. CHENU, Si. Thomas d’ Aquin et la théologie.
Paris, Aux Éditions du Seuil 1970, pp. 54-65.
115 Heading of an insert in the Daily “Il Sole 24 ore”, 24 January 1988.
116 Cf. Contrary to these distortions, see the realistic picture drawn by V. ONGINI, Un santo da battaglia,
“Riforma della Scuola” 34 (1988) no. 10, p. 74.
117 Letter of 27 April 1876, E III 52 (“Poco alla volta. Bogianen”).
118 “Il Fischietto”, quoted by P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica, Vol. III..., p. 15.

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direction.’119 The earlier cited article in the Nazione (Florence) drew up a profile in a few quick lines
which was not in disagreement with this: ’Over the fifty years of his priestly life, he showed he was
always gifted with a spirit of enterprise, a good memory, could take things in at a glance, had a
strong faith and a vigorous mind. He went through trying misfortunes without allowing himself to be
discouraged.’120
These are undoubtedly preferable forms of description to those of an entrepreneurial or
managerial kind which tend to be rhetorical and redundant but which were used of him by many
people following the canonisation (1934) and were then picked up again in many celebrations, in
the written and spoken word on the occasion of the first centenary of his death (1988). It has even
been written that Don Bosco created a multinational in creating the Salesian Society.
From the biographical reconstruction we have attempted, it should be the case that Don Bosco’s
‘dreaming’ and acting was much more concrete, and belongs to a courageous apostle with
initiatives that were measured and considered, both in the way he governed and developed things.
He was ready to pay the price for them daily, including making unusual sacrifices. Despite this, his
so–called ‘multinational’ had well–defined dimensions at the time of his death, even if they seemed
extraordinary and surprising to him and to those who were well aware of the humble beginnings
and slow, laborious progress and the chronic lack of personnel and means.
In reality, on 31 January 1888, there were about 100 houses spread thinly across Europe and
Latin America. They were of unequal consistency, and equally split (in number, not in size)
between the Salesian Society and the FMA Institute. At the founder’s death, 774 professed
Salesians, in either temporary or perpetual vows, were involved in them. Of these, 302 were
priests, 285 were clerics, 187 were coadjutors or Salesian Brothers (lay men). On the female side
there were 389 Sisters in either temporary or perpetual vows. The two Institutes placed their hopes
for immediate growth in 276 male and 104 female novices. Nor should we overlook the slow
rhythm which characterised the development of the works, sometimes occasional works which
were followed by closure and withdrawal in some cases.
As for the assumed future ‘multinational’ style of an industrial giant, Don Bosco never gave
thought to forming leaders in a managerial style as found in large enterprises, but rather men who
had the single ambition of ‘doing things like Don Bosco’ and who generally knew how to handle
themselves successfully in a variety of fields of endeavour: oratories, orphanages, colleges for
academic students, workshops for trade students, churches and chapels, mission stations, migrant
centres, popular and school–based publishing.
From our biographical pursuit, a further incontrovertible fact emerges regarding Don Bosco’s
rapport as founder and leader with his dependants. There was no doubting who was the
protagonist in the foundation of and developments within the Salesian Congregation – and
something similar could be said for the Institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians –
which he governed almost to the end with great energy and particular farsightedness, with a
focused personal regime. But we have also seen how much foresight and affectionate care he
showed in spiritually and culturally nurturing his early helpers, drawing them almost exclusively
from the boys at the Oratory and preparing them with the greatest discretion to shift from the
youthful desire to ‘stay and work’ with him, to the suggestion and then decision to join his Institute
and be bound by religious vows. But once this first step was made, he also showed outstanding
talent in making them excellent men of government.
Two stand out above all the others, even beyond the calibre of Francesia, Durando, Bonetti,
Albera, Cerruti, Lazzero: Rua and Cagliero, and the former even stood out from the latter. Don
119 “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 27, Thursday 2 February 1888, p. 106.
120 Cf. “L’Unità Cattolica”, no. 28, Friday 3 February 1888, p. 110.

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Bosco would not have been able to do so much and with so much freedom of movement had he
not been able to count on the vigilant and active presence of Fr Michael Rua in the mother house,
a lieutenant with an extraordinary personality, almost by nature a man of government, a born
administrator with an instinct for obedient, enterprising collaboration, superior spirituality. He was
fully prepared as successor to pick up the founder’s legacy, which was to some extent as yet
incomplete, requiring vigorous continuity on many fronts and some urgent reorganisation – for
example in the financial arena – and completion at organisational, legal, disciplinary and formative
levels. We cannot omit a reminder of the effort and concern of Don Bosco from 1870 onwards for
the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians. These efforts were proportionately similar to those for
the Salesians, either made by himself or through excellent collaborators such as Frs Cagliero,
Costamagna, Bonetti. The biography is full of positive indicators in this regard.
In his enterprising style of government, Don Bosco did not try to shape his co–workers in his
own image but helped them to grow, respecting each one’s temperament and encouraging them to
expand their interests. He was happy to have them alongside and continue his work as versatile
and creative individuals. For their part, his ‘sons’ had grown up under his tutorship in line with the
spirit of initiative and energy he had passed on as their ‘father’ and they became his ‘vision’ in
founding and running works that spread from Piedmont to Liguria, southern France and Spain and
distant South America. They felt, thought and acted as they believed he would have felt, thought
and acted, not in a slavish kind of way but in free and spontaneous imitation.
Finally, one need to bear in mind the absolutely fatherly and familiar nature of his governance
and relationships with his co–workers, and the trusting approach he took to financial management
of his youth works and religious communities which he constantly followed up. There is nothing
there which would make us think of the approaches used by a modern equipped and managed
‘industry’. The youth works and religious Institutes supporting them – the Society of St Francs de
Sales, the FMA Institute, the Cooperators Union – had more of a simple handcraft workshops
origin about them and remained as such in their organisation and functioning.
Similarly, the professional schools [technical–vocational] which were trade workshops for the
most part, were not set up to emulate factories belonging to a large industry, but operated at a level
more suited to giving a dignified formation to young people, since without it they would have
remained without culture and a trade, ignored both by the ideologies behind the ‘worker issue’ and
people in power and by the official school system. They have their own intrinsic historical value
apart from their ‘paleo–capitalistic’ history,121 and the Saint of Charity’ who promoted them is by
right and de facto a ‘Social Saint’, without being directly involved in the phenomenon of
industrialisation and capitalism. The technical–vocational initiatives he took, however, are neither
extraneous to nor opposed to these phenomena. They aimed at creating precise skills and a
technical mindset in youngsters who were primarily artisans but also ready for no less valid
qualifications in the industrial world.122 In fact, more than a few past pupils were easily able to fit
into that world and were certainly not unqualified.
6. Enigma, mystery or something else?
The diary kept by the wife of the biographer of the Count de Chambord offers us a simple physical
description of Don Bosco ,whom she saw in July 1883 at Frohsdorf Castle. ‘He is short and squat
121 Cf. S. QUINZIO, Domande sulla santità..., pp. 86-87.
122 Cf. Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto capitolo generale..., pp. 20-21 (Dei giovani artigiani, Indirizzo
intellettuale e Indirizzo professionale); J. M. PRELLEZO, Dai laboratori di Valdocco alle scuole tecnico
professionali salesiane. Un impegno educativo verso la gioventù povera, in L. VAN LOOY - G. MALIZIA
(Edd.), Formazione professionale salesiana. Rome, LAS 1997, pp. 19-51.

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with an intelligent gaze but (she saw him at a time when he was exhausted) he looks like an old
man who is worn out. He looks rather uneasy and a man of great simplicity.123
Nevertheless, this man was always animated by a twin awareness of ‘greatness’. At the level of
reality and daily activity, he was moved by an irrepressible and by no means hidden tendency to
see his own mission in grand terms, involving others in it, dramatising needs and problems,
exaggerating dimensions, accentuating the difficulty of finding solutions, amplifying his ideas, the
projects he had in mind and undertakings already underway, exaggerating results and
successes.124 He mixed another kind of awareness with this, one that came from persuasions we
could broadly define as ‘supernatural’. Don Bosco felt an urgency in his mission which was a
mysterious investiture from on high, and which without doubt did not come mainly from his dream
at nine or ten years of age, and which he made explicit, though not publicly, only in his 70s, but it
coincided with his vocation as a priest consecrated to God for the salvation of his neighbour. By
dint of this, he sometimes spoke as if he saw himself surrounded and sustained by graces,
including extraordinary ones from God who enlightened him, allowed him to read hearts and
consciences, sent him dreams to warn and guide him.
But it would be a distorted perspective not to take account of his way of understanding and
living the ‘extraordinary’. As an unshakeable believer, solidly anchored in the Catholic ecclesial
community, and not in his own popular religious beliefs but in the Catholic ‘Credo’ and its liturgical
worship. Don Bosco found the vital resources for his work especially, and above all, in such things
as: faith in Divine Providence, the presence of Christ the Saviour in the mystery of ongoing
redemption and the Eucharist, Grace, the Sacraments, the Word of God, prayer, the Immaculate
Virgin Help of Christians, Mother of the Church, and of each individual member of the faithful.
Within this religious framework he entrusted himself and others to the intercession of the Virgin
Mary and the Saints, suggested appropriate prayers to obtain graces, including special ones,
imparted blessings, distributed blessed medals, suggested the exercise of charity by way of
financial aid, favours, support.
With this image of the profoundly believing priest, it is no surprise that persuasions and
sensitivities proper to popular religiosity would also find a place in his awareness. He never
nurtured himself systematically with the works of the great masters of Christian spirituality. The
religiosity he lived or proposed and passed on to his closest disciples and the boys, never went
beyond the confines of the solid patrimony of essential truths channelled through the Catholic
Catechism and manuals of current practices of piety used by his people. Therefore, it seemed
normal to him that with the ‘supernatural’ that was of the Faith, he could also experience the
extraordinary, the mysterious, including expressions bordering on the miraculous. Indeed, as we
have often emphasised, he was at home in the Catholic Church, and so considered it was licit to
make broad use of this pedagogically, while perhaps sometimes overdoing this. Hence, to varying
degrees he could give credit to dreams of premonition, indulge in reading consciences, dare to
make predictions about the future, assure people of the all–powerful nature of certain prayers and
practices for preserving them from the scourge of widespread epidemics, encourage recovery
through prayer and blessings. In essence, even here he did not go beyond the bounds of Christian
sensitivities of long–standing pedigree.125
123 Cit. in MB XVI 339.
124 It was also the inspirational idea for the panegyric and commemoration given by Cardinal Alimonda at
the month’s mind, as we have seen at the beginning of this chapter. Elsewhere, the presence of similar
sentiments was stressed also in the Salesian world, at various times inclined to highlight them and
perpetuate them: cf. P. BRAIDO, La missione salesiana oggi, in La famiglia salesiana riflette sulla sua
vocazione nella Chiesa di oggi. Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1973, pp. 110-114, (La “grandezza” di don
Bosco).
125 Cf. J. DELUMEAU, Rassurer, protéger. Le sentiment de sécurité dans l’Occident. Paris, Fayard 1989.

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Just the same, Don Bosco never trusted dreams or the extraordinary as the way to achieve
either the instruments or places of education, nor did he ever seem to be affected by unusual inner
turmoil or panic attacks as one individual has written.126 By contrast, according to one clear
statement of his, whoever spoke of him as a miracle worker would be committing ‘a dangerous
error.’127 What is evident, instead, is his conviction as a believer that so long as every good thing is
a gift of grace it must be supported, or rather, not be hindered by their beneficiary.
The ministerial activity of the priest educator and social worker can also be located within this
dynamic. The humanity and the mystery expressed through ‘graces’ which were not in his power to
do, but God’s alone through the intercession of the Help of Christians. This mediation was even
more effective when it had the chrism, the anointing of presbyteral dignity behind it, and was
carried out as part of preaching the Word of God, administering the Sacraments – especially
Penance – celebrating Mass. At this level, it became a serious responsibility, according to the
theological and pastoral principles he had learned during the austere period of his formation: ‘the
priest does not go alone to heaven, nor alone to hell. If he does good he will go to heaven with the
souls he has saved through his good example. If he does wrong, gives scandal, he will go to
perdition with the souls damned through his scandal.’
When replying on 24 June 1883 to the words of praise addressed to him during the meeting
with the past pupils, which he felt were a ‘forgivable licence’ for children who were accustomed to
expressing their feelings more from the heart than the head, he said: ‘However, always remember
that Don Bosco was never anything other than a poor instrument in the hands of a very skilled
artist, indeed the most wise and omnipotent artist, God himself.’128
But the ‘poor instrument’ was only relativised, not cancelled out. He seemed to be essential in
eliminating obstacles to God’s action and in making it available. This is why, other than invocation,
prayer, he urged ‘working hard.’ Of interest in this regard is an observation by a well–known
biographer of Don Bosco’s: ‘When we evaluate Don Bosco’s thinking and acting within the narrow
confines of a learned view of the relationship between human action and God’s transcendental
action, a stubborn temperament might perhaps accuse him of Pelagianism. But we can be certain
that he never had the least temptation to quietism.’129 It is therefore often the case that we can
perceive exhaustion in him to the point of illness, but it never hinders and indeed makes more
evident his reflective calm, serene prayer of entrustment, invocation to God and the Virgin Mary,
his joy at working for the coming of the kingdom.
Inseparable from all this was the cross, not as some kind of superstructure but as a vital need in
an extremely serious existence. The cross was not the object of a masochistic search, but the
simple result of the indissoluble marriage of burning charity and uninterrupted work.130 We have
seen his serious warnings on the austerity of consecrated life in the circulars he wrote in the
1860s, and in the one which was pretty much a personal testament on 6 January 1884.131
Pius XI even identified reasons here for placing Don Bosco amongst the martyrs.132 ‘Here was a
life that was a true, proper and great martyrdom, a life of colossal work such that just seeing him,
the Servant of God, was to gain the impression of oppression.’133 ‘Don Bosco’, he insisted on 4
126 Cf. G. CERONETTI, Elementi per una Antiagiografia..., in G. CERONETTI, Albergo Italia, pp. 124-125.
127 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 103; cf. also Chap. 31, § 2 and Chap. 32, § 4.
128 BS 7 (1883) no. 8, August 1883, p. 127.
129 F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco et la vie spirituelle. Paris, Beauchesne 1967, pp. 265-266.
130 It does not seem justified to create an antithesis between things that historically can’t be separated, such
as are found in S. QUINZIO, Domande sulla santità..., pp. 85-87.
131 Cf. Chap. 15, § 11 and Chap. 32, § 4.1.
132 He spoke of it on 3 December 1933 when reading the Decree for Canonisation, mentioning, as well as
Don Bosco, three Jesuit martyrs.
133 Discorsi di Pio XI II 1040.

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April 1934 ‘was a true martyr of his charity, which is the charity of the Church; a man who was not
spared difficulties and obstacles of every kind but who was always trusting and tranquil because he
knew and always proclaimed he was working for God, and he knew that God was always with
him.’134 Among the crosses, certainly the heaviest ones were the intimate, profound and
unexpressed ones less remembered by those who gave the panegyrics after his death: precious
collaborations and friendships irremediably destroyed (Moreno, Gastaldi) with the intimate suffering
of not having been able to or know how to re–establish these bonds or ‘win over or win back hearts
through his prime approach of preventive pedagogy: reason, religion, loving–kindness. Or the
painful and inexplicable loss of men ( Oreglia di Santo Stefano, Blessed Luigi Guanella); defections
of promising vocations, setbacks in education; the failure to meet Pius IX at the end of the latter’s
life; the ‘moral’ suffering Fr Cerruti pointed to in his final years – the inactivity, loneliness, perhaps
the feeling of complete uselessness.
This is Don Bosco, and core of his message which is in no way triumphalistic. We have
mentioned the clarification he made when Fr Branda had informed the Superior Chapter that he
had given biographies written by d’Espiney and Du Boÿs to politicians who were asking the
Salesians to take on a large correctional institution. He said that in cases where they wanted to
make known the educational system he had conceived and practised, Du Boÿs was the better
choice. ‘d’Espiney by contrast, he said ‘is helpful for pious individuals and to open purses.’135 This
was probably because of the prevalence of the episodic, occasional approach and the miraculous,
the miracle worker in it. Already in 1881, Fr Rua had advised the author to ‘suppress certain things
not appropriate for the times.’136
After all that, what remains of the enigmatic or the mysterious which are not ‘the mysteries of
divine grace’ and the unconditional availability of a lucid human will.’
7. A herald of the central importance of adolescence for civil and religious society
We have seen already during his earthly existence that Don Bosco was perceived as a priest
perfectly in tune with the pastoral orientation of his own diocese, but whose intuitions and works
went well beyond the average Church worker in the social and charitable field. After his death, this
was spelt out in various ways, most of them legitimate: apostle of youth, innovator of the oratory
and preventive system, dynamic organiser of youth works and religious institutes dedicated to
them, daring catalyst of human and material resources for enabling and extending them,
appreciated popular writer and publisher, promoter of agreements between the religious and civic
world. Realistic dreamer.
Certain empathetic descriptions have been floated: ‘diviniser of the 19th century’, resolver of
‘the social question’, the greatest educator or pedagogue of his century.
We have seen that most of his charitable initiatives – especially those relating to welfare and the
care of young people – were shared by many people, men and women, clergy and lay, and by
many institutions which had sprung up in the 19th century more than in any other. Therefore, in
speaking of him, as we noted at the beginning of this chapter, no one should be excluded, and
when we are stressing certain perspectives and giving him credit in certain areas, we must not
undervalue credit belonging to others, some greater than him in certain areas and ways of acting.
134 To German Catholic youth, Discorsi di Pio XI III 93.
135 Cf. Capitolo Superiore, fol. 80rv, session on 22 September 1885; Chap. 33, § 4.
136 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosità cattolica I..., p. 258 andIII p. 21.

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For his contemporaries, however, and for some others, he was the exceptional apostle of youth
education. Pius XI spared no effort to proclaim him before a wide range of audiences, from youth
belonging to Catholic Action through to Alpine guides: ‘We saw this great giant and supporter of
Christian education.’137 ‘A guide for spiritual mountains who led people to the great heights of
Christian life for millions of young people.’138 ‘A great friend of childhood and youth,’ ‘that great
teacher who can well be called the hero of Christian education which is alive, true, and exquisitely
Christian.’139 The Pope’s boundless admiration explains certain rhetorical exuberances, but Don
Bosc’s considerable activism supported by notable communication skills – personal presence,
works, support initiatives, a network of relationships at every level, the press, journeys – meant that
he was seen as a master in managing public opinion not only in the country or a continent but in
the world of the young through its requests, resources, problems, the weight it carried in
determining the future for Church and society.
It is true that initially, Don Bosco’s attention was given especially to the cohort of poor and
abandoned boys, and that as years passed he continued to profess an unchanging fidelity to this
original choice and propose it to his disciples. We know that in one of the ‘Reminders’ he gave
Salesians leaving for America, he insisted: ‘Take special care of the sick, children, the elderly and
the poor, and you will gain God’s blessing and the good will of people.’140 Years later, in the
Memorie dal 1841, the ‘Reminder’ became a final warning to all Salesians: ‘The world will always
be pleased to receive us so long as our concerns are directed to the savages, the poorest children,
those most at risk in society. This is the true prosperity for us which no one will envy and no one
will want to take from us.’141
However, at the same time he felt himself impelled, because of how things were, to fill the
concept of poverty and abandonment with new meanings, opening himself in essence to all young
people, including ones he could not reach through his own works, which were inevitably limited in
number and quality. When all is said and done, for him all ‘youth’ as such could find itself deprived
of love, adequate moral and religious instruction, wise guidance in life and hence at risk in society
in many contexts – from family to school, groups, political and cultural structures – which were less
attentive to the real problems of childhood and adolescence, or which were even negative or
dangerous in their regard. So, it was not just a case of youngsters to protect from the risk of moral
degradation and delinquency. Other more numerous and widespread emergencies were
threatening: personal ones such as the necessities of life, culture, a guaranteed job, morality and
religious faith to be preserved or fostered; social needs such as unemployment, lack of job
qualification, use and abuse of free time. This plurality of situations was already part of the real and
mental world in which Don Bosco operated. He could find himself faced with a boy who was a
candidate for holiness and who asked him to be the tailor for the cloth he was entrusting him with,
himself, to make the suit worthy of the Lord; but he could also be presented, as he said in his
address at Nice in 1877, with a fifteen–year–old orphan living by his wits and playing the violin in
pubs and cafes, followed the next day by another sixteen–year–old orphan, a foreigner, lacking
everything, who could only offer the cloth of his own basic needs. As we have said, he also had
work to do – and it was more than just a narrative strategy – with Valentino, who had Dominic
Savio’s potential, but was misled by a corrupt individual and became an accomplice to murder.
This young man asked from prison for his former educator to guide him on the way to rehabilitation
and a future of freedom. He had been thoughtless and inattentive. In the Oratory itself, the director
was lucky to have boys whom he said were superior in holiness to Dominic Savio, but he also
137To Salesians at S. Heart Institute, Rome, 25 June 1922, Discorsi di Pio XI I 33.
138 To Alpine guides, 16 November 1929, Discorsi di Pio XI II 201.
139 To Roman Catholic youth, 26 March 1930, Discorsi di Pio XI II 272-273.
140 J. BORREGO, Recuerdos de San Juan Bosco a los primeros misioneros..., p. 207.
141 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 127.

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complained of having young perverts, thieves and rebels. And he also knew that while his
Salesians were teaching young aristocrats and ‘upper class’ well–to–do boys at Valsalice, far away
in Patagonia other Salesians were gathering and attempting to civilise young native boys in
makeshift hospices, removing them from a nomadic existence with no future.
For everyone, without distinction, finally, there was potential to be freed up, resources to be
engaged, love for truth, goodness, beauty to be awakened and educated. Youthful age, ‘boys’ –
child, adolescent or young adult – was in fact a time and place for grand dreams to be nurtured, as
he projected already very early on in his preface to the Giovane Provveduto (Companion of Youth),
not a museum to be looked after or a patrimony to be squandered.
Seen this way, as something to be concerned about but also something full of hope, youth
seemed to be too precious a reality for every adult not to share some responsibility for it: the
Church’s hierarchy at every level, and every believer aware of the needs and resources of faith,
politicians and civil authorities, men of finance and businessmen, heads of families, teachers, work
providers, journalists, lay men and women of whatever social status. Everywhere, including the
privileged platforms in Paris and Barcelona, Don Bosco proclaimed that the future of society, both
civil and religious, depended on its youth. Without making a formal theory of it, in an adult–oriented
world he never ceased to claim, with all his strength, the right for misunderstood, undervalued and
abandoned youth to grow into the fullness of their humanity and with constructive ideals for the
future, despite their explosive and sometimes ambivalent possibilities, instead of feeling
condemned to wasting their intellectual, cultural, professional, emotional and volitional ability.
The field to be tilled and cultivated had no limits, and the world populating it was varied and
changeable. As the concept of poor and abandoned youth evolved, it needed to correspond to the
extreme flexibility required to approach it, attract it, get to know its conscious and unconscious
aspirations, and work constructively with it in formats adequate to the different circumstances:
shelter, prevention, protection, promotion. This is what Don Bosco aimed at when practising and
proposing his many versions of the so–called ‘preventive system.’142
8. The preventive system as a way of life, and interpersonal relationships
According to Don Bosco, the mission to youth not only imposed a new role on adults in society and
in the formation processes for new generations, but also required a real change in relationships,
with material enrichment for both young and old involved. This is the historical import of his other
great legacy: the preventive system. It is well known that Don Bosco did not invent it in any of the
forms and expressions well known in his day: pastoral, educational, correctional, social
demographic, political. We know that he took it partly from a long–standing Christian tradition.
However, it goes without saying that he refashioned it in innovative ways through his welfare–type
activity among the young and ordinary people, enriching it and even relaunching it in literary form.
This enrichment came about by above all being based on the vast array of ends to be achieved
and content to be passed on, thanks to the many resources he had intuited within growing
youngsters, and hence the variety of attitudes, means and ways of relating to them.
This also changed the way of being and acting of individuals and communities, and their way of
coexisting with the young and in society. What was born was a particular style of encounter with
young people, that at a certain point Don Bosco believed he could translate into formulas and
conceptual structures which he called a ‘system’. It was more practical than theoretical.143 The
142 Cf. Chap. 17.
143 Before indicating a systematic body of ideas - for example a philosophical system - the term refers to a
plurality of material elements coordinated among themselves, to a systeamtic complex of celestial bodies

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objectives, processes, methods and means characterising this system – reason, religion and
loving–kindness – which were familiar to a long–standing Catholic educational system, were
exercised and passed on by him with particular attractive accents. The chief end was to form
‘upright citizens and good Christians’ but this was to be achieved with new and clever ways of
acting and approaches, including the way they were applied to traditional religious and secular
means.
By transforming relationships with the young, the ‘system’ also reshaped the relationships their
educators had with benefactors, Cooperators, civil and religious authorities and, in general the
whole network of interpersonal relationships within and beyond the fields of welfare and pedagogy.
It also ended up describing a new style of social coexistence and interaction in all its forms.
Naturally, the weak theoretical systematisation of this gave rise to a variety of translations and
evaluations dependent on the different ages and categories of the young, the institutions,
geographical areas and culture they were involved in.144 This is why it has been and continues to
be the subject of many practical and theoretical interpretations which draw on the manifold
intuitions and implementations of the origins and which find it perfectly available for changing rimes
and contexts.145
What one authoritative individual has said and written about an unavoidable and hoped for
processing of a ‘new preventive system’ in the Salesian Society is certainly well–founded, one that
is in keeping, within a Christian understanding, with ‘new evangelisation’ and the consequent ‘new
education.’146 It is essential, however, that it be freed from the term ‘scholastic’, more verbal than
attentive to the real, and that it be open, with a breadth of views, to the rich potential inherent in the
preventive idea, the inspiration of Don Bosco’s original multifaceted ‘oratorian’ experience. The
preventive and truly ‘open system.’147
9. Maximum involvement of all available forces
Don Bosco’s dreams – as has been noted, more daydreams than night ones, which foretold or
were a prelude to more than utopian projects – were never restricted to small elite groups but
opened up to ever broader areas and horizons. Gradually, the early world of Valdocco came to see
(the solar system), etc., to a rule of conduct ("A system of life"), a way, a way of acting: for example "this
is not my system".
144 Cf. P. STELLA, Juan Bosco en la historia de la educación. Madrid, Editorial CCS 1996; cf. Chap. 17, §§ 1-
5.
145 Cf. G. MILANESI, Prévention et marginalisation chez don Bosco et dans la pédagogie contemporaine, in
Éducation et pédagogie chez don Bosco, Colloque interuniversitaire, Lyon, 4-7 avril 1998. Paris, Editions
Fleurus 1989, pp. 195-226; ID., Sistema preventivo e prevenzione in don Bosco, in Ispirazioni, proposte,
strategie educative. Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1989, pp. 33-62; P. BRAIDO, “Prevenire” ieri ed oggi con
don Bosco. Il significato storico e le potenzialità permanenti del messaggio, in P. CAVIGLIÀ et al., Donna e
umanizzazione della cultura alle soglie de l terzo millennio... Roma, LAS 1998, pp. 273-325; X.
THÉVENOT, Une pédagogie de la confiance et de l’alliance e Le systeme préventifface au pluralisme des
croyances, in Eduquer a la suite de don Bosco... sous la direction de Xavier Thévenot. Paris, Cerf /
Desclée de Brouwer 1996, pp. 131-172.
146 Cf. E. VIGANÒ, La “Nuova Evangelizzazione”, AGC of the Salesian Society, no. 331, 70 (1989) 21-22;
ID., Nuova educazione, AGC, no. 337, 72 (1991) 13-19; ID., Chiamati alla libertà (Gal. 5, 13) riscopriamo
il Sistema Preventivo educando i giovani ai valori. Roma, Istituto FMA 1995, pp. 9-12; ID., Un “nuovo”
sistema preventivo, BS 119 (1995) no. 4, April, p. 2.
147 Cf. P. BRAIDO, Prevenire non reprimere..., pp. 391-404 (“Restaurare”, reinventare, ricostruire); ID.,
L’utopia della prevenzione primaria della famiglia e alla famiglia, in L. PATI (ed.), Ricerca pedagogica ed
educazione familiare. Milano, Vita e Pensiero 2003, pp. 425-446.

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that it was the ‘capital’ of a huge kingdom which embraced the entire galaxy of young people, the
‘multitude’, the many.148 So, it required the general mobilisation of all available forces.
Along with Don Bosco, though numerically limited, were co–workers encouraging this potential
army of workers. They were his male and female Religious, consecrated to the mission by
vocation, flanked by the ‘third order of works’ made up of ‘men and women Cooperators, and
supported, as we have seen first hand, by a huge number of benefactors.
In support of the animating core group, we have seen how much Don Bosco did to keep active,
warm consensus alive and constant among all the potential forces in the Church, from the Pope to
the least of the faithful. Nor did he fail to involve men and women of good will, including non–
believers, anyone who gave thought to the present and future of the growing generation and
society. His ‘hard work’ became the distinguishing badge of the founder’s personal life, and
something he was able to pass on with the same passion to his Religious Institutes, Cooperators
and all the ‘militants’ under the banner of vis unita fortior. This is why he did not consider the
uninterrupted begging for money to be humiliating, or the bombardment of publicity to be
indiscreet. In February 1911, during the Apostolic Process, Fr Paul Albera invited them to interpret
these things in the overall context of the search for all the good possible. ‘Certainly,’ he testified
‘there was no lack of people who criticised what the Venerable did, and the publicity he gave his
works, but I do not know of anyone who ever doubted the purity of his intentions or the holiness of
his life.’149 And, we could add, the vastness of needs and the pressure coming from the most
urgent ones. Over the long and difficult iter of the canonical process for beatification and
canonisation, there were many re–examinations of accusations, many of them made by the secular
world during his lifetime. He had been a money–grabber, was scrupulous in the ways he got hold
of it, litigious when it came to legacies and rights, strict in matters of contract and payment,
insistent in asking for things.
We have seen this many times. In spite of criticisms and gratuitous suspicion, Don Bosco never
ceased being the beggar, whether at home or on the move. It was a concern throughout his life to
ask the ‘have mores to share with the have nots, including for the spiritual benefit of the people, he
put this to. In the immediate, what was impelling him was the suprema lex of growth and
preservation of his works of charity, including the costly missions abroad. But there was also the
conviction that he drew on reasons from on high. ‘Perhaps you wonder,’ he told listeners of a
sermon de charité he gave at S. Remo on 10 April 1880 ‘at seeing a priest walking through the
Church, purse in hand. But when I look at the crucifix and I think of what Jesus did for our
salvation, I gladly take purse in hand and ask for alms out of love for him.’150’ As befuddled as I am,’
he wrote to Fr Cagliero ‘I must still travel around for a month or so.’151
One can be certain that he did not lose much time over following the daily criticisms or satires –
e.g. the ones in Turin’s Il Fischietto – of his efforts to look for financial means to begin new works,
maintain and develop existing ones, cover debts. He did not ignore them, but continued with calm
determination in looking for bread for his ‘children’: the cartoonist had no competence at all when it
came to the art and effort of begging.
When Don Bosco died, the secular Gazzetta Piemontese wrote about a ‘real contrast of
appreciation and contrary judgements’: ‘some saying he was an outstanding, brilliant benefactor
148 Cf.M. BARBERA, San Giovanni Bosco educatore. Torino, SEI 1942, pp. 9-44 (L’Educatore delle
moltitudini); P. BRAIDO, Don Bosco educatore delle moltitudini, “Civiltà Cattolica” 139 (1988) 230-244.
149 Copia Publica Transumpti Processus Apostolica Auctoritate constructi in Curia Ecclesiastica Taurinensi
super fama sanctitatis vitae, virtutum et miraculorum in genere Ven. Servi Dei loannis Bosco Sacerdotis
Fundatoris Piae Societatis... Volumen unicum, Anno 1913, fol. 270r.
150 Cit. in MB XV 143.
151 Letter of 16 April 1881, Em IV 41.

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and others a shrewd and grasping priest’ inspired by the Machiavellian principle of “the end
justifies the means.”’ It ended, however, with an unrequested and expiatory general absolution:
‘Much will be forgiven him because he benefited so many,’ ‘a man who worked, fought for,
benefited others throughout his entire life.’152
In this and in other circumstances, he followed a simple, homely principle, ‘Laetare et
benefacere and let the sparrows sing,’ an effective antidote against sterile criticisms – easy for
anyone outside the scrum – that he was carrying out excessive propaganda on behalf of his own
works and obscuring the works of others, or pressing his benefactors too hard, or was over–
confident in the range of strategies he used. ‘His was a constant visual navigation among reefs to
avoid shipwreck: bills due for payment, debts, loans, lack of aid. In his final Memoirie, he made this
appeal: ‘Regarding myself, I recommend that debts left by the deceased Rector are not made
public. That would make people think there was bad administration by administrators and the
Superior himself, and would cause some mistrust in public opinion.’153
Under pressure from the start until the last day of his life from concerns about the financial
stability of his works, he acted like a cautious householder concerned about upholding his own and
his family’s honour. He was no less concerned for the salvation of the rich: thus, his ongoing
contact with the needs of the poor and the prosperity of the well–off could only lead him to an
empathetic interpretation, one of solidarity over and above just one of charity, based on the
Gospel’s precept of almsgiving.
Some saw and highlighted strong virtues in this difficult hunt for resources, which was not
without pain nor lacking in humiliation. Nice–based Canon Fabre chose as a question for his
commemorative address on 14 January 1889 ‘How could he find the money to give his work such
a solid base?’ He did so, he explained, with the highest degree of humility based on the rock of his
trust in God: humility joined with courage, steadfastness and tenacity. He summed it up saying:
‘Here is Don Bosco’s special character – indomitable courage united with the deepest humility.’154
This capacity for involving so many people can also be considered as one of the characteristic
features of his ‘modernity’ which we will shortly say more about. He possessed an active, practical
vitality which was solidly anchored in the real, without ideological schemes and supports, and with
strict adherence to spaces, times, expectations of the ‘many’. It was such that it brought men of
different and sometimes even opposed religious, moral and political beliefs to consensus about his
works: the Pope, cardinals, bishops, politicians on the right or left and non–political people, clergy
and anti–clerical types. Common folk, the rich and the not–so–rich. Deep down, though with
varying motivations – apart from the kind of education he gave young people ‘which some people
felt was backward – they agreed on the goodness and timeliness of the objectives behind his
commitment to the journey: setting moral standards for them through the reassuring means of an
active and severe religiosity, giving them a cultural formation and a job–oriented one, so they could
fit into and be qualified for the existing social order and therefore directly or indirectly help progress
in every sector and defend the principles of co–existence in civil and ecclesiastical society. From
one or other angle he was seen as the providential formator of excellent Christians or trustworthy
citizens, ‘upright citizens and good Christians.
152 Don Bosco, “Gazzetta Piemontese”, no. 31, 31 January-1 February 1888, p. 1, quoted by G. TUNINETTI,
L’immagine di don Bosco nella stampa..., in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della cultura
popolare..., pp. 234-235; a similar judgement was also found in the Milan La Perseveranza on 2
February (Ibid., p. 236).
153 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 101.
154 “Bulletin Salésien” 11 (1889) no. 5, May, pp. 79-90.

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10. ‘According to the needs of the time’
The better informed, and in particular the documents as part of the Process, and Pius XI, generally
recognised Don Bosco’s strong desire to fit in with the times and act accordingly, and also
recognised that he was neither a reactionary nor some nostalgic laudator temporis atti. But
perhaps the reality was not so simple. We have often emphasised in this biography some of the
traditional and conservative features of his mentality and culture, and how he fitted into society. It
would seem we ought recognise some partial truth in the hostile critiques of certain orientations of
his pedagogical hagiography and certain applications of the preventive approach coming from
secular individuals or the Waldensians.155 Don Bosco was certainly not the reactionary cleric they
presented him as, nor, obviously, could his critics have been able to criticise him for being an ultra
right–wing Catholic, even though there was some rigidity there, but no less than one could find
among reformed Christians and secularists. An example might be found in his story of Valentino,
when he contrasts the secular and Catholic college.156 The attitude emerges, though in a controlled
fashion, in a variety of settings. In France, we find Don Bosco’s relations with people are clearly
towards the anti–republican legitimists.157 For this part of the world, Don Bosco ‘symbolised in his
person the effective action of regenerating conservation in society. Through self–denial he worked
for the salvation of the people by educating the young to work for God and country. He rebuilt the
world through their concrete initiation into life.’158
But he cannot be reduced to this. We have often seen in these pages how many people saw
something ‘new’ in his religious and youthful institutions, in his operating choices, his methods and
style of action among the young. They were certainly not the same things as the ones that
benefactors and others who sided with conservative resistance saw in him. Despite that, they were
things they admired, respected, and sustained. He was no liberal or democrat or, in the Catholic
scene, a declared conciliarist or compromiser. But nor could he be classified among openly
intransigent types, averse as he was to being aligned with any party or organised movement,
including on the Catholic side. Above all, he was more sensitive to the motives of lex animarum
than to any rigid defence of ‘principles’. If he was occasionally described as a ‘liberal’ or ‘democrat’,
it was not because he had developed some considered political or social notion that guided his
choices for one side or the other side. He would never have discharged himself or his Salesians
from being free to act, and this freedom of action was clearly sanctioned in all the agreements
drawn up when taking on the different colleges, and even the agreement to build the Sacred Heart
Church.
As a man of action, he preferred the freedom of complete dedication to the solution to the
problems of the moral and religious salvation of youth, and he never defined the extent to which
155 Cf. F. MOTTO, La “Vita del giovanetto Savio Domenico”: un beffardo commento de “Il Cittadino” di Asti
nel 1860, RSS 15 (1996) 369-377; E. REGGIO contadino, Le Boccie di don Bosco ossia il giovane
provveduto di confusione. Torre Pellice, Tipografia Alpina 1884; G. RICAGNI, Don Bosco e l’istruzione ne’
suoi collegi. Alessandria, Tip. Jacquemod G. 1882, 20 p. There is a ridiculous example of an essay on 18
November 1883 by O. VERIDICUS, Il clericalismo a Torino. Torino, tip. G. Candeletti 1883, p. 15: “This
prodigious man, worthy of inspiring one of the most splendid pages of Smiles, this man who from nothing
knew how to fill Italy, Europe with his fame” but also “a living incarnation of the formidable power of
clericalism" who "Forms his priests, bending them to blind, passive, stupid obedience, imbuing them with
prejudice, stubbornness, intolerance.”
156 Cf. G. BOSCO, Valentino..., pp. 8-13, 19-25, CE XVII 186-191, 197-203.
157 Cf. F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco en son temps..., pp. 1171-1175 (Une sensibilité “contrerévolutionnaire”):
recalled are the Legitimists, backing the Count of Chambord (amongst whom A. Du Boÿs) or the Count of
Paris (amongst whom Czartoryski), Léon Harmel, a fierce antirepublican involved in the Cercles
Catholiques d’Albert de Mun, with similar political views. Those who visited Don Bosco in Paris were all
of the same mind: de Cessac, Riant, de Mun, Montigny, Oyague, Princess Marguerite d’Orléans, etc.
158 F. DESRAMAUT, Don Bosco en son temps..., pp. 1175-1176.

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this was linked with economic, social and political freedom. If the notion of the ‘good Christian’ was
a clear enough one, the ‘upright citizen’ motion was less so, something he considered to be
defined rather by personal moral virtues and justice. This was the perennial source of his free and
easy way of operating. He could be comfortable in any kind of regime or with systems that left him
free to act at that level. Perhaps, this is why in a variety of circumstances – private, official,
unofficial – he could gain audience from people who were quite ideologically different to himself. In
any case, his position did not differ substantially from that of many educators, great and small who,
according to the well known ‘educationalists’ theory, supported the intrinsic social and political
importance of the moral and religious formation of the new generations. Those who held power in
the economic, social and political arenas were the ones who needed to be involved in these
aspects.
It was within this indeterminate horizon that the fixed points and openings of his fully Christian
action in the welfare and education sectors were revealed: the clarity of religious aims, the
inseparable presence of the practices of piety, the serious nature of his programs for human and
professional formation, the stated openness to the new, and to progress. When Fr Achilles Ratti
was Don Bosco’s guest in 1883, he immediately understood this. When he became Pius XI, he
often recalled it with wonder. When congratulating the Salesians ‘for [their] schools and well–
equipped workshops with all the most complete and modern discoveries in mechanics’ he heard
them say proudly: ‘When it was a case of something that concerned the grand cause of doing
good, Don Bosco always wanted to be in the vanguard of progress.’159 It was certainly never a vain
ambition to always follow fashion, or go after records, or seek vainglory. Rather was it an
imperative posed by the nobility and greatness of the ends to be achieved and the old and the new
difficulties that could hinder or restrain their accomplishment. He felt it was his duty to avoid the
Gospel’s reproach that ‘the children of this world are more shrewd in handling their affairs than the
children of the light.’ (Lk 16:8). He wanted to reverse that, or at least balance it out. To achieve
what was good, it became his duty to look at every possible industry and the most advanced tools.
Be they old or new ones, the objectives had to be pursued with the most suitable means, the most
functional and productive ones, just as he sought aid and support beyond old and pre–established
boundaries, as well as relationships, whatever side they were on. ‘In matters that will help young
people at risk or will help win souls or God, I will run to the point of rashness’ he wrote to Carlo
Vespignani from Lugo in Romagna.160 This is why, in Don Bosco’s way of operating, ‘ideological
frameworks and spiritual models from ancient tradition are at the basis of initiatives and doctrinal
core issues which flow into modernity.’161 Already in 1915, in a publication aimed at drawing up the
profile of a Salesian, the intelligent and imaginative director of oratories, an anonymous author
characterised Don Bosco in terms of modernity alongside other apostles of the young: St Philip
Neri, St Jerome Emilian, St Joseph Calasanz, St John Baptist de la Salle. ‘Don Bosco presented
himself with true modern attitudes and methods’ he wrote. ‘His educational method was modern,
based fully on charity. His technical–vocational schools for workers were modern; his idea of
associating lay people as Cooperators with his works was modern. Modern too was the
establishment of print shops for reorganising text books and pleasant literature. And finally, very
159 To those taking part in Don Bosco’s Beatification, 3 June 1929, and to the Salesian Family in Rome, 11
May 1930 (Discorsi di Pio XI II 92 and 326); cf. Also American donors of the new Telephone centre in the
Vatican, 19 November 1930; to leaders of the “Magneti Marelli”, 28 January 1933 (Discorsi di Pio XI II
446 e 814); to the Italian Electronic Association, 15 May 1934; to Roman Catholic Action groups, 24 June
1933; to Salesians working at the Tipografia Poliglotta Vaticana (Vatican Press), 31 July 1937 (Discorsi di
Pio XI III 130, 169, 628).
160 E III 166.
161 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco..., p. 76.

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modern and entirely his, was the kind of festive oratory which began, matured and improved under
the guidance of Providence who spoke to him in dreams.’162
It does not seem to be the case that we can attribute absolute originality to Don Bosco’s
methods and ways of working. It does not seem that we can find major turning points in his activity
and ways of thinking by comparison with formation or education in the ancien régime, or earlier
and contemporary experiences in the welfare and education fields. But what cannot be denied is
his desire to innovate in order to bring initiatives and styles of activity to be fully up–to–date, and
what is evident are the evolutions encouraged and determined by his willingness to respond as
adequately as possible ‘to the needs of the times’ in the world of young people, hence not just to
current youth but also in the future.163
More generally, according to Don Bosco one could only but be anti–revolutionary, but at the
same time it was right and proper to use the freedom propounded by [political] innovators to
defend oneself from such freedoms and to safeguard and pass on eternal values. Precisely
because of this he did not avoid new things that could be reconciled with the Faith, and indeed, he
willingly accepted and developed such things. This is what he had said so vigorously in the
afternoon session on 4 October 1877, at the First General Chapter. He intended to practise and
have his Salesians practise the Gospel principle of ‘giving to Caesar what is Caesar’s and to God
what is God’s.’ ‘Caesar’ was not just the political world but the human world in all its completeness,
society, culture, science, technology, discoveries which made living and co–existence more
civilised and smooth. This expanded interpretation meant combining quite varied things: divine and
human, nature and grace, faith and reason, fidelity to the Church and Pope and obedience to civil
authority, ancient and modern, tradition and innovation.164 Don Bosco can be called a modern saint
in this sense, even though he ignored or avoided rational modernity if it was a system or an
ideology. Without having elaborated any explicit theory about it, Don Bosco dreamt of the greatest
humanisation for everyone, beginning with the poor and abandoned, but not if it was separate from
divinisation by grace. He accepted and proposed everything that was humanly valid, aiming at the
future of young people in a society fascinated by the idea of progress more than the past or
present of the educators. He looked to heaven, where God and eternal happiness exist, but at the
same time he was firmly rooted in the earth which is God’s creation, and in history which is the
work of redeemed humankind, rich in a triple citizenship which is civil, ecclesiastical and heavenly,
and as such he worked in freedom and the fullness of possibility.165
We have seen that from the first text of the Constitutions he made an open choice of freedom
for his Religious: the freedom of citizens who work by right in a free State in full possession of their
civil rights. With this power, the relationship became ‘contractual’ in economic and institutional
matters, as befits the free citizen, someone who manages his educational and welfare activities
with a partner in the administrative and political sphere. The administrators and politicians were no
longer holders of a ‘superiority’ at the top – as happened in the 1840s – but were invested with
constitutional authority ruled by law. We saw this, for example, in the case of many boys entrusted
to the Oratory by government ministers. He did not request nor accept civil or religious protection
over his works or activity, including the construction of the Sacred Heart Church commissioned by
the Holy See’s Vicariate. He intended to manage finance, administration, education in a fully
autonomous way. He guaranteed this through his demanding but fruitful search for private charity,
162 Cf. Un apostolo degli oratori festivi. Il sac. Cav. Giuseppe Pavia. Profilo. Torino, Scuola tip. salesiana
1919, p. 11.
163 Cf. P. STELLA, Don Bosco e le trasformazioni sociali e religiose del suo tempo, in La famiglia salesiana
riflette sulla sua vocazione nella Chiesa di oggi... Leumann (Torino), Elle Di Ci 1973, pp. 145-170.
164 Verbali III 42-44.
165 Cf. P. STELLA, Bilancio delle forme di conoscenza e degli studi su don Bosco, in Don Bosco
nella storia, pp. 34-36; P. SCOPPOLA, Don Bosco e la modernità, ibid., pp. 536-540.

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without excluding public charity, which he turned to not so much to receive gracious donations but
rather to obtain a due contribution to the vitality of works freely dedicated to educational and
welfare activity given as a subsidiary function within society and the State. He had good cards to
play for this. He was sure that different though their motivations may be, Church and State were
keenly interested in a work which addressed the preventive promotion or recovery of poor and
abandoned youth representing a real or potential risk to the social order and morality, since they
were at the heart of this.
Therefore, while never achieving a precise reflective perception of the coming of
industrialisation and social problems created or made more acute because of it, in particular, the
worker issue, he knew very well that he was experiencing and working in a social and economic
system which was in ferment. It was all the more difficult but essential for young people to fit within
this, especially those at risk, and he wished to promote this, precisely because they were much
needier and by now very distant from his own childhood experience in a static, restorative setting
and historical era. With this in mind, he sought and encouraged his print works at Valdocco to take
part in the National Expo in Turin in 1884. He protested vigorously against the jury’s vote that
awarded only a silver medal, and said he would refuse to accept it unless the decision changed.
He might have been physically fragile but his spirit was strong when he proudly declared: ‘It is
enough for me … to have demonstrated factually that I have spent more than 40 years promoting
the moral and material well–being of poor and abandoned youth as well as progress in science and
the arts.’166
The recommendations he gave to the Third General Chapter in 1883 ‘to get to know and adapt
ourselves to our times’167 was not just shrewdness or an invitation to prepare counter–measures
against their negativity, but above all an availability to accept anything new that was not in clear
contrast, in Italy or elsewhere, with morality and faith. This is why he accepted the political
transformations that took place in 1848 through to 1876, and while remaining outside the debates
and struggles in the political and social arenas, he shared all the benefits the new statutory order
offered: freedom of initiative, absence of jurisdictional controls, faculties, even ones tied to certain
conditions, for open schools, despite even the absolute conditions where technical instruction was
concerned, the absence of obstacles to the public profession of religious faith, wider freedom for
the press and propaganda in work and in writing, the freedom to establish associations of any kind,
be they mutual aid, good press, or charitable and religious activities.
It is not possible to consider Don Bosco’s almost universal acceptance without seeing him more
or less consciously characterised by a heightened activism and productive pragmatism. In fact, the
1900s saw a gradual decline in the grand metaphysical systems and a retreat to cultural and
thought patterns which encouraged doing over being, replacing the primacy of truth as an object of
speculative research with effective social involvement aimed against new forms of slavery, and
restoring man to his true and authentic humanity. The primacy went to action, possibly collective
action, which is an impetus towards a better future, not without a utopian component, an
uninterrupted impulse to progress and the search for the well–being of the individual and society. In
a certain sense one could say that Don Bosco was unconsciously inclined – without knowing it or
accepting its principles – to a philosophy of praxis, a theology of action, an activist pedagogy. He
was inclined to a thinking not limited to contemplating and interpreting reality but aimed at
transforming it. For Don Bosco, as we have said, in a certain sense ‘operari sequitur esse’ replaces
‘esse sequitur operari’. The world is not saved by abstract ideas but by concrete concepts of
science translated into techniques that improve life and coexistence at all levels. Thinking is the
‘militia’ of the man who does things, acts, is the protagonist. Don Bosco, as Filippo Burzio has
166 To the executive Committee (revision jury office), 25 October 1884, E IV 301; cf. Chap. 30, § 3.1.
167 Cf. Chap. 31, § 3.

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written, is characterised along with Cottolengo, Cafasso, and others ‘by strong social commitment,
vigorous activism, realistic concreteness.’168
11. Wanting the best but seeking whatever good was possible
Fascination with the ‘avant garde’ did not mean Don Bosco ignored the endless requests coming
from the world of young people, which was in fact worldwide, or the lack of resources of personnel
and funds. This did not clip his wings but rather led him to do the concrete good that was possible
rather than projecting a problematic potential best suited to some indefinable future or one that had
already seen its use–by date. He sought to form courageous, inventive and creative collaborators
for an apostolate that went beyond national borders, people who at the same time had their feet
firmly planed in reality. Four names have been mentioned for Latin America: John Cagliero, Francis
Bodrato, Louis Lasagna and James Costamagna, who showed imagination and practicality in
equal measure with explicit reference to the model, their distant father, who was as close to them
as ever. For his part, he formed the hypothesis in the Memorie dal 1841 that in some cases certain
initiatives could find themselves hampered. This was no reason to abandon them. ‘Once a mission
abroad has begun,’ he wrote ‘continue it with energy and sacrifice.’ ‘When financial means are
lacking for some religious undertakings, they can be suspended, but continue what has begun as
soon as our finances and sacrifices allow.’ 169
This directive, however, had created delicate problems and contradictions in the case of the
spiritual construction of his Religious Institute. The disagreement, as we have seen, between
Cafasso the perfectionist and Don Bosco who kept an open mind to possibilities while both being in
agreement on working for the greater glory of God and the salvation of souls, was proposed at the
level of ecclesiastical authority in Rome and Turin. The differences concerned more particularly the
clerical formation of young men on the way to priesthood, but also extended to the manner of being
and acting of the whole Salesian Society. Well known Canon Colomiatti summed it up with regard
to Don Bosco at a particular moment in the canonisation process in 1915–16. He recalled what Fr
Giuseppe Allamano had told him: ‘He told us that he knew from D. Bosco himself that Fr Cafasso,
the Rector of the Pastoral Institute, and a man of God, had expressed to him that he disapproved
of his way of doing good, adding that good should be done well, while he, D. Bosco, wanted to do
good but without so much perfection.’ The direct version of Blessed Allamando’s at an earlier stage
of the process was more nuanced: ‘He said that good must be done well, and I maintained that it
was enough to do it simply amid so much misery.’170 Bishop Cagliero explained: ‘The best, the
Venerable Don Bosco used always say, ‘is the enemy of the good. If he had waited to begin his
works until when he had everything ready and all the people he needed, he would never have
begun.’171 He recalled that a similar criticism to Cafasso’s was made by Abbot Gaetano Tortone
regarding the ecclesiastical formation of clerics who were recreation leaders for the boys at the
Valdocco Oratory: ‘D. Bosco educated his young men haphazardly and some even said they were
“D. Bosco’s horses let loose” [ii cavalass d’ don Bosco!].’ On the other hand, Allamando himself
could recognise that over the years he spent at the Oratory for his secondary schooling (1862–66),
this is when his own priestly vocation had matured.172
168 Cf. P. BAIRATI Cultura salesiana e società industriale, in F. TRANIELLO (ed.), Don Bosco nella storia della
letteratura popolare..., pp. 351-352, 354.
169 Memorie dal 1841, RSS 4 (1985) 59.
170 Positio super dubio An adducta contra Ven. Servum Dei obstent, quominus in Causa procedi possit ad
ulteriora? Romae, Typis Poliglottis Vaticanis 1921, p. 34 (cf. almost identical words on p. 45) and p. 115.
171 Positio super dubio An adducta..., pp. 82 and 84.
172 Positio super dubio An adducta..., pp. 82 and 84; cf. I. TUBALDO, Giuseppe Allamano. Il suo tempo. La
sua vita. La sua opera, vol. I 1851-1891..., pp. 23-29. On Tortone’s judgement, cf. Chap. 15, § 8.

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It is true that at the factual level Don Bosco himself admitted that the hasty attainment of the
possibility had sometimes not brought good results. At a meeting of the Superior Chapter on 5
November 1885 – recorded in the minutes – ‘he complains that many Salesians have none of the
Salesian spirit. Every year there are defections after so many years educating them, and as soon
as they become priests we need to make use of them and they have no time to be formed. Certain
priests were ordained because necessity forced us to.’173 We have noted the reservations of
Archbishop Riccardi di Netro and Bishop Renaldi of Pinerolo.174 But faced with the urgent and
pressing needs, Don Bosco could not be satisfied with the elegant elaboration of fascinating plans
for a distant future. He needed to take risks. The greatest difficulties came from Archbishop
Gastaldi, from whom he expected understanding and protection, even friendship, more than from
anyone else. In this case, he became disoriented, anguished. What supported him was the steady
belief that the work he was responsible for, his Religious Congregation, was willed by God to carry
out a mission of universal importance which was clearly providential and salvific. He survived the
vicissitudes with evident good faith and a spirit of penitence, with steadfastness and fortitude equal
to those who opposed him, though sometimes with the doubt that he had lacked some discretion.
We must not forget, though, that Fr Cafasso’s judgement referred to Don Bosco in the 1840s
and 50s, the priest of the early days, alone, without regular co–workers and with as yet no well–
defined plan. With growth in social and ecclesial responsibility, Don Bosco faced a twofold need
even more strongly: do good – good that is possible, authentic, not just casual – in the broadest
range of areas, and do it well, with dignity and sufficiency before God and man. Obviously, he did
not exclude the better and the best when that was possible. But he did not write documents about
all this. He spoke about it and taught it through deeds. We do find a trace, though, in two lines of a
letter we have already cited in reply to one of his rectors, someone probably agonising over the
ideal, almost perfect college, and the real one that could be achieved in fact. ‘I am fully in
agreement with you’ he noted. ‘Optime is what we seek, but unfortunately, we must content
ourselves with the mediocre amid so much evil.’175 It was a ‘mediocre’ which, in the Italian lexicon
of the 19th century, meant ‘average’ or ‘medium’, the midway point between the excellent and the
strictly necessary.
Never for one moment did Don Bosco oppose the principle of ‘the good must be well done’ with
the norm that the good must be done no matter what, perhaps even mixed in with a little evil: he
never employed the rule of the lesser evil. What is certain – and maybe this was his most
distinguishing characteristic – is that he was not attracted by the idea of doing nothing in
expectation of some phantom opportunity for a completely utopian good. The different choices
were not opposed to one another but needed to be integrated: do what is possible at all costs, and
look for the better that might be achievable, never excluding in principle the ideal, the best and
certainly not attempting whatever lay beyond the possibilities of personnel and institutions. Other
people, including specialists were around to do these things, when it was a case of special youth
situations: the emerging group of children and older youth caught up in industrial employment, the
whole area of true and proper delinquency, the group closer to his interests of minors in
correctional institutes, the huge numbers of poor youth in cities and countryside, the latter flowing
into the former, the illiterate, the area of mental and physical handicap. Don Bosco never ventured
into all of these. Dreamer he may have been, but he was wise and prudent, and never imagined
any plan to involve himself or his men and women in fixing all the wounds or responding to all the
needs, including those which others sometimes believed would be suited to him. The bogianen, a
realist and concrete man, would have disavowed not a few panegyrics and certain representations
which were largely just fantasy.
173 Capitolo Superiore, fol. 87R, session on 5 November 1885.
174 Cf. Chap. 15, § 7.
175 To Fr G. Bonetti, 6 June 1870, Em III 213; cf. Chap. 24, § 1.1.

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Finally, the humble search for the possible was reflected in the simplicity and moderation of his
language. While professing some skills in the rhetorical device of hyperbole, Don Bosco was far
from that in his concrete activity and daily conversation. He was not a speculative type, someone
who favoured ideas cut off from reality. He was a professional practical thinker of ideas that could
be understood and communicated and which helped people be effective in what they did. His
conversations and writings were not full of abstractions that went over peoples’ heads and touched
nobody. Perhaps Pius XI’s praise in his homily at the canonisation was excessive when he said
that it was ‘with bold concepts and modern means that he set about carrying out those very new
intentions … which he knew were in keeping with God’s will.’176
In reality, Don Bosco recounted facts in writing or viva voce, pointed to living examples,
presented visible and tangible situations, highlighted well–defined problems to be resolved. He
required that conclusions be tackled and implemented with the means at hand, and their adoption
was entrusted not so much to reflection as to the positive involvement of whoever heard or read
what he had to say. This was another reason why he preferred meeting individuals face to face,
personalising what he had to say in conversation, personal letters; with the boys, Salesians,
benefactors, civil and religious authorities. In public, his language was also intrinsically
individualised. It is true that sometimes the wood was hidden by the trees, and attention given to
the part meant that we lost sight of the whole. The interest in details prevents us from seeing the
ends and broader interests. This is the price we pay for his Realpolitik, but on the whole and
despite its limitations it is this which is his winning card: in ministry, his charitable activity, his
mission in all its expressions, his planning and implementation and government of the many
support institutions. It is in this light that we need to reinterpret the norm of wisdom on which
maximalists of the bonum ex integra causa, malum ex quocumque defectu challenge him, a
principle transferred from the metaphysical arena or moral world to the level of practical, prudent
action, the only level where life is really at stake, a continual deciding ‘here’ and ‘now’.
176 Discorsi di Pio XI III 82.

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BIBLIOGRAPHY
1. Bibliographies
General bibliographies of Don Bosco:
Vol. 1 Bibliografia italiana 1844–1992, ed. Saverio Gianotti. Rome, LAS 1995.
Vol. 2 Deutschsprachige Don–Bosco–Literatur 1883–1994, ed. Herbert Diekmann. Rome, LAS
1997.
RICALDONE Pietro, Don Bosco Educatore, Vol. II. Colle Don Bosco, LDC 1952, pp. 631–650 (Don
Bosco’s published works), 651–705 (Writings about Don Bosco).
STELLA Pietro, Gli scritti a stampa di S. Giovanni Bosco. Rome, LAS 1977.
2. Don Bosco’s written material referred to in these volumes
Ai contadini. Regole di buona condotta per la gente di campagna utili a qualsiasi condizione di
persone. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1854 = OE VI 39–46.
Ai Soci Salesiani, introduzione alle Regole o Costituzioni della Società di S. Francesco di Sales
secondo il decreto di approvazione del 3 aprile 1874. Turin, 1875 (v. pp. V–XLII); Turin, 1877 (v.
pp. 3–43); S. Benigno Canavese, Scuola Tipografica Salesiana 1885 – in P. BRAIDO, Tratti di vita
religiosa salesiana nello scritto «Ai Soci Salesiani» di don Bosco del 1875, RSS 13 (1994) 361–
448; ... del 1877/1885, RSS 14 (1995) 91–154.
Angelina o la buona fanciulla instruita nella vera divozione a Maria Santissima. Turin, tip. G. B.
Paravia e comp. 1860 = OE XIII 1–44.
Angelina o l’orfanella degli Apennini. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1869 = OE XXII 171–
240.
Apparizione della Beata Vergine sulla montagna di La Salette con altri fatti prodigiosi raccolti da
pubblici documenti. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1871 = OE XXII 401–492.
L’aritmetica ed il sistema metrico portati a semplicità per le classi elementari col confronto dei
prezzi e delle misure antiche d’Italia in metrico–decimale, edizione settima. Turin, tip. e libr.
salesiana 1881 = OE XXXII 261–354.
Associazione de’ divoti di Maria Ausiliatrice canonicamente eretta nella chiesa a Lei dedicata in
Turin. Con ragguaglio storico su questo titolo. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1869 = OE
XXI 339–434.
Associazione di opere buone. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1875 = OE XXV 481–494.
Avvisi ai cattolici. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1853 = OE IV 165–193.
Biografia del sacerdote Giuseppe Caffasso esposta in due ragionamenti funebri. Turin, tip. G. B.
Paravia e comp. 1860 = OE XII 351–494.
Biografia del giovane Mazzarello Giuseppe [1872] = OE XXII 359–377.
Biografie. Confratelli chiamati da Dio alla vita eterna nell’anno 1880. Turin, tip. Salesiana 1881 =
OE XXXII 5–35; … 1881 = OE XXXII 387–417; … 1883 = OE XXXIII 115–178.

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Biografie dei salesiani defunti. Negli anni 1883 e 1884. Turin, tip. salesiana 1885 = OE XXXVI 5–
136.
Breve ragguaglio della festa fattasi nel distribuire il regalo di Pio IX ai giovani degli oratorii di
Torino. Turin, tip. Eredi Botta 1850 = IV 93–119.
Brevi biografie dei confratelli salesiani chiamati da Dio alla vita eterna. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana
1876 = OE XXVII 167–205.
Capitolo generale della congregazione salesiana da convocarsi in Lanzo nel prossimo settembre
1877. Turin, tip. salesiana 1877 = OE XXVIII 313–336.
La casa della fortuna. Rappresentazione drammatica. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales
1865 = OE XVI 1–72.
Catalogo degli oggetti offerti per la lotteria a beneficio dell’oratorio maschile di S. Francesco di
Sales in Valdocco. Turin, tip. dir. da Paolo De–Agostini 1852 = IV 145–162.
Catalogo degli oggetti posti in lotteria a favore dei giovani dei tre oratorii di S. Francesco di Sales
in Valdocco di S. Luigi a Porta Nuova del Santo Angelo Custode in Vanchiglia. Turin, tip. di G. B.
Paravia e comp. 1857 = OE IX 1–17.
Catechismo cattolico sulle rivoluzioni, quinta edizione. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1854 = OE
V 243–246.
Il cattolico istruito nella sua religione. Trattenimenti di un padre di famiglia co’ suoi figliuoli secondo
i bisogni del tempo epilogati dal sac. Bosco Giovanni. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1853 = IV
195–646.
Il cattolico nel secolo. Trattenimenti famigliari di un padre co’ suoi figliuoli intorno alla Religione,
edizione terza. Turin. tip. e libr. salesiana 1883 = OE XXXIV 1–454.
Il cattolico provveduto per le pratiche di pietà con analoghe istruzioni secondo il bisogno dei tempi.
Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1868 = OE XIX 1–773.
Cenni istruttivi di perfezione proposti a’ giovani desiderosi della medesima nella vita edificante di
Giuseppe Burzio dal sac. Felice Giordano O. di M. V. Operetta specialmente utile agli alunni
d’ambi i Cleri. Turin, dalla Stamperia degli Artisti tipografi 1846 = OE II 1–69.
Cenni storici intorno alla vita della b. Caterina De–Mattei da Racconigi dell’Ord. delle pen. di s.
Dom. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1862 = OE XIV 1–192.
Cenni storici intorno all’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales – in P. BRAIDO, Don Bosco per la gioventù
povera e abbandonata in due inediti del 1854 e del 1862, in P. BRAIDO (Ed.), Don Bosco nella
Chiesa a servizio dell’umanità. Rome, LAS 1987, pp. 60–81.
Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo morto nel seminario di Chieri ammirato da tutti per
le sue singolari virtù. Scritti da un suo Collega. Turin, dalla tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1844 = OE I 1–
84.
Cenni sulla vita del giovane Luigi Comollo morto nel Seminario di Chieri ammirato da tutti per le
sue rare virtù. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1884 = OE XXXV 1–120 (I ediz. 1854).
Cenno biografico sul giovanetto Magone Michele allievo dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales.
Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1861 = OE XIII 155–250.
Cenno istorico sulla Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales e relativi schiarimenti. Rome, tip.
Poliglotta 1874 = OE XXV 231–250 – in P. BRAIDO, L’idea della Società Salesiana nel «Cenno
istorico» di don Bosco del 1873/74, RSS 6 (1987) 245–331.

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Cenno storico dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, in P. BRAIDO, Don Bosco per la gioventù
povera e abbandonata in due inediti del 1854 e del 1862, in P. BRAIDO (Ed.), Don Bosco nella
Chiesa a servizio dell’umanità. Rome, LAS 1987, pp. 38–59.
Il Centenario di S. Pietro Apostolo colla vita del medesimo Principe degli Apostoli ed un Triduo in
preparazione della Festa dei santi apostoli Pietro e Paolo. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales
1867 = OE XVIII 1–240.
La chiave del paradiso in mano al cattolico che pratica i doveri di buon cristiano. Turin, tip. Paravia
e comp. 1856 = OE VIII 1–192.
La Chiesa cattolica–apostolica–Romena è la sola vera Chiesa di Gesù Cristo. Avvisi ai Cattolici.
Turin, tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1850 = OE IV 121–143.
La Chiesa cattolica e la sua Gerarchia. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1869 = OE XXI
185–336.
Chi è D. Ambrogio?! Dialogo tra un barbiere ed un teologo. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di
Sales 1866 = OE XVII 245–260.
I Concili Generali e la Chiesa Cattolica. Conversazioni tra un paroco e un giovane parochiano.
Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1869 = OE XXII 1–168.
Congregazione particolare dei Vescovi e Regolari... Torinese sopra l’approvazione delle
Costituzioni della Società salesiana. Relatore... Nobili Vitelleschi.... Rome, tip. Poliglotta della S. C.
di Propaganda 1874 = OE XXV 335–385.
S. Congregazione de’ Vescovi e Regolari. Consultazione per una Congregazione particolare.
Taurinen. Super approbatione Constitutionum Societatis S. Francisci Salesii. Mese di Marzo Anno
1874 = OE XXV 387–400.
Conversazioni tra un avvocato ed un curato di campagna sul sacramento della Confessione. Turin,
tip. Paravia e compagnia 1855 = OE VI 145–272.
Conversione di una valdese. Fatto contemporaneo, LC, Anno II – Fasc. 1 e 2. Turin, tip. dir. da P.
De–Agostini 1854 = OE V 249–366.
Cooperatori salesiani ossia un modo pratico per giovare al buon costume ed alla civile società.
Turin, tip. salesiana 1876 = OE XXVIII 255–271; San Pier d’Arena, tip. e libr. di S. Vincenzo de’
Paoli 1877 = OE XXVIII 339–378.
Costituzioni per l’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (1872–1885). Critical texts edited by Sr.
Cecilia Romero. Rome, LAS 1983.
Il cristiano guidato alla virtù ed alla civiltà secondo lo spirito di San Vincenzo de’ Paoli. Opera che
può servire a consacrare il mese di luglio in onore del medesimo Santo. Turin, tip. Paravia e
compagnia 1848 = OE III 215–503; 1876, OE XXVIII 1–252.
Dei castighi da infliggersi nelle case salesiane (29 gennaio 1883) – in J. M. PRELLEZO, Dei castighi
da infliggersi nelle case salesiane. Una lettera circolare attribuita a don Bosco, RSS 5 (1986) 263–
308.
Deliberazioni del Capitolo generale della Pia Società Salesiana. Tenuto in Lanzo–Torinese nel
settembre 1877. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1878 = OE XXIX 377–472.
Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale della Pia Società Salesiana. Tenuto in Lanzo Torinese
nel settembre 1880. Turin, tip. salesiana 1882 = OE XXXIII 1–96.

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Deliberazioni del secondo Capitolo generale delle Figlie di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice. Tenuto in Nizza
Monferrato nell’agosto del 1886. Turin, tip. salesiana 1886 = OE XXXVI 149–250.
Deliberazioni del terzo e quarto Capitolo generale della Pia Società Salesiana. Tenuti in Valsalice
nel settembre 1883–86. S. Benigno Canavese, tip. salesiana 1886 = OE XXXVI 253–280.
Dialogi intorno all’istituzione del Giubileo colle pratiche divote per la visita delle chiese. Turin, tip.
dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1865 = OE XVI 75–170.
Il divoto dell’Angelo custode. Turin, tip. Paravia e comp. 1845 = OE I 87–158.
Dramma. Una disputa tra un avvocato ed un ministro protestante. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini
1853 = OE V 101–168.
Due conferenze tra due ministri protestanti ed un prete cattolico intorno al Purgatorio e intorno ai
suffragi dei defunti con appendice sulle liturgie. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia e comp. 1857 = OE IX
19–164.
Eccellentissimo Consigliere di Stato. Turin, tip. salesiana 1881 = OE XXXII 37–47.
Elenchus privilegiorum seu facultatum et gratiarum spiritualium quibus potitur Societas S. Francisci
Salesii ex S. Sedis Apostolicae concessionibus directe et Congregationis SS. Redemptoris
communicatione in usum presbyterorum eiusdem societatis. S. Benigni in Salassis, ex Officina
salesiana 1888, 340 p. = OE XXXVII 561–580.
Elenco degli oggetti graziosamente donati a benefizio degli oratorii di S. Francesco di Sales in
Valdocco, di S. Luigi a Porta Nuova e dell’Angelo custode in Vanchiglia. Turin, tip. di Giulio
Speirani e figli 1862 = OE XIV 195–222.
Elenco degli oggetti graziosamente donati a benefizio degli oratorii di S. Francesco di Sales in
Valdocco, di s. Luigi a Porta nuova, dell’Angelo Custode in Vanchiglia e per la costruzione della
Chiesa dedicata a Maria Ausiliatrice. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1866 = OE XVII 1–
23.
Episodi ameni e contemporanei ricavati da pubblici documenti. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di
Sales 1864 = OE XV 117–227.
Esercizio di divozione alla misericordia di Dio. Turin, tip. Eredi Botta 1847 = OE II 71–181.
Esposizione del sacerdote Giovanni Bosco agli Eminentissimi cardinali della Sacra Congregazione
del Concilio. S. Pier d’Arena, tip. di San Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1881 = OE XXXII 49–124.
Esposizione alla S. Sede dello stato morale e materiale della Pia Società di S. Francesco di Sales
nel Marzo del 1879. S. Pier d’Arena, tip. salesiana 1879 = OE XXXI 237–254.
Una famiglia di martiri ossia vita de’ santi Mario, Marta, Audiface ed Abaco e loro martirio con
appendice sul santuario ad essi dedicato presso Caselette. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1861
= OE XIII 57–152.
Fatti ameni della vita di Pio IX raccolti da pubblici documenti. Al lettore. Per la redazione sac. Gio.
Bosco. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1871 = OE XXIII 51–402.
Fatti contemporanei esposti in forma di dialogo. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1853 = OE V 51–
98.
Favori e grazie spirituali concessi dalla Santa Sede alla Pia Società di S. Francesco di Sales.
Turin, tip. salesiana 1881 = OE XXXII 127–258.

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La figlia cristiana provveduta per la pratica dei suoi doveri negli esercizi di cristiana pietà per la
recita dell’Uffizio della B. V. de’ Vespri di tutto l’anno e dell’Uffizio dei Morti coll’aggiunta di una
scelta di laudi sacre, quarta edizione. Turin, tip. e libr. Salesiana 1883 = OE XXXIII 180–673.
Fondamenti della cattolica religione. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1872 = OE XXIV
503–545.
La forza della buona educazione. Curioso episodio contemporaneo. Turin, tip. Paravia e comp.
1855 = OE VI 275–386.
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco Nazionale pel 1855 coll’aggiunta di varie utili curiosità. Anno II. Turin,
tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1854 = OE VI 1–36 (The content might be Don Bosco’s, but not the
literary arrangement, il Dialogo intorno alla sacramental confessione).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco Nazionale pel 1856 coll’aggiunta di varie utili curiosità. Anno III. Turin,
tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1855 = OE VI 487–509 (il discorso de Il Galantuomo a’ suoi amici is
attributed to Don Bosco, though not without some legitimate doubts).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco Nazionale per l’Anno Comune ed Embolismale 1859 aggiuntevi varie
utili letture. Anno VI. Turin, tip. Paravia 1858 = OE XI 139–148.
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco Piemontese–Lombardo per l’anno bisestile 1860 aggiuntevi varie
letture. Anno VII. Turin, tip. Paravia e comp. 1859 = OE XII 113–120 (sulla guerra del 1859 e
temuta per il 1860).
Il Galantuomo e le sue profezie. Almanacco Piemontese–Lombardo pel 1861. Anno VIII. Torino,
tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1860 = OE XII 497–504 (Il Galantuomo ai suoi amici: Le profezie
dell’anno scorso 1860 e Presentimenti sull’anno 1861).
Il Galantuomo e le sue profezie. Almanacco Piemontese–Lombardo pel 1862. Anno IX. Turin, tip.
G. B. Paravia e comp. 1861 = OE XIII 319–335 (Il Galantuomo a’ suoi amici: Le profezie dello
scorso 1861 e Gli avvenimenti del 1862).
Il Galantuomo. Strenna offerta ai cattolici italiani. Almanacco pell’anno bisestile 1864. Anno XI.
Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1863 ( Due parole agli amici, pp. 3–4 may be by Don
Bosco,).
Il Galantuomo e le sue avventure. Almanacco Nazionale per l’anno 1865. Strenna offerta ai
cattolici italiani. Anno XII. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1864 = OE XV 437–468 (the
Prefazione In cui parlandosi di carote, di patate, di cavoli cabusi, si contano in confidenza ai lettori
alcune traversie del Galantuomo sulla “politica”, pp. 3–13 may be by Don Bosco).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco. Per l’anno 1866. Anno XIII. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle Lett.
Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1865 = OE XVI 469–494 (Il Galantuomo ai suoi
amici).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno bisestile 1868. Anno XVI. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle
Letture Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1867 = OE XVIII 311–324 (Il
Galantuomo di ritorno da un viaggio ai benevoli suoi amici: a Rome per il Centenario di S. Pietro,
pp. 3–10).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno 1869. Anno XVII. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle Lett.
Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1868 = OE XXI 177–182 (Cari Lettori: le
“astuzie dei protestanti per rapire la fede ai cattolici”, pp. 3–49).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno 1870. Anno XVIII. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle Letture
Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1869 = OE XXII 243–Bibliografia 719250 (Il

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Galantuomo a’ suoi lettori ed amici: la malattia del tempo, lo spirito di sovversione e a rimedio
l’indizione del Concilio ecumenico).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno 1871. Anno XIX. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle Letture
Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1870 = OE XXII 379–398.
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno bisestile 1872. Anno XX. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle
Letture Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1871 = OE XXIV 467–486.
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno 1873. Anno XXI. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle Letture
Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1872 = OE XXV 1–16 (Il Galantuomo ai suoi
amici with an invitation to subscribe).
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno 1874. Anno XXII. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle Letture
Cattoliche. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1873 = OE XXV 85–100.
Il Galantuomo. Almanacco per l’anno 1879. Anno XXVII. Strenna offerta agli Associati alle Letture
Cattoliche. Turin, tip. salesiana 1878 = OE XXX 431–438 (Il Galantuomo a’ suoi amici: the pages
on Pius IX’s death and memory are inspired by Don Bosco).
Germano l’ebanista o gli effetti di un buon consiglio, Appendix: Ricordi, pp. 76–79. Turin, tip. G. B.
Paravia e comp. 1862 = OE XIV 305–310.
Il giovane provveduto per la pratica de’ suoi doveri degli esercizi di cristiana pietà per la recita
dell’uffizio della Beata Vergine e de’ principali Vespri dell’anno coll’aggiunta di una scelta di laudi
sacre ecc. Turin, tip. Paravia e comp. 1847 = OE II 183–532; New and expanded edition. Turin, tip.
dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1863 = OE XIV 345–361; Forty–second edition. Turin, tip. e libr.
dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales 1875 = OE XXVI 2–184; 101st Edition. Turin, tip. e libr.
salesiana 1885 = OE XXXV 130–648.
Il giubileo e pratiche divote per la visita delle chiese. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1854 = OE V
479–542.
Il giubileo del 1875. Sua istituzione e pratiche divote per la visita delle chiese. Turin, tip. E libr.
dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1875 = OE XXVI 187–301.
Inaugurazione del patronato di S. Pietro in Nizza a Mare. Scopo del medesimo esposto dal
Sacerdote Giovanni Bosco con appendice sul sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù.
Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1877, 37 p.; [Bilingual edition] Inaugurazione... – Inauguration , 68 p. =
OE XXVIII 380–446.
Industrie spirituali secondo il bisogno dei tempi per Giuseppe Frassinetti aggiunta l’operetta Il
Papa. Questioni del giorno per M. Ségur. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e C. 1860 = OE XII 123–144
(Anno VIII delle Letture Cattoliche).
Il più bel fiore del Collegio Apostolico ossia la elezione di Leone XIII con breve biografia dei suoi
elettori. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1878 = OE XXX 1–288.
Introduzione al Piano di Regolamento per l’Oratorio maschile di S. Francesco di Sales in Torino
nella regione Valdocco – in P. BRAIDO, Don Bosco per la gioventù povera e abbandonata in due
inediti del 1854 e del 1862, in P. BRAIDO (Ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa a servizio dell’umanità.
Rome, LAS 1987, pp. 34–36.
Lotteria di doni diversi a favore dei poveri giovanetti dell’ospizio di S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli in S. Pier
d’Arena approvata dalla R. Prefettura di Genova con decreto 24 Luglio 1877. Elenco degli oggetti
graziosamente donati. Gennaio 1878. S. Pier d’Arena, tip. di S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1879 = OE XXX
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Lotteria d’oggetti posta sotto la speciale protezione delle Loro Altezze Reali il principe Amedeo di
Savoia duca d’Aosta colonnello nel 65 reggimento fanteria. Il principe Eugenio di Carignano. La
principessa Maria Elisabetta di Sassonia duchessa di Genova. Il principe Tommaso di Savoia duca
di Genova. La principessa Margherita Maria Teresa… A favore degli Oratori maschili di Valdocco,
di Porta Nuova e di Vanchiglia in Turin e per l’ultimazione di una chiesa in Valdocco. Turin, tip.
dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1865 = OE XVI 247–253.
Maniera facile per imparare la storia sacra ad uso del popolo cristiano. Turin, tip. Paravia e
compagnia 1855 = OE VI 49–143.
Maraviglie della Madre di Dio invocata sotto il titolo di Maria Ausiliatrice. Raccolte dal Sacerdote
Giovanni Bosco. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1868 = OE XX 192–376.
Maria Ausiliatrice col racconto di alcune grazie ottenute nel primo settennio della Consacrazione
della Chiesa a Lei dedicata in Torino. Turin, tip. e libr. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1875 = OE
XXVI 304–624.
Massimino ossia incontro di un giovanetto con un Ministro Protestante sul Campidoglio. Turin, tip.
e libr. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1874 = OE XXV 123–229.
Memorias del Oratorio de San Francisco de Sales de 1815 a 1855, ed. J. M. Prellezo. Madrid,
Central Catequística 2003.
Memorie dal 1841 al 1884–5–6 – in F. MOTTO, Memorie dal 1841 al 1884–5–6 pel sac. Gio. Bosco
a’ suoi figliuoli Salesiani [Testamento spirituale], RSS 4 (1985) 73–130.
Il mese di maggio consacrato a Maria SS. Immacolata ad uso del popolo. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia
e compagnia 1858 = OE X 295–486.
Notitia brevis Societatis Sancti Francisci Salesii et nonnulla decreta ad eamdem spectantia. Turin,
tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1868 = OE XVIII 571–586.
Notizie storiche intorno al miracolo del SS. Sacramento avvenuto in Turin il 6 giugno 1453 con un
cenno sul quarto centenario del 1853. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1853 = OE V 1–48.
Notizie storiche intorno al santuario di Nostra Signora della Pieve in vicinanza di Ponzone diocesi
di Acqui [1868] = OE XVIII 425–568 (s. l., s. e., s.d.).
Notizie storiche sul Convento e sul Santuario di Santa Maria delle Grazie presso Nizza Monferrato.
Nell’occasione faustissima che il Santuario veniva riaperto al divin culto ed il convento tramutato in
casa di educazione pel Sac. Francesco Arrigotti. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1878 [bu Don Bosco
and about Don Bosco, pp. 3–7, 60–76] = OE XXX 405–428.
Nove giorni consacrati all’augusta Madre del Salvatore sotto al titolo di Maria Ausiliatrice. Turin, tip.
dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1870 = OE XXII 253–356.
Novella amena di un vecchio soldato di Napoleone I esposta dal sacerdote Bosco Giovanni. Turin,
tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1862 = OE XIV 225–287.
Novelle e racconti tratti Da vari Autori ad uso della Gioventù, Al benigno lettore. La Direzione [pp.
3–4]. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1867 = OE XVII 393–456.
La nuvoletta del Carmelo ossia la divozione a Maria Ausiliatrice premiata di nuove grazie. S. Pier
d’Arena, tip. e libr. di S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1877 = OE XXVIII 449–565.
Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice per le vocazioni allo stato ecclesiastico benedetta e raccomandata dal
Santo Padre Pio papa IX. Fossano, tip. Saccone [1875] = OE XXVII 1–8.

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Opera di Maria Ausiliatrice per le vocazioni allo stato ecclesiastico. Eretta nell’Ospizio di S.
Vincenzo de’ Paoli in San Pier d’Arena. San Pier d’Arena, tip. e libr. di San Vincenzo de’ Paoli 1877
= OE XXIX 1–28.
L’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales ospizio di beneficenza. Esposizione del Sacerdote Giovanni
Bosco. Turin, tip. salesiana 1879 = OE XXXI 257–300.
La pace della Chiesa ossia il pontificato di S. Eusebio e S. Melchiade ultimi martiri delle dieci
persecuzioni. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1865 = OE XVI 173–245.
I Papi da S. Pietro a Pio IX. Fatti storici. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1868 = OE XVIII
327–422.
Una parola da amico all’esercito per Vittorio Marchale, con testimonianza di G. Morelli Viva Maria
Ausiliatrice! And a note by Don Bosco. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1866 = OE XVII
145–52.
Il pastorello delle Alpi ovvero vita del giovane Besucco Francesco d’Argentera. Turin, tip. dell’Orat.
di S. Franc. di Sales 1864 = OE XV 242–435.
La perla nascosta di S. E. il Cardinale Wiseman Arcivescovo di Westminster. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di
S. Franc. di Sales 1866 = OE XVII 25–142 (ms allografo con correzioni e aggiunte di don Bosco).
Le perquisizioni – in P. BRAIDO and F. MOTTO, Don Bosco tra storia e leggenda nella memoria su
«Le perquisizioni». Testo critico e introduzione, RSS 8 (1989) 111–200.
La persecuzione di Decio e il pontificato di San Cornelio I. papa. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp.
1859 = OE XII 1–111.
Il pontificato di S. Caio papa e martire. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1863 = OE XIV
363–482.
Il pontificato di S. Dionigi con appendice sopra S. Gregorio Taumaturgo. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e
comp. 1861 = OE XIII 253–316.
Il pontificato di S. Felice primo e di S. Eutichiano papi e martiri. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di
Sales 1862 = OE XIII 339–434.
Il pontificato di S. Marcellino e di S. Marcello papi e martiri. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di
Sales 1864 = OE XV 1–115.
Il pontificato di san Sisto II e le glorie di san Lorenzo martire. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1860
= OE XII 269–348.
Porta Teco Cristiano ovvero avvisi importanti intorno ai doveri del cristiano acciocché ciascuno
possa conseguire la propria salvezza nello stato in cui si trova. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia 1858 =
OE XI 1–71.
Pratiche divote per l’adorazione del SS. Sacramento. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales
1866 = OE XVII 263–278 (Invitation to frequent communion: but it is not in Don Bosco’s style, even
if he agreed with the contents).
Una preziosa parola ai figli ed alle figlie. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1862 = OE XIII
437–459 (not in Don Bosco’s style, even if he would have certainly agreed with the contents).
Raccolta di curiosi avvenimenti contemporanei esposti dal sac. Bosco Gioanni. Turin, tip. dir. da P.
De–Agostini 1854 = OE V 369–476.

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Regolamento dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales per gli esterni. Turin, tip. Salesiana 1877 = OE
XXIX 31–94.
Regolamento per le case della Società di S. Francesco di Sales. Turin, tip. Salesiana 1877 = OE
XXIX 97–196.
Regole o Costituzioni della Società di S. Francesco di Sales secondo il decreto di approvazione
del 3 aprile 1874. Turin, 1875 = OE XXVII 10–99; Turin, 1877 = OE XXIX 199–288.
Regole o Costituzioni per l’Istituto delle Figlie di Maria SS. Ausiliatrice aggregate alla Società
Salesiana. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1878 = OE XXX 291–354; ... Salesiana approvate da varii
vescovi tra cui l’eminentissimo cardinale Gaetano Alimonda arcivescovo di Torino. Turin (= S.
Benigno Canavese, tip. salesiana) 1885, 120 pp.
Regulae Societatis S. Francisci Salesii. Augustae Taurinorum, ex typys Asceterii Salesiani 1867 =
OE XVIII 267–301.
Regulae Societatis S. Francisci Salesii. Augustae Taurinorum, ex officina Asceterii Salesiani 1873
= OE XXV 35–72.
Regulae Societatis S. Francisci Salesii. Romee, typis S. C. de Propaganda Fide 1874 = OE XXV
253–292.
Regulae Societatis S. Francisci Salesii. Romee, typis S. C. de Propaganda Fide 1874 = OE XXV
295–333.
Regulae seu Constitutiones Societatis S. Francisci Salesii. Juxta Approbationis decretum die 3
Aprilis, 1874. Augustae Taurinorum, Ex Officina Asceterii Salesiani 1874 = OE XXV 412–460.
Ricordi dati ai religiosi Salesiani il giorno 11 novembre [1875] nell’atto che partivano dalla chiesa di
Maria A. per intraprendere il viaggio alla Repubblica Argentina – ed. J. Borrego, The «Ricordi ai
missionari» (1875), in G. BOSCO, Scritti pedagogici e spirituali eds di J. Borrego et al. Rome, LAS
1987, pp. 103–123 (cf. also P. BRAIDO [Ed.], Don Bosco educatore. Scritti e testimonianze. Rome,
LAS 1997, pp. 199–204).
Ricordi confidenziali ai direttori – in F. MOTTO, I «Ricordi confidenziali ai direttori» di don Bosco,
RSS 3 (1984) 125–166.
Rimembranza di una solennità in onore di Maria Ausiliatrice. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di
Sales 1868 = OE XXI 1–174.
Saggio dei figliuoli dell’Oratorio di san Francesco di Sales sopra la storia sacra dell’Antico
Testamento / 15 agosto 1848 ore 4 pomeridiane. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1848.
Saggio che danno i figliuoli dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales sul sistema metrico decimale in
forma di dialogo il 16 dicembre 1849 alle 2 pomeridiane. Assiste l’ill.mo professore D. G. Ant.
Rayneri. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1849.
Sagra Congregazione de’ Vescovi e Regolari. Consultazione per la Congregazione speciale...
Taurinen. seu Societatis S. Francisci Salesii super literis dimissorialibus, et communicatione
privilegiorum. Rome, tip. Poliglotta della S. C. di Propaganda 1875 = OE XXVII 101–143.
Sancti Hieronymi de viris illustribus liber singularis. Vitae S. Pauli primi eremitae, Hilarionis
eremitae, Malchi monaci, et Epistolae selectae. Augustae Taurinorum, Officina Asceterii Salesiani
1875 = OE XXVII 157–164.
Scelta di laudi sacre ad uso delle Missioni e di altre opportunità della Chiesa [1880] = OE XXXI
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Le scuole di beneficenza dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales in Turin davanti al Consiglio di
Stato. Turin, tip. salesiana 1879 = OE XXX 449–480.
Severino ossia avventure di un giovane alpigiano raccontate da lui medesimo ed esposte dal
sacerdote Giovanni Bosco. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1868 = OE XX 1–189.
Il sistema metrico decimale ridotto a semplicità preceduto dalle quattro prime operazioni
dell’aitmetica ad uso degli artigiani e della gente di campagna. Turin, per Gio. Battista Paravia e
comp. tipografi–librai 1849 = OE IV 1–80.
Il sistema preventivo nella educazione della gioventù. Introduction and critical text by Pietro Braido,
RSS 4 (1985)171–321.
Società di mutuo soccorso di alcuni individui della compagnia di San Luigi eretta nell’Oratorio di
San Francesco di Sales. Turin, dalla tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1850 = OE IV 83–90.
Società di S. Francesco di Sales Anno 1872. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1872 = OE
XXIV 489–500; Anno 1874 = OE XXV 463–469; Anno 1877 = OE XXIX 335–374; Anno 1879 = OE
XXXI 1–59; Anno 1880 = OE XXXI 391–439.
Societas S. Francisci Salesii. De Societate S. Francisci Salesii brevis notitia et nonnulla decreta ad
eamdem spectantia. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1873 = OE XXV 103–121.
La storia d’Italia raccontata alla gioventù da’ suoi primi abitatori sino ai nostri giorni corredata da
una Carta Geografica d’Italia. Turin, tip. Paravia e compagnia 1855 = OE VII 1–561.
La storia d’Italia raccontata alla gioventù da’ suoi primi abitatori sino ai nostri giorni con analoga
Carta Geografica d’Italia, 18th Edition. Turin, tip. e libr. Salesiana 1887 = OE XXXVII 1–558.
Storia ecclesiastica ad uso delle scuole utile per ogni ceto di persone. Dedicata all’Onorat.mo
Signore F. Ervé de la Croix provinciale dei fratelli D. I. D. S. C. Compilata dal sacerdote B. G. Turin,
tip. Speirani e Ferrero 1845 = OE I 160–556.
Storia ecclesiastica ad uso della gioventù utile ad ogni grado di persone, quarta edizione
migliorata. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1871 = OE XXIV 1–464.
Storia sacra per uso delle scuole utile ad ogni stato di persone arricchita di analoghe incisioni.
Compilata dal sacerdote Gioanni Bosco. Turin, dai tipografi–editori Speirani e Ferrero 1847 = OE
III 2–212; 2nd and improved Edition. Turin, dai tipografi–editori Speirani e Tortone 1853, 200 p.; …
analoghe incisioni e di una carta geografica della Terra santa, edizione decima. Turin, tip. e libr.
dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1876 = OE XXVII 207–472.
Unione cristiana. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1874 = OE XXV 403–410.
Valentino o la vocazione impedita. Episodio contemporaneo. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di
Sales 1866 = OE XVII 179–242.
Vita de’ sommi pontefici S. Anacleto, S. Evaristo, S. Alessandro I. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia e
Comp. 1857 = OE IX 445–524.
Vita de’ sommi pontefici S. Aniceto, S. Sotero, S. Eleuterio, S. Vittore e S. Zeffirino. Turin, tip. G. B.
Paravia e compagnia 1858 = OE X 205–292.
Vita de’ sommi pontefici S. Lino, S. Cleto, S. Clemente. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia e Comp. 1857 =
OE IX 337–443.
Vita della beata Maria degli Angeli Carmelitana scalza torinese. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di
Sales 1865 = OE XVI 274–466.

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Vita e martirio de’ sommi pontefici san Lucio I e santo Stefano I. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp.
1860 = OE XII 147–266.
Vita de’ sommi pontefici S. Sisto, S. Telesforo, S. Igino, S. Pio I con appendice sopra S. Giustino
apologista della religione. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia e Comp. 1857 = OE X 1–95.
Vita dei sommi pontefici S. Ponziano, S. Antero e S. Fabiano. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp.
1859 = OE XI 409–508.
Vita del giovanetto Savio Domenico allievo dell’Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales. Turin, tip. G. B.
Paravia e comp. 1859 = OE XI 150–292.
Vita del sommo pontefice S. Callisto I. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1858 = OE XI 73–136.
Vita del sommo pontefice S. Urbano I. Turin, tip. G. B. Paravia e comp. 1859 = OE XI 295–405.
Vita di S. Giovanni Battista. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1868 = OE XX 379–442.
Vita di san Martino vescovo di Tours. Turin, tip. Ribotta 1855 = OE VI 389–484.
Vita di S. Pancrazio martire con appendice sul Santuario a lui dedicato vicino a Pianezza. Turin,
tip. di G. B. Paravia e comp. 1856 = OE VIII 195–290.
Vita di S. Paolo apostolo dottore delle genti. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia e Comp. 1857 = OE IX
167–334.
Vita di San Pietro principe degli apostoli Primo Papa dopo Gesù Cristo. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia
e comp. 1856 = OE VIII 293–473.
Vita di san Pietro principe degli Apostoli ed un Triduo in preparazione alla Festa dei santi apostoli
Pietro e Paolo. Turin, tip. dell’Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales 1867 = OE XVIII 243–265.
Vita di S. Policarpo vescovo di Smirne e martire e del suo discepolo S. Ireneo vescovo di Lione e
martire. Turin, tip. di G. B. Paravia e comp. 1857 = OE X 97–192.
Vita di santa Zita serva e di Sant’Isidoro contadino. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1853 = OE V
171–179.
Vita infelice di un novello apostata. Turin, tip. dir. da P. De–Agostini 1853 = OE V 181–228.
CAVIGLIA Alberto (ed.), Opere e scritti editi e inediti di “Don Bosco”, Vol. I, part 1 Storia sacra; part 2
Storia ecclesiastica. Turin, SEI 1929; Vol. II, part 1 and 2 Le Vite dei Papi. Turin, SEI 1932; Vol. III.
La storia d’Italia. Turin, SEI 1935; Vol. IV. part 1 and 2 La vita di Domenico Savio e “Savio
Domenico e don Bosco”. Introductory study. Turin SEI 1943; Vol. V Il primo libro di don Bosco
[Cenni sulla vita di Luigi Comollo] – Il “Magone Michele”. Turin, SEI 1965; Vol. VI La vita di
Besucco Francesco. Turin, SEI 1965.
BRAIDO Pietro (Ed.), Don Bosco educatore. Scritti e testimonianze. Rome, LAS 1997.
3. Sources
3.1 Handwritten materials (ASC – Rome)
BARBERIS Giulio, Cronichetta – 15 notebooks (1875–1879) – Chronicle – with the help of
“ascritti”(novices) or postnovices – 20 notebooks= ASC A 001.
Berto Gioachino, Notizie. 1867.
– Avvisi – Ricordi – Notizie miracolose 1867 = ASC A 0040205.

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– Raccolta di fatti – Fatti e sogni of D. Bosco = ASC A 0040301. – Fatti particolari, Vol. I – from
9 Sept. to 31 Dec. 1867 = ASC A 0040606.
– [Chronicle] 1868 – 2 = ASC A 004.
– [Chronicle] 1868–1869 = ASC A 0040607.
– Compendio dell’andata di D. Bosco a Rome nel 1873 di Febbrajo accompagnato da un prete
dell’Oratorio (D. Berto) = ASC
– Brevi appunti sul viaggio di D. Bosco a Rome nel 1873–74 = ASC A 0040402.
– Memorie Viaggio di Rome – Partenza Febbrajo 1875 = ASC
– Appunti pel viaggio di D. Bosco a Rome 1877 = ASC A 0040502.
– Appunti sui viaggi di D. Bosco a Rome 1879–1880 = ASC A 0040504.
– Alcuni appunti sul viaggio di Rome 1882… = ASC
BONETTI Giovanni, Memoria di alcuni fatti tratti dalle prediche o dalla storia (17 October 1858 ff.) =
ASC A 0040601.
– Annali I. 1860 – 1861 = ASC A 0040602.
– Annali II. 1861–1862 = ASC A 0040603.
– Annali III. 1862–1863 = ASC A 0040604.
– Cronaca dell’anno 1864 = ASC A 0040605.
LEMOYNE Giovanni Battista, [Chronicle] 1864–1865 = ASC A 0090102
– Ricordi di gabinetto = ASC A 0060803
RUFFINO Domenico, Cronache dell’oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales N° 1° 1860.
– Cronache dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales N° 2 1861.
– [Chronicle] 1861 1862 1863 1864 – inc. Le doti grandi e luminose.
– Cronaca. 1861 1862 1863.
– Libro di esperienza – 1864.
– Libro dell’esperienza – 1865. = ASC A 0120201.
RUA Michele, Cronache ASC A0080401.
VIGLIETTI Carlo, Cronaca di D. Bosco – 8 notebooks from 20 May 1884 to 31 January 1888 = ASC
A 0090201–04, ASC A 0090301–04.
3.2 Other source manuscripts
Adunanze Capitolo Superiore – Verbali di Capitoli, dal 1859 = ASC D 868.
Capitoli superiori ossia verbali delle radunanze che tenne il Capitolo Superiore della
Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales, cominciando dal 10 Dicembre 1875, ed. Giulio Barberis =
ASC D 869.
Capitolo Superiore: Verbali delle riunioni del Capitolo Superiore dal 1883 ss., ed. Giovanni Battista
Lemoyne = ASC D 868 – D 869.
Conferenze generali di S. Francesco di Sales = ASC D 577.

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Documenti per scrivere la storia di D. Giovanni Bosco, 45 Vols. = ASC A 050–093.
3.3 In Print
BARBERIS Giulio, La repubblica Argentina e la Patagonia. Lettere dei Missionari Salesiani. Turin,
tip. e libr. salesiana 1877 = OE XXIX 291–317.
BRAIDO Pietro, Don Bosco per la gioventù povera e abbandonata in due inediti del 1854 e del
1862, in P. BRAIDO (Ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa a servizio dell’umanità. Rome, LAS 1987, pp.
13–81, original handwritten mss orig. of DB: Introduzione al Piano di Regolamento dell’Oratorio
maschile di S. Francesco di Sales in Turin = ASC A 2220101; Cenno storico dell’Oratorio di S.
Francesco di Sales = ASC D 4820104; Cenni storici intorno all’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales =
ASC A 2220102.
BRAIDO Pietro, L’idea della Società Salesiana nel “Cenno istorico” di don Bosco del 1873/74, RSS
6 (1987) 245–331, original handwritten ms orig. of DB: Cenno istorico della Società di S.
Francesco di Sales e relativi schiarimenti = ASC A 2300102 – ASC A 2300103 and A 2300104.
BRAIDO Pietro – Rogélio ARENAL LLATA, Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne attraverso 20 lettere a don
Michele Rua, RSS 7 (1988) 89–170, original handwritten mss orig. of Fr Lemoyne: 23 November
1865, ASC A 4410435; 20 June 1873, ASC A 4410421; June 1874, ASC B 5400109; October 1883,
ASC A 4410422; 10 April 1884, ASC A 4410420; 10 April 1884, (copy attached) ASC A 4410423; 16
April 1884, ASC A 4410424; 19 April 1884, ASC A 4410425; 22 April 1884, ASC A 4410426; 23
April 1884, ASC A 4410429; 24 April 1884, ASC A 4410427; 28 April 1884, ASC A 4410428; 5 May
1884, ASC A 4410430; 6 May 1884, ASC A 4410431, 9 May 1884, ASC A 4410432; 12 May 1884,
ASC A 4410434; 15 May 1884, ASC A 4410433; July 1884, ASC A 4410430; 25 September 1894,
ASC A 4410437; 30 September 1894, ASC A 4410438.
BRAIDO Pietro, Michele Rua precario “cronacista” di don Bosco. Introduzione e testi critici, RSS 8
(1989) 329–367, original handwritten ms orig. of Fr Rua, Cronache = ASC A 0080401.
BRAIDO Pietro and Francesco MOTTO, Don Bosco tra storia e leggenda nella memoria su “Le
perquisizioni”, RSS 8 (1989) 111–200, handwritten original ms orig. of DB: Le perquisizioni = ASC
A 2240101 and A 2240102.
BRAIDO Pietro, Don Michele Rua primo autodidatta “Visitatore” salesiano. Relazione di “ispezioni”
nelle prime istituzioni educative fondate da don Bosco, RSS 9 (1990) 97–179, handwritten original
ms orig. of Fr Rua: Cose da esaminare = ASC Rua – Notebooks – Reports of visits to various
houses, FdR 2955 D2–957 A9.
BRAIDO Pietro, Tratti di vita religiosa salesiana nello scritto “Ai Soci Salesiani” di don Bosco del
1875. Introduzione e testi critici, RSS 13 (1994) 361–448; Tratti di vita religiosa salesiana... del
1877/1885. Introduzione e testi critici, RSS 14 (1995) 91–154, handwritten original mss of DB Ai
Soci Salesiani = ASC D 4730210, D 4730301, D 4730302, D 4730303, D 4730209.
DECANQ Bart, “Severino”. Studio dell’opuscolo con particolare attenzione al “primo oratorio”, RSS
11 (1992) 221–318, handwritten original mss of DB: Severino, ossia, avventure di un alpigiano =
ASC A 2340401 and A 2340403.
GIRAUDO Aldo, “Sacra Real Maestà”. Considerazioni intorno ad alcuni inediti di don Bosco, RSS 13
(1994) 267–313.
LEMOYNE Giovanni Battista, Scene morali di famiglia esposte nella vita di Margherita Bosco.
Racconto edificante ed ameno. Turin, tip. e libr. salesiana 1886.
Lettere circolari di D. Bosco e di D. Rua ed altri loro scritti ai salesiani. Turin, tip. salesiana 1896.

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MALFAIT Daniel – Jacques SCHEPENS, “Il cristiano guidato alla virtù ed alla civiltà secondo lo spirito
di San Vincenzo de’ Paoli”. Analisi del lavoro redazionale compiuto da don Bosco, RSS 15 (1996)
317–382: handwritten corrections by DB on book by A. J. ANSART, Lo spirito di S. Vincenzo de’
Paoli (1840) = ASC A 2300206.
MOTTO Francesco, I “Ricordi confidenziali ai direttori” di don Bosco, RSS 3 (1984) 125–166,
handwritten original mss of DB = – ASC A 0951003, A 0951004, A 0951006, A 0951007, A
0951008, A 0951009, A 0951010, A 0951011, A 0951012, A 0951013, A 0951014, A 0951015.
MOTTO Francesco, Memorie dal 1841 al 1884–5–6 pel sac. Gio. Bosco a’ suoi figliuoli salesiani
[Testamento spirituale], RSS 4 (1985) 73–130, handwritten original ms of DB = ASC A 2270308.
PAPES Antonio, La formazione del salesiano coadiutore nel 1883, RSS 13 (1994) 143–
224,handwritten original ms. of Fr Barberis = ASC F 647.
PRELLEZO José Manuel, Valdocco nell’Ottocento tra reale e ideale (1866–1889). Documenti e
testimonianze. Rome, LAS 1992, handwritten original mss : C. CHIALA e G. LAZZERO, Diario
dell’Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales (pp. 40–103), ASC A 0050503; M. RUA, Conferenze e
deliberazioni capitolari (pp. 145–218), ASC A 4650101; G. LAZZERO, Adunanze del capitolo della
casa (pp. 233–260), ASC F 583; Conferenze mensili (pp. 261–270), ASC F 588.
PRELLEZO José Manuel, La “parte operaia” nelle case salesiane. Documenti e testimonianze sulla
formazione professionale (1883–1886), RSS 16 (1997) 353–391, handwritten original mss Di vari
= ASC D 579.
ROMERO Cecilia, Sogni di don Bosco. Edizione critica. Leumann (Turin), Elle Di Ci 1978,
handwritten original mss of DB: 1870 Parigi–Chiesa–Italia, ASC A 2230301; 1876 Sogno di Lanzo
e Domenico Savio, ASC A 2230306; 1881 Il manto con i diamanti e la Società salesiana, ASC A
2230308; 1883 Le Missioni d’America, ASC A 2230310; 1887 L’Ancella del Signore, ASC A
2230311
4. Specific literature
ALBERDI Ramón, Una Ciudad para un Santo: los orígines de la obra salesiana en Barcelona.
Barcelona, Tibidabo 1966.
ALBERDI Ramón – Rafael CASANOVAS, Martí–Codolar. Una obra social de la burguesía. Barcelona,
Obra Salesiana Martí–Codolar 2001.
BELASIO A. M., Della vera scuola per ravviare la società pel prof. teol. missionario apostolico
Antonio Maria Belasio direttore spirituale del seminario di Vigevano. Turin, tip. e libr. dell’Orat. di S.
Franc. di Sales 1874 = OE XXV 79–82 (letter of Don Bosco to A.).
BODRATO Francesco, Epistolario. Introduzione, testo critico e note a cura di B. Casali. Rome, LAS
1995.
BORREGO Jesús, Giovanni Battista Baccino, Estudio y edición crítica de su Biografía y Epistolario.
Rome, LAS 1977.
BRACCO Giuseppe (ed.), Turin e don Bosco, Vol. I. Saggi; Vol. II. Immagini realizzate da Mario
Serra; Vol. III. Documenti scelti da Rosanna Roccia. Turin, Archivio Storico della Città 1989.
BRAIDO Pietro, Il progetto operativo di don Bosco e l’utopia della società cristiana. Rome, LAS
1982.
BRAIDO Pietro (Ed.), Don Bosco nella Chiesa a servizio dell’umanità. Rome, LAS 1987.

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BRAIDO Pietro, Un “nuovo prete” e la sua formazione culturale secondo don Bosco, RSS 8 (1989)
7–55.
BRAIDO Pietro, “Memorie” del futuro, RSS 11 (1992) 97–127.
BRAIDO Pietro, Una formula dell’umanesimo educativo di don Bosco: “Buon cristiano e onesto
cittadino”, RSS 13 (1994) 7–75.
BRAIDO Pietro, Il sistema preventivo di don Bosco alle origini (1841–1862). Il cammino del
“preventivo” nella realtà e nei documenti, RSS 14 (1995) 255–320.
BRAIDO Pietro, “Poveri e abbandonati, pericolanti e pericolosi”: pedagogia, assistenza, socialità
nell’“esperienza preventiva” di don Bosco, in “Annali di storia dell’educazione e delle istituzioni
educative” 3 (1996) 183–236.
BRAIDO Pietro (Ed.), Don Bosco educatore. Scritti e testimonianze. Rome, LAS 1997.
BRAIDO Pietro, Prevenire non reprimere. Il sistema educativo di don Bosco. Rome, LAS 1999.
CARROZZINO Michela, Don Guanella e don Bosco. Storia di un incontro e di un confronto. Rome,
Nuove Frontiere Editrice 1989.
CASELLA Francesco, Il Mezzogiorno d’Italia e le istituzioni educative salesiane. Rome, LAS 2000.
CASELLE Secondo, Cascinali e contadini in Monferrato. I Bosco di Chieri nel secolo XVIII. Rome,
LAS 1975.
CASELLE Secondo, Giovanni Bosco a Chieri 1831–1841. Dieci anni che valgono una vita. Turin,
Edizioni Acclaim 1988.
CAVIGLIÀ Piera e Anna COSTA (eds), Orme di vita tracce di futuro. Fonti e testimonianze sulla prima
comunità delle Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice (1870–1881). Rome, LAS 1996.
CAVIGLIA Alberto, “Don Bosco”. Profilo storico. Turin, SEI 1934.
CERRATO Natale, La catechesi di don Bosco nella sua “Storia sacra”. Rome, LAS 1979.
CERRATO Natale, Il linguaggio della prima storia salesiana. Parole e luoghi delle “Memorie
Biografiche di don Bosco”. Rome, LAS 1991.
CHIOCCHETTA Pietro, San Giovanni Bosco, mons. Daniele Comboni e le iniziative missionarie per
l’Africa Centrale (1857–1881), “Salesianum” 50 (1988) 171–190.
DEAMBROGIO Luigi, Le passeggiate autunnali di D. Bosco per i colli monferrini. Castelnuovo Don
Bosco, Istituto Salesiano “Bernardi Semeria” 1975.
DESRAMAUT Francis, Les Memorie I de Giovanni Battista Lemoyne. Étude d’un ouvrage
fondamental sur la jeunesse de saint Jean Bosco. Lyon 1962.
DESRAMAUT Francis, Don Bosco et la vie spirituelle. Paris, Beauchesne 1967.
DESRAMAUT Francis, Don Bosco à Nice. La vie d’une école professionnelle catholique entre 1875
et 1919. Paris, Apostolat des Éditions 1980.
DESRAMAUT Francis, Don Bosco en son temps (1815–1888). Turin, SEI 1996.
DICKSON William John, The dynamics of growth. The foundation and development of the Salesians
in England. Rome, LAS 1991.
Don Bosco e le sfide della modernità. Turin, Centro Studi “Carlo Trabucco” 1988.
FARINA Raffaele, Leggere don Bosco oggi. Note e suggestioni metodologiche, in La formazione

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permanente interpella gli Istituti religiosi. Leumann (Turin), Elle Di Ci 1976, pp. 349–404.
FRANCESIA Giovanni Battista, Memorie biografiche di salesiani defunti raccolte e pubblicate dal
sac.... San Benigno Canavese, Scuola tipografica salesiana 1903.
FRANSONI Luigi, Epistolario. Introduzione, testo critico e note, ed. M. F. Mellano. Rome, LAS 1994.
GIRAUDI Fedele, L’Oratorio di don Bosco. Inizio e progressivo sviluppo edilizio della Casa madre
dei salesiani in Torino. Turin, SEI 1935.
LASAGNA Luigi, Epistolario. Introduction, notes and critical texts, ed. Antonio da Silva Ferreira, Vol. I
(1873–1882) and Vol. II (1882–1892). Rome, LAS 1995 e 1997.
LEONARDO (s.) Murialdo, Epistolario, 5 Vols. Ed. A. Marengo. Rome, Libreria Editrice Murialdana
1970–1973.
LOPARCO Grazia, Le Figlie di Maria Ausiliatrice nella società italiana (1900–1922). Rome, LAS
2002.
MIDALI Mario (Ed.), Don Bosco nella storia. Acts of the 1st International Congress on Studies of
Don Bosco (Salesian Pontifical University – Rome, 16–20 January 1989). Rome, LAS 1990.
MIDALI Mario (ed.), Don Bosco Fondatore della Famiglia Salesiana. Acts of Symposium, Rome–
Salesianum 22–26 January 1989. Rome, Editrice S.D.B. 1989.
MOTTO Francesco, Don Bosco mediatore tra Cavour e Antonelli nel 1858, RSS 5 (1986) 3–20.
MOTTO Francesco, L’“oratorio” di don Bosco presso il cimitero di S. Pietro in Vincoli in Torino. Una
documentata ricostruzione del noto episodio, RSS 5 (1986) 199–220.
MOTTO Francesco, Le conferenze “annesse” di S. Vincenzo de’ Paoli negli oratori di don Bosco, in
J. M. PRELLEZO (ed.), L’impegno dell’educare. Rome, LAS 1991, pp. 472–476.
MOTTO Francesco, “Il centenario di S. Pietro” denunciato alla S. Congregazione dell’Indice. La
memoria difensiva di don Bosco, RSS 15 (1996) 55–99.
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PERNIOLA Erasmo, Luigi Monti fondatore dei Figli dell’Immacolata Concezione, 2 Vols. Saronno,
Editrice Padre Monti 1983.
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1986.
POSADA Maria Esther (ed.), Attuale perché vera. Contributi su S. Maria Domenica Mazzarello.
Rome, LAS 1987.
SCHEPENS Jacques, “La forza della buona educazione”. Étude d’un écrit de don Bosco, in J. M.
PRELLEZO (ed.), L’impegno dell’educare. Rome, LAS 1991, pp. 417–433.
STELLA Pietro, Valori spirituali nel “Giovane provveduto” di san Giovanni Bosco. Rome, PAS 1960.
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religiosa e spiritualità; III. La canonizzazione (1888–1934). Rome, LAS 1979, 1981, 1988.
STELLA Pietro, Don Bosco nella storia economica e sociale (1815–1870). Rome, LAS 1980.
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VALENTINI Eugenio, Don Bosco e Sant’Alfonso. Pagani (Salerno), Casa Editrice Sant’Alfonso 1972.
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della Società di S. Francesco di Sales (1868 ca.–1919). Rome, LAS 1997.
5. Complementary literature
ALIBERTI G.. – MALGERI F., Due secoli al Duemila. Transizione, mutamento, sviluppo nell’Europa
contemporanea (185–1998). Milano, LED 1999.
APORTI Ferrante, Scritti pedagogici editi e inediti, a cura di Angiolo Gambaro, 2 Vols. Turin, Edizioni
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APPENDINO Filippo N. (ed.), Chiesa e società nella II metà del XIX secolo in Piemonte. Casale
Monferrato, Edizioni P. Marietti 1982.
ASCENZI Anna, Tra educazione etico–civile e costruzione dell’identità nazionale. L’insegnamento
della storia nelle scuole italiane dell’Ottocento. Milan, Vita e Pensiero 2004.
AUBERT Roger, Il pontificato di Pio IX (1846–1878), 2nd Italian ed. Based on the French , ed. G.
Martina. Turin, S.A.I.E. 1976.
AUDISIO Roberto, La “Generala” di Turin. Esposte, discoli, minori corrigendi (1785–1850). Santena,
Fondazione C. Cavour 1987.
BALZANI R. – A. DE BERNARDI, Storia contemporanea, Milan, Mondadori 2003.
BARBAGALLO F. Storia contemporanea, l’Ottocento e il Novecento. Rome, Carocci 2002.
BERTONI GIOVINE Dina (ed.), I periodici popolari del Risorgimento, 2 Vols. Milan, Feltrinelli 1959.
BETTAZZI Luigi, Obbediente in Ivrea. Monsignor Luigi Moreno vescovo dal 1848 al 1878. Turin, SEI
1989.
BORSARELLI Rosa Maria, La marchesa Giulia di Barolo e le opere assistenziali in Piemonte nel
Risorgimento. Turin, G. Chiantore 1933.
BULFERETTI Luigi – Raimondo LURAGHI, Agricoltura, industria e commercio in Piemonte dal 1814
al 1848, Vol. III. Dal 1814 al 1848; Vol. IV. Dal 1848 al 1861. Turin, Ist. per la Storia del
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CAFAGNA Luigi, Cavour. Bologna, Il Mulino 1999.
CAMAIANI Pier Giorgio, Motivi e riflessi della questione Romena, in Chiesa e religiosità in Italia dopo
l’Unità (1861–1878). acts of the Fourth Church History Conference, Reports II. Milan, Vita e
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CANDELORO Giorgio, Storia dell’Italia moderna, Vol. III. La rivoluzione nazionale 1846–1849; vol. IV.
Dalla rivoluzione nazionale all’Unità 1849–1860; vol. V. La costituzione dello stato unitario 1860–
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CARACCIOLO Alberto, Rome capitale dal Risorgimento alla crisi dello stato liberale. Rome, Edizioni
Rinascita 1956.

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Morcelliana 1968.

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FOSSATI Antonio, Origini e sviluppi della carestia del 1816–1817 negli Stati Sardi di Terra–ferma.
Turin, Giappichelli 1929.
Francesco Faà di Bruno (1825–1888). Miscellanea. Turin, Bottega d’Erasmo 1977.
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