1-%E2%80%93-A.-Lenti-Community-and-Mission.-Spiritual-Insights-and-Salesian-Religious-Life-in-Don-Bosco-s-Consitiutions(1998)


1-%E2%80%93-A.-Lenti-Community-and-Mission.-Spiritual-Insights-and-Salesian-Religious-Life-in-Don-Bosco-s-Consitiutions(1998)



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Community and Mission
Spiritual Insights and Salesian
Religious Life in Don Bosco's
Constitutions
Arthur J. Lenti, SDB
Introduction
The new Constitutions of the Society of St. Francis de Sales issued in their
final form to the Salesians in 1984 bear no outward resemblance to the
constitutions first drafted by Don Bosco in 1858 and approved (after protracted,
painful travail) by the Holy See in 1874. However, the principles, the insights,
and the spirit which Don Bosco embodied in his constitutions, and which found
explication and application in Don Bosco's consistent practice, have been
beautifully restated in the new constitutions to produce a comprehensive and
coherent rule of life for Salesians. Don Bosco's favorite expressions,
embodying important spiritual insights, have also been preserved, as may be
seen in the following example.
SDB Const. 1984,
Community, #50
50. God calls us to live m
community and entrusts us with
brothers to love.
Brotherly love, our apostolic
mission and the practice of the
evangelical counsels are the bonds
which form us into one and
constantly reinforce our
communion.
We thus become one heart and
one soul to love and serve God,
and to help one another.
DB's Const. 1860,
Form, Art. 1
1. All the gathered-members lead the
common life bound only by the bond
fraternal charity and the simple vows,
which unites them to form one heart
and one soul, in order to love and
serve God by the virtue of obedience,
of poverty, and of holiness of life.
[to be discussed in Part II, below]
Clearly, the special commissions and the renewal general chapters worked
knowledgeably and well. 1
1 Constitutions of the Society of St. Francis de Sales (Roma: Editrice S.D.B.,
1984).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
The present article is not concerned with the new constitutions. No
comparative study will be attempted, nor any reference will be made to them.
This would be carrying coal to Newcastle. I shall instead attempt simply to
identify and briefly discuss some of the spiritual insights and principles for
religious life and action which Don Bosco embodied in his constitutions.
To this end, I will first briefly describe the development of Don Bosco's
constitutions, as he laboriously worked and re-worked the text in response to
critical observations by the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, over a
period of some 15 years (Part I). I will then try to identify and discuss Don
Bosco' s chief proposals for the religious life and the apostolate of his Salesians
(Part II). This latter part of the work will require a fairly close examination of a
number of foundational articles from key chapters of those early constitutions .
Francesco Motto's critical edition of the constitutional texts from
archival documents will be my point of reference throughout. Whenever
necessary and appropriate, I shall also make reference to the Biographical
Memoirs, to Opere Edite and to other resources.2 All quotes will be given in
English translation.
Part I. Brief History of the Textual Development of
Don Bosco's Constitutions
Writing a concise textual history of the early Salesian constitutions may be
compared to writing "A Brief History of Time."3 It is a long and complex
history which parallels and is interwoven with the process of approval.
According to the Methodus and other norms issued by the Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars,4 the process by which a new religious institute was
approved comprised three phases:
2 Giovanni Bosco, Costituzioni delta Societa di S. Francesco di Sales [18581-
1875. Testi critici a cura di Francesco Motto, SDB (Istituto Storico Salesiano ,
Roma. Fonti, Serie prima, 1. Roma: LAS, 1982). [Motto, Cost. DB] Besides the
critical edition of original texts of Don Bosco's constitutions from the Central
Salesian Archive, Motto provides introductory studies and appendices. The Don
Bosco files of the Central Salesian Archive [ASC] are available to us in
Microfiches [FDBM] .
Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, Angelo Amadei, Eugenio Ceria, Memorie
Biografiche di San Giovanni Bosco (Torino: Societa Editrice Internazionale, 1898-
1939), 19 volumes. [IBM] The first 16 volumes are translated into English as The
Biographical Memoirs of Saint John Bosco. An American Edition [...], Rev. Diego
Borgatello (Michael Mendl), Editor-in-Chief (New Rochelle, New York, 1965-
1995). [EBM]
Centro Studi Don Bosco, Universita Pontificia Salesiana, Giovanni Bosco,
Opere Edite, ristampa anastatica (Roma: LAS, 1977) 38 volumes. [Opere Edite]
3 Stephen Hawking, A Brief History of Time (London: Bantam, 1988).
• Methodus quae a Sacra Congregatione Episcoporum et Regularium servatur in
approbandis novis institutis votorum simplicium ab A. Bizzarri Archiepiscopo

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(1) An examination of the life and constitutions of the institute led to the
awarding of a Decree of Commendation (Decretum Laudis). This ''first
approval" was granted after an appropriate period of time had elapsed since the
founding, and only if the institute was making good progress and had the
support of ordinaries expressed in letters of commendation.
Together with the Decree, a number of observations (animadversiones)
were usually given; they were designed to improve the constitutions in
accordance with the law and practice of the Church.
(2) After an appropriate trial period, a petition for the approval of the
institute could be submitted. The constitutions were to have been emended in
compliance with the observations given, and new testimonial letters from
ordinaries were to have been obtained. The Decree of Approval of the Institute
(Decretum approbationis instituti) followed. If necessary, new observations
were given for a further revision of the constitutional text.
(3) The third and final phase led to the Decree of Approval of the
Constitutions (Decretum approbationis constitutionum). This was given only
after the constitutions were emended as requested, and after their worth was
ascertained on the basis of the institute's performance. To this effect documents
and testimonial letters were to be submitted anew.
The approval might be definitive or only for a trial period.
In this first part, I will simply describe the development of the text,
making only brief reference, when necessary, to the issues debated and
negotiated in the process of approval.5
In the critical edition of the constitutional texts referred to above, Motto
has studied and classified 56 texts, in both manuscript and printed form. From
among them he has identified and described eight drafts which represent eight
arrival points, or successive important stages, in the development of the text of
the early constitutions, from 1858 to 1875.
I. From the Earliest Extant Text to the Decree of
Commendation (1858-1864): Stages 1-3
1. Stage 1: The Earliest Text of 1858
The earliest stage is represented by a manuscript (in Italian) in Seminarian
Michele Rua's hand. To it the critical editor has assigned the letters Ar.6 It
philippen. secretario exposita [Method by which the Sacred Congregation of
Bishops and Regulars is guided in approving new institutes with simple vows ... ],
in Collectanea [... ]. (Rome, 1863), 829-830, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 228 (Document
1) .
5 For details of the process of approval, cf. Arthur Lenti, 'The Bosco-Gastaldi
Conflict (1872- 1882): Part I," Journal of Salesian Studies 4:2 (1993) 1-83.
6 Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 22 (# 1). Ar is in ASC 022(1 ), FDBM 1,893 E5ff. The
editor has arranged the texts in chronological order, and has then assigned
alphabetically a Roman (or Greek) uppercase letter to them. The added lowercase

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Journal of Salesian Studies
contains 10 chapters: [1] Preamble, [2] Historical Sketch of the Society, [3]
Purpose, [4] Form, [5] Obedience, [6] Poverty, [7] Chastity, [8] Internal
Government (including articles on election of Rector Major, later to become a
separate chapter), [9) Other Superiors, and [10) Admission.
This manuscript is also the earliest extant text, and internal evidence
favors a date in mid or late 1858.7 It was the result of an "incubation" period
which led to Don Bosco's meeting with Prime Minister Urbano Rattazzi,
probably in May 1857, and to milestone audiences with Pope Pius IX, in
March-April 1858.8
That this text was produced after Don Bosco's meeting with Pius IX is
proved by the fact that it features the three canonical vows, which (as Don
Bosco was repeatedly to emphasize) was one of the two foundations laid down
by the pope.
The Rua draft therefore is regarded as the starting poi nt in the process of
development of the text of the early Salesian constitutions.
2. Stage 2: The Text of 1860
Clearly Don Bosco regarded the draft of 1858 as a first attempt and as an initial
proposal that needed to be developed. He went to work with that understanding,
and over the next two years through a couple of intermediate phases he
produced a new text.
( 1) The Text of 1860
This second stage is represented by a manuscript in Italian in the hand of
Seminarian Giovanni Boggero. It is designated with the letters Do in the
critical edition.9
Notable advances are at once apparent. Don Bosco wrote new, or revised
existing, articles and added four new chapters to the original ten: [11) Practices
of Piety, [12) Habit, [13) Profession Formula, [14) External Members. An
letter stands for the writer: r=Rua, o=Boggero, b=Bosco. On the other hand, s
(=stampa in Italian) designates a printed edition.
7 In the Biographical Memoirs Lemoyne published an early text of the
constitutions, but it is not, as he claims, the oldest text. Cf. EBM V, 635-645.
1 In the Biographical Memoirs Lemoyne speaks of 3 audiences with Pius IX:
March 9, 1858 (EBM V, 558-562), March 21 (575-579), April 6 (594-596).
Interpreting his source (Giovanni Bonetti's History of the Oratory published in the
Salesian Bulletin), he writes that Don Bosco presented to Pius IX a draft of the
constitutions which the pope annotated and returned in a later audience. This
supposition finds no confirmation in the diary which Seminarian Rua kept of the
trip [Viaggio a Roma. 1858, ASC 132, FDBM 1,352 E3 - 1354 A5]. Furthermore,
there is no record that such a manuscript ever existed, or that Don Bosco ever did
refer to it.
9 Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 25-26 (# 7). Do is in ASC 022(4), FDBM 1,895 BlOff.

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important new article (Article 5 of the chapter on Purpose) establishes junior
seminary schools for poor lads.
This text was sent for approval to Archbishop Luigi Fransoni, by this
time an aging exile in Lyons. It bears the signatures of Don Bosco and 25
Salesians. Among them, beneath the signatures of the three priests (Don
Bosco, Father Vittorio Alasonatti and Father Angelo Savio) we note the
signature of Deacon Michele Rua. Rua was ordained a priest on July 29, 1860.
Hence 1860 is the date assigned to this draft. 10
This text, like the text of 1858, still enjoys the distinction of having
been produced under Don Bosco's inspiration and sole control. This is no
longer completely true of the text of 1864, and even less so of subsequent
drafts for which Don Bosco had to take into consideration critical observations
officially handed down by the reviewing authorities.
(2) Archbishop Fransoni and Critical Observations to the Text of 1860
Archbishop Fransoni himself made a few superficial observations to these
constitutions, and asked Father Marcantonio Durando to examine them more
carefully.11 Durando submitted a number of critical observations to the
archbishop which have not come down to us. We may assume, however, that
they were similar to those he made in 1867 for the new archbishop, Alessandro
Ottaviano Riccardi di Netro. 12
In a letter to Don Bosco, Archbishop Fransoni refers to Durando's critical
observations of 1860 and to Don Bosco' s Jess than full compliance. He writes:
Concerning the Society of St. Francis de Sales, I was informed that its rules
have been returned to you with some important observations [by Father
Durando] , [...] so that you could emend and complete them. I seem to
remember being told afterwards that you had made some concessions, but that
there still remained many notable deficiencies requiring correction} 3
10 The date 1860 finds corroboration in letters of Archbishop Fransoni on the
subject, the first of which (to his vicar in Turin), is dated July 19, 1860. [AIT
Lettere Fransoni, 227, in Motto, Cost. DB, 17, n. 12.]
11 The Servant of God, Father Marco Antonio Durando (1801-1880) came from
a well-to-do Turinese family. Marcantonio joined the Vincentian Priests of the
Mission and was ordained by Archbishop Fransoni in 1824. From 1837 until his
death he served as visitor (provincial) of the Vincentian Turin province. He was
founder and director of religious communities, and was a trusted counselor of
Archbishop Fransoni before the latter's exile. Subsequently, he was a member of
the archdiocesan commission charged with assisting the vicar general in the
government of the archdiocese. [Motto, Cost. DB , 17, n. 13]
12 Durando's observations of 1867 [cf. note 27 and related text below] are
edited in EBM VI, 421-422 by Lemoyne who believed them to be Durando's
observations of 1860.
13 Archbishop Fransoni to Don Bosco, October 23, 1861, in EBM VI, 618-
619.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
3. Stage 3: The Text of 1864
From the fact that the Archbishop Fransoni withheld a formal approval we
may deduce that the constitutions were found deficient. Don Bosco had also
sent a copy of the 1860 constitutions to Cardinal Francesco Gaude in Rome,
with whom he had already discussed a preliminary sketch in Rome back in
1858. But the cardinal took ill and died shortly thereafter. Then the archbishop
died in Lyons in 1862, and the diocese remained vacant, under the provisional
government of the capitular vicar, Canon Giuseppe Zappala, until the
appointment of Archbishop Riccardi di Netro in 1867.
(1) The Text of 1864
In spite of these drawbacks, Don Bosco decided to press forward with a
thorough revision of the text and to petition for approval by the Holy See. The
drafts ranging over the years 1862-1864 in particular give evidence of intense,
laborious re-working, the final result of which was the manuscript in Don
Bosco's hand, designated as Gb and dated 1864. It represents the summit of the
textual tradition in Italian.14
Two new chapters (Religious Government and Local Houses) were added,
and the articles on the election of the Rector Major (already contained in
Chapter 8) were made into a separate chapter: [1] Preamble, [2] Historical
Sketch of the Society, [3] Purpose, [4] Form, [5] Obedience, [6] Poverty, [7]
Chastity, [8] Religious Government, [9] Internal Government, [10] Election of
Rector Major, [11] Other Superiors, (12] Local Houses, [13] Admission, [14]
Practices of Piety, [ 15] Habit, [16] Profession Formula, and [17] Externs.
Among the new articles written for this draft we may note the following
as important: [i] Article 7 of the chapter on Purpose, forbidding political
activity to the members (to be discussed in Excursus I below); [ii] Article 1 of
the new chapter on Religious Government, recognizing the supreme authority
of the pope;15 [iii] Article 4 of the same chapter, providing for the power of the
14 Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 28 (# 11). Gb is located in ASC 022(6), FDBM 1,902
El ff.
1 ~ This article generally recognizes the supreme authority of the pope with
regard to the Salesian Society. In addition, in a memorandum submitted in Rome
together with these constitutions (Cose da notarsi {. .. ]), Don Bosco writes: "In
these regulations [=constitutions] the Supreme Pontiff, and matters relating to him,
receive limited explicit mention. However, one of the purposes of this Society
remains that of upholding and defending the Pope's authority by all the means that
circumstances of times, places, and persons put within our reach for prudent use.
The reason for this failure is to be sought in the fact that [this Society] has been
several times investigated by the civil authority. The object of such house searches
was to discover (so they hoped) any compromising evidence of a relationship with
Rome. If these regulations had fallen into their hands and been found to contain

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Community and Mission
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Rector Major to grant dimissorial letters in accordance with traditional
privileges of exemption (later removed). [iv] Article 5 of the chapter on Extern
Salesians, providing that Salesians who leave the Society for good reasons be
regarded as external members (the whole chapter later to be removed).
Some articles underwent rewriting, Article 1 of the chapter on Purpose
(to be discussed later in this paper) being of particular significance in this
regard.
(2) The Decree of Commendation of the Society and the Thirteen Savini-
Svegliati Critical Observations
Don Bosco obtained letters of support from several bishops and from the
capitular vicar of Turin, and submitted the new text to the Holy See with a
petition for approval. 16
The constitutions were reviewed for the Congregation of Bishops and
Regulars by consultor Father Angelo Savini who compiled 14 critical
observations. 17 These were reduced to 13 by the acting secretary of that
Congregation, Msgr. Stanislao Svegliati, and handed down to Don Bosco. Don
Bosco made a response to them, accepting some, but remaining firm on
others. 18 In response to Observation 2, he removed the article forbidding
political activity, though he never changed his mind in the matter.19 On two
points especially he stood firm: one concerned dimissorials and exemption
from episcopal control of members (Observation 4);20 the other referred to
compromising expressions, the Society would have been at grave risk." [For the
memorandum Cose da notarsi [. .. ],cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 229 (Document 3).]
For the story of the house searches in 1860 cf. EBM VI, 306-334. For a
critical study of Don Bosco's 1875 memorandum on the house searches, cf. Pietro
Braido and Francesco Motto, "Don Bosco tra storia e leggenda nella memoria su 'le
Perquisizioni' ," Ricerche Storiehe Salesiane 8 (1989) 111 -200.
16 In his petition to Pius IX Don Bosco mentions letters from "the bishops of
Cuneo, Acqui, Mondovi, Susa, Casale, and from the capitular vicar [Giuseppe
Zappata]." For the letter of petition, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 228-229 (Document 2)
and IBM VII, 621 (omitted in EBM).
17 For Savini's 14 observations, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 230 (Document 4).
Angelo Savini (1816-1890), of the Carmelite order, served as provincial, as
professor of moral theology, as penitentiary of the Vatican basilica, and as general
of the order for 26 years till his death. He also served as consultor of the
Congregations of Bishops and Regulars and of Indulgences. [Motto, Cost. DB, 18,
n. 19.]
18 For the 13 Savini-Svegliati Observations and Don Bosco's Response, cf.
Motto, Cost. DB, 231-234 (Documents 6 and 7); also IBM VII, 710-715 (omitted in
EBM).
19 Elsewhere Don Bosco states that he tried to put the article on politics back
in 1870 and 1874 , when it was finally removed by the Roman authorities- for
which cf. Excursus I below.
20 Don Bosco made an elaborate defense of this provision in his Response to

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Journal of Salesian Studies
buying and selling of property and to contracting debts (Observation 5), on
which score he claimed that permission of the Holy See was not needed since
the Society was not a corporation and owned nothing! He also stood firm on
the Externs (Observation 9).21
He failed to win the sought-for approval, but the Society was granted the
Decree of Commendation (Decretum Laudis), which was a first step toward
approval. Don Bosco was made Rector Major for life, and was given the
faculty of presenting for holy orders candidates who had been in the Society
since the age of 14, and this for 10 years-a tidy package, all things
considered.
II. From The Decree of Commendation to the Approval of the
Institute (1864-1869): Stage 4
1. Stage 4: The Text of 1867
One of the Savini-Svegliati Observations advised that, as was customary, the
cons titutions should be presented in Latin for approval. Don Bosco had already
begun working on a L atin text, even while he was developing the Italian text
for presentation in Rome in 1864. Archival manuscripts datable in 1861-62
and in 1863-64 testify to this. After his return from Rome with the Decree of
Commendation and with the Savini-Svegliati Observations, Don Bosco, with
the help of several Salesians (Father Rua in particular) and of L atin scholars
T ommaso Vallauri and Vincenzo Lanfranchi, further reworked and developed
the Latin text through several stages.
(1) The Printed Latin Text of 1867
He finally readied a new edition in print (though this was neither required nor
even desirable) for submission in Rome. This is the first printed L atin text. It
is dated 1867 and designated Ls by the critical editor.22
In this text the chapters have remained unchanged with respect to number
and general content. But instances of revision and rewriting are numerous. For
example, Article 1 of the chapter on Purpose has undergone a slight revision to
the Observations, and kept the article until it was "forcibly" removed in 1874. [Cf.
Don Bosco's Response as in note 18 above.]
21 The provision for "affiliated" external members was rejected by the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars as contrary to custom. In his response Don
Bosco claimed that his external members were similar to traditional "tertiaries" [but
cf. note 86 and related text below], and asked that the chapter be kept as an
appendix. And so he kept it until it had to be removed in 1873. However, he
immediately dropped Article 5 (providing for external membership for Salesians
who left the Society), probably because such specification seemed unnecessary.
22 For these developments, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 31-33, and for Ls, cf. ibid.,
33 (# 2 1). Ls is in ASC 022(13), FDBM 1,904 Cl lff.

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regain some of the features lost in the rewriting of 1864. And much detailed
rewriting has taken place in the chapter on the Election of the Rector Major.
Of the Savini-Svegliati Observations about half were complied with. For
example, the article on politics no longer appears; Article 9 of the chapter on
Form has been revised to place perpetual vows (but not triennial vows) under
the Holy See's control.23 The Rector Major's term of office (Article 4 of the
chapter on Internal Government) has been reduced from life to 12 years.
On the other hand, Don Bosco failed to comply with other observations.
For example, in Article 4 of the chapter on Religious Government the Rector
Major still holds the power of dimissorials. And the chapter on Extern
Salesians is retained, although only as an Appendix.
(2) Archbishop Riccardi and Further Critical Observations
At this time in 1867, Alessandro Ottaviano dei Conti Riccardi di Netro was
appointed archbishop of Turin, after the diocese had been vacant for 5 years
since the death of Archbishop Fransoni in exile.24 A priority on the new
archbishop's agenda was the strengthening of the seminary program and the
formation of the clergy. On this score, he did not like what was going on at
Valdocco where, in Don Bosco's own words, "some fifty seminarians" were
studying for the priesthood while "fully occupied in youth work."25 The
archbishop demanded that all theological students attend the diocesan seminary.
Don Bosco rejected this demand, even when the archbishop notified him that he
would "no longer let diocesan seminarians teach or supervise boys in any
boarding school, and would confer sacred orders only on candidates residing at
the seminary."26
23 Cf. also Excursus II below.
24 Alessandro Ottaviano Riccardi dei Conti di Netro (1808-1870), born at
Biella (Piedmont) and ordained in 1832, was appointed bishop of Savona (Liguria)
in 1842. Appointed archbishop of Turin in 1867, hi s tenure, partly taken up by the
First Vatican Council and marred by illness, was brief. He died in 1870, before he
could get his program of ecclesiastical reform under way.
zs Don Bosco to Canon Alessandro Vogliotti, June 26, 1866, in Giovanni
Bosco, Epistolario. Introduzione, testi critici e note a cura di Francesco Motto. Vol.
I and II (Roma: LAS, 1991 and 1996) II, 264. [Motto, Ep] There was no proper
major seminary established at Valdocco.
26 Archbishop Riccardi to Don Bosco, September 11 , 1867, in EBM VIII,
406. Don Bosco gave reasons for his objections: "If I allow my clerical students t o
reside in the [diocesan] seminary, what will become of the spirit and discipline of
our Society? And where will I find the one hundred and more instructors to take their
place in as many catechism classrooms? [...] Fortunately, I have for some time
anticipated this move; all my clerical students who are candidates for the Society,
except a few, are from other dioceses." [Don Bosco to Cardinal Fi lippo De Angelis,
January 9, 1868, in Motto, Ep I, 479]

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Journal of Salesian Studies
It was under these circumstances that the archbishop received a copy of
the new Salesian constitutions. The Vincentian Father Durando was again
asked to examine them, and his observations are recorded. He found fault
chiefly with the provision that the Society's goods should be held in the name
of private individuals (the matter of civil rights); with the provision for junior
seminaries to be established without specification of the ordinary's role; with
the mixture of clerical students and boys without separate guidance and
formation; with the lack of proper constitutions on a program of studies and on
the novitiate. 27
(3) Petition for Approval Submitted in Rome and Rejected
Don Bosco started the process for approval again, a process which entailed,
among other things, collecting more testimonial letters from the bishops.
Several bishops wrote letters in support, including Lorenzo Gastaldi recently
appointed bishop of Saluzzo.28 Archbishop Riccardi also wrote a testimonial
letter, but at the same time he recorded his grave misgivings with the Cardinal
Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. He suggested that the
Salesian Society should restrict its activity in accordance with its original
purpose. He complained that its constitutions failed to measure up to standard
in many respects. In particular they did not specify the role of lay members,
and they did not provide for a regular program of studies or for a regular
novitiate. He expressed concern over the fact that ordinaries did not have
control over clerical students at the Oratory, even though they would or might
later return to the diocese, that clerical students were engaged full time in
teaching and supervising pupils, and that the Oratory was a place where
confusion reigned unchecked. He added a number of critical remarks on specific
points, one of which concerned the provision for a manifestation of
conscience.29
The representative of the Holy See in Turin, Msgr. Gaetano Tortone, was
asked to conduct an independent investigation. His report to the secretary of the
27 For Marcantonio Durando, cf. note 11 above. For Durando's observations,
cf. Motto, Cost. SDB, 235 (Document 9) and EBM VI, 42 1-422, referred to in note
12 and related text above. The draft of 1867 still lacked proper constitutions
specifying the course of studies for priestly candidates and proper constitutions
specifying the novitiate program. These two chapters would be added in 1874
before final approval. The chapter on Admission merely spoke generally of "trial
periods."
28 Lorenzo Gastaldi remained a friend and supporter of Don Bosco until his
appointment as archbishop of Turin in 1871. Don Bosco had played a key role in
Gastaldi's appointment to Saluzzo as bishop and later to Turin as archbishop.
29 "Osservazioni {. .. ]," [Archbishop Riccardi to Cardinal Quaglia] March 14 ,
1868, in Motto, Cost. DB, 236-237 (Document 10), IBM IX, 96-100 (abridged in
EBM IX, 53-55).

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Congregation of Bishops and Regulars contained many of the same objections,
and was even more negative.30
Consultor Angelo Savini examined the constitutions again for the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars. He found them defective, and
recommended a longer waiting period.31 On that basis, Secretary Stanislao
Svegliati reported to Pius IX and stressed that the new constitutions were not
in compliance with several of the thirteen Observations of 1864. He therefore
recommended that approval be delayed.32 Don Bosco's petition was turned
down.
In a personal letter notifying Don Bosco of the decision, Secretary
Svegliati pointed out "two principal articles" needing attention. One concerns
the power of the superior to issue dimissorial letters (which was not
acceptable). The other pertained to the absence of a regular course of studies in
the seminary (which was a requirement laid down by the ordinary).33
(4) Approval of the Institute, Not of the Constitutions
After a short period of doubt, Don Bosco decided to make another attempt and
left for Rome in early January 1869. In the meantime letters in support 1100
been received in Rome, including a second glowing commendation from
Bishop Gastaldi of Saluzzo.34
This time, perhaps even to Don Bosco' s surprise, the Society was
approved by decree of March 1, 1869. But approval of the constitutions was
put off "to a more appropriate time." On this score, the decree read in part:
The constitutions must first be emended in such a way that all of the [thirteen
Savini-Svegliati] critical observations given earlier [in 1864] are complied
with. However, the fourth observation [negating the faculty to issue
dimissorial letters] is to be modified as follows: "His Holiness, graciously
responding (benigne annuens) to Father John Bosco's entreaties
(supplicationibus), gives him as Superior General of the said Salesian
Congregation, the faculty of issuing dimissorials for the tonsure and for the
ordination of [Salesian] candidates. But this faculty is valid for ten years
only, and concerns only those candidates who prior to their fourteenth year of
age were admitted, or will be admitted, to any house of the aforementioned
Congregation, and who have joined, or will in due time join, the same. And if,
30 Gaetano Tortone to Stanislao Svegliati, August 6, 1868, in EBM IX, 170-
173.
31 For Savini's Opinion, September 22, 1868, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 237-238
(Document 11); IBM IX, 376-378 (omitted in EBM).
32 For Svegliati's report to the pope, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 238 (Document
12), IBM IX, 375 (omitted in EBM).
33 Stanislao Svegliati to Don Bosco, October 2, 1868, in Motto, Cost. DB,
239 (Document 13), IBM IX, 378-379 (omitted in EBM).
34 Lorenzo Gastaldi to Cardinal Angelo Quaglia, January 8, 1869, in EBM IX,
220.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
for any reason, they should leave the Society, they shall remain suspended
from exercising their sacred order until they establish a sufficient dowry and
find a benevolent bishop who is willing to receive them."35
III. From the Approval of the Institute to the [Definitive]
Approval of the Constitutions (1869-1874): Stages 5 and 6
1. Stage 5
After the qualified success of the approval of the congregation, over two years
went by before the process was resumed. Reluctance on Don Bosco's part (a
kind of "crisis of conscience") connected with the mandated revision of the
constitutions was not the only reason for the de lay . Other reasons played a
part: the First Vatican Council (1869-1870), in which Don Bosco was
enormously interested and peripherally involved; the invasion and occupation
of Rome by the Italian army (1870) and the turmoil that followed; the death of
Archbishop Riccardi (1870) and interim vacancy; the appointment of
Archbishop Lorenzo Gastaldi (late 187 1); Don Bosco's near-fatal illness at
Varazze (late 1871-early 1872); the final steps in the fo unding of the Institute
of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians ( 1872); the initial troubles with
the new archbishop, and more.
In August 1872 Cardinal Giuseppe Berardi, undersecretary of state,
speaking for the Holy Father, advised Don Bosco to pursue the matter of the
definitive approval the constitutions.36
(1) The Printed Latin Text of 1873
Obviously, Don Bosco must again turn his attenti on to the text of the
constitutions. This effort resulted in a new Latin text, revised with respect to
the text of 1867. Completed in manuscript form by the end of 1872, it was
printed in early 1873. To it the critical editor assigns the letters Ns.37
This new text did not differ greatly from the preceding one. Don Bosco
was still clinging to positions which he considered basic constitutive elements
of his Society in spite of objections from both the diocesan and the Roman
authorities.
35 For the decree, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 239 (Document 14), and EBM IX, 257.
Don Bosco would later refer to the approval of the Society in 1869 as implying the
tacit approval of basic constitutional provisions that the Roman authorities found
unacceptable.
36 Giuseppe Berardi to Don Bosco, August 27, 1972, in IBM X, 673 (omitted
in EBM).
37 Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 34 (# 25). Ns is in ASC 022(15), FDBM 1,907
C9ff. The work of revision is described in IBM X, 674-682 (omitted in EBM X,
303).

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The chapter on the Form of the Society remained practically unchanged.
In fact, he reemphasized the clause on civil rights (Article 2), adding that, as
citizens with right of private ownership, the members would pay truces as the
law prescribed. The provision for a manifestation of conscience to the superior
(Article 6 of the chapter on Obedience) was retained. The chapter on Poverty
remained practically unchanged. The article on ordination of candidates "in
accordance with the custom of other religious congregations," that is, through
the superior's dimissorial letters (Article 4 of the chapter on Religious
Government), was likewise retained. The Appendix on Extern Salesians was
taken over verbatim from the previous text.
Some matters in the chapter on Admission received more detailed
treatment. But the constitutions still lacked separate chapters on the Novitiate
and on Studies specifying the religious formation of Salesians and the
theological formation of Salesian priests.
(2) Archbishop Gastaldi
Don Bosco was also required to assemble the documents he must present in
Rome, the letters of commendation from bishops being of particular
importance.
Like his predecessor, Archbishop Lorenzo Gastaldi had serious
reservations about supporting the approval of the Salesian constitutions as
they lay. In his opinion these constitutions were flawed with failures which
reflected the inherent weakness of the Salesian priestly and religious formation.
In the first place, lack of a proper program of theological studies within the
seminary structure would make exemption from the bishops' control (through
dimissorial letters) especially dangerous; the lack of ecclesiastical discipline in
the life of Salesian clerical students made matters even worse. In the second
place, the religious life, and hence the religious spirit of the Salesians, suffered
from the lack of a proper novitiate of at least one year (preferably two years),
spent in spiritual exercises and formation in a separate house, under the
guidance of a master. Archbishop Gastaldi made it clear that if these failures
were not remedied through appropriate constitutional provisions, he could not
in good conscience support the approval. These concerns he expressed in
numerous letters to Don Bosco and to the Roman authorities over a period of
some two years.38
38 Archbishop Gastaldi to Don Bosco, October 24, 1872 [EBM X, 304-305);
November 9, 1872 [EBM X, 305-306); Archbishop Gastaldi to Bishop Giuseppe De
Gaudenzi, January 11, 1873 [EBM X, 312-3 13); Archbishop Gastaldi to the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, February 10, 1873, [IBM X, 927-928,
summarized in EBM X, 314-315); Archbishop Gastaldi to Cardinal Prospero
Caterini, February 19, 1873 [EBM X, 315-316); Archbishop Gastaldi to Cardinal
Giuseppe Bizzarri, Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, April 20,
1873 [EBM X, 323-328); July 27, 1873 [IBM X, 729, referred to in EBM X, 336];
January 9, 1874 [EBM X, 348-350).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Archbishop Salvatore Magnasco of Genoa had similar, but not quite so
formidable, reservations. On the other hand, Don Bosco had the full support of
a number of Piedmontese bishops.39
(3) Don Bosco in Rome in March 1873: Petition for Definitive Approval
of the Constitutions Presented
Don Bosco journeyed to Rome with his secretary Father Gioachino Berto, and
on March 1, 1873 he presented his petition for approval. With the text of the
Constitutions and other documents he included a memorandum entitled
"Declaration on the Constitutions," in which he attempted to explain his
position regarding the Savini-Svegliati Observations of 1864 and other specific
features of the Salesian Constitutions.40 In his cover letter Don Bosco wrote:
"Two things above all are now needed to complete the work [of the
establishment of the Society]: the definitive approval of the constitutions and
the full authorization to issue dirnissorial letters."41
Don Bosco was detained in Rome for over a month, involved in feverish
activity relating not only to the approval but also to the matter of the
Exequaturs or revenues for bishops appointed to fill vacant dioceses. Back in
Turin by the end of March, Don Bosco awaited the verdict, while his
relationship with the Archbishop deteriorated still further.
(4) Petition Rejected with Further Critical Observations
The constitutions were examined for the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars
by Consultor Raimondo Bianchi. Consultor Bianchi prefaced his observations
with a reference to objections and proposals made by the Archbishop of Genoa
and especially by Archbishop Gastaldi of Turin . He then expressed his
"surprise that most of the 13 observations officially handed down by the Holy
See [in 1864 and reiterated in 1869] had not been complied with, or had been
evaded under more or less specious pretexts." After recording Don Bosco's
failure to comply with the old observations in 8 cases, he OOcled 30 more
critical observations of his own.42
39 Bishops Pietro Maria Ferre of Casale (who had given diocesan approval to
the Salesian Society in 1868), Giovanni Battista Cerruti of Savona, Pietro
Giuseppe De Gaudenzi of Vigevano, Pietro Anacleto Siboni of Albenga, and (most
emphatically) Emiliano Manacorda of Fossano: cf. EBM X, 3 18 and IBM X, 933-
934, Appendix V, No. 12 (omitted in EBM). On the weight of Archbishops
Magnasco's and Gastaldi's objections, cf. Cardinal Berardi to Don Bosco, August 8,
1873, in EBM X, 336.
40 De Regulis Societatis Salesianae aliqua declaratio, in Motto, Cost. DB ,
248, IBM X, 894-895 (omitted in EBM).
41 EBM X, 317.
42 For Consultor Bianchi's 38 Observations (May 9, 1873), cf. Motto, Cost.
DB, 241-244 (Document 16), and IBM X, 934-940 (Appendix 13) (omitted in

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15
Secretary Salvatore Nobili Vitelleschi summarized the 38 observations
under 28 headings and sent them on to Don Bosco. In a personal cover letter he
urged him to accept them and to revise the constitutions accordingly. More
officially, in the introductory paragraph of the document he wrote:
It is our will that [the Observations of 1864] should absolutely be taken into
account. The fear of reprisal from the [civil] authorities which is given as the
reason for not accepting some of the observations cannot be regarded as
sufficient justifi cation. The same norms have been written into the
constitutions of many religious institutes in existence in Italy at present
[with no adverse effects]. After all, there is no need to publish the
constitutions in print, or to submit them in their entirety to the
govern ment. 43
Among other things, the new Observations called for removal of the first two
chapters (the Preamble and the "Historical Commendation of the Institute"); for
removal of all references to civil rights and to civil laws; for specifying the
observance of poverty in accordance with canon law; for removing the
obligatory manifestation of conscience; for rewriting the constitutions relating
to the composition of the General Chapter and to the election of the superior
general and his council; for the establishment of a canonical novitiate in a
separate house, with no engagement in the works of the institute, under a
master of novices; for the establishment of a four-year program of theological
studies in a studentate or seminary, with no engagement in the works of the
institute; for the appointment in each house of several confessors approved by
the ordinary; for obtaining the Holy See's permission to appear in a civil
court. The last and most emphatic observation had to do with ordinations and
the superior's power to issue dimissorials, which could not be permitted.
(5) Don Bosco's Response and Accompanying Historical Sketch of the
Society of 1874 (Cenno istorico). The First and Second Revised Roman
Editions of the Text
Faced with these new observations, Don Bosco undertook a fairly extensive
revision of the 1873 text. But, in the erroneous belief that the observations
EBM).
Raimondo Bianchi (183 1-1 885) served as procurator general for the
Dominican order for 18 years until his death and as consultor for various Roman
congregations. As consultor for the Congregation of Bishops and Regular it fell to
him to examine, and compile observations for, dozens of constitutions of religious
institutes. [Motto, Cost. DB, 19, n. 39]
43 For the letter, Salvatore Vitelleschi to Don Bosco, July 26, 1873, cf. IBM
X, 728 (omitted in EBM X, 335). For Mgr. Vitelleschi's 28 Observations, cf.
Motto, Cost. DB, 244-245 (Document 17), Opere edite XXV, 373-376, and IBM X,
941-943 (Appendix 14) (omitted in EBM).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
were "negotiable," he stopped well short of compliance. Before returning to
Rome to submit another petition for approval, he produced two documents for
the purpose of explaining his revision of the text: a point-by-point Response
to the observations indicating the degree of compliance or non-compliance, and
an extensive Historical Sketch of the Society (Cenno istorico) describing the
Society's development and character. Special paragraphs in this memorandum
are devoted to a defense of his positions.44
[i) The First Revised Text Printed in Rome
Back in Rome at the beginning of 1874, where he was to remain until the
definitive approval on April 13, Don Bosco had the revised constitutions and
documents referred to above printed by the Propaganda Fide Press.
A look at this revised text immediately shows that Don Bosco failed to
comply with the observations on many points.45 For example, he retained the
Preamble and the Historical Sketch of the Origin of the Society; he retained
most of the "civil rights" references; with regard to "poverty" he modified
nothing of what he had written in the chapters on Form and on the Vow; he did
not comply with the demand that confessors be approved by the ordinary; he
retained the power of the superior to dispense from the spiritual retreat and
other practices of piety; he again restated his position on ordination and
dimissorials; he retained the Appendix on Extern Salesians.
He did add a chapter on the Novitiate and a chapter on Studies as required,
but in neither case did he comply with the specific demands of the
Observations. The novitiate had to be a closed, ascetical one, in a special
house; the novices were not to be involved in the works of the Society; the
master of novices must have that sole task. The theological course had to be a
four-year course held in a studentate or seminary established for priestly
candidates; there was to be no involvement in the works of the Society. None
of these requirements were met.
44 For Don Bosco's response to the Bianchi-Vitelleschi Observations, cf.
Motto, Cost. DB, 245-247 (Document 18), and IBM X, 746-755 (omitted in EBM
X, 346). The Historical Sketch (Cenno istorico sulla Congregazione di S. Francesco
di Sales e relativi schiarimenti ), published in Opere Edite XXV, 23 1-250 and i n
IBM X, 949-954 (Appendix 6) (omitted in EBM), is critically edited in Pietro
Braido, Don Bosco per i giovani: L'<Oratorio>. Una <Congregazione degli
oratori>. Documenti (Roma: LAS, 1988), 112-146, with a study on the same
("L'idea della Societi\\ Salesiana"), ibid., 81 -111. [Braido, Ce111w is t. and
L'ldea, DB per i giovani.]
45 The first revised Roman edition is described and designated with the letters
Os. [Motto, Cost DB, 35 (# 27)] This text is given as Regulae Societatis S.
Francisci Salesii (Romae: Typis S. C. de Propaganda Fide, MDCCLIV) in Opere
Edite XXV, 235-292, and transcribed in IBM X, 896-915 (Appendix 4) (omitted in
EBM).

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Community and Mission
17
[ii] The Second Revised Text and the Special Commission
Don Bosco immediately began consultations. In February (1874), he was
notified that the Special Commission of four cardinals who were to examine
the constitutions and debate the approval had been designated. This led to a new
but minimal revision of the text, which he again had printed at Propaganda
Fide. The Appendix on Extern Salesians was removed. Otherwise, except for
minor modifications, this second revised text remained substantially the same
as the first.46 This is the constitutional text which, together with all other
pertinent documents, was presented to the Special Commission for
examination and hopefully for approval.
The cardinals of the Special Commission met on March 24. During and
following this meeting, all the grievances against Don Bosco and his
constitutions were dredged up, and Don Bosco's failure to comply with the
observations received particular attention. If the constitutions were to be
approved, the cardinals were determined to correct their deficiencies and to bring
them into compliance with the canonical mold. Hence, the text was subjected
to drastic revisions. The following are especially noteworthy: (1) the Preamble
and the Summary History were definitively removed; (2) the civil rights
clauses and references were largely removed, so that the chapter on Form (and
the constitutions generally) lost one of their twin "foundations;" (3) the chapter
on Poverty was overhauled to reflect canonical practice and language (e.g.,
expressions such as "radical dominion"); (4) the chapters on Studies and
Novitiate were practically rewritten to conform with traditional practice; (5) the
provision by which the superior was empowered to dispense from practices of
piety was removed; (6) the power to issue dirnissorial letters was denied, and
the pertinent constitution was suppressed with the suggestion that the matter
be referred to the Holy Father, should he wish to grant it by way of privilege;
(7) the superior's control over even temporary vows was denied; (8) the article
on the manifestation of conscience was rewritten in favor of individual
liberty.47
2. Stage 6: The Definitively Approved Text
A second session of the Special Congregation was held on March 31, and the
drastically revised text was finally approved, though not without "a fight."
Of this final revised text Father Berto made a calligraphic copy, which
Don Bosco presented to Pope Pius IX for approval (later to be filed with the
Congregation of Bishops and Regulars). A second copy was made for the
' 6 This second revised printed text is described and designated with the letters
Ps [Motto, Cost. DB, 35 (# 30)). The revisions are noted in IBM X, 915 (Appendix
5, N. 2) (omitted in EBM).
7
•
For a complete
description
of the
changes
and
emendations
introduced,
cf.
IBM X, 809-819; and for what regards the novitiate only, EBM X, 377-380.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Salesian archive. The approval was given on April 3, 1874, and the Decree
signed on April 13. This approved manuscript text is given the letter Q by the
critical editor.48
The definitively approved constitutions contained sixteen chapters:
Purpose, Form, Obedience, Poverty, Chastity, Religious Government, Internal
Government, Rector Major, Other Superiors, Particular Houses, Admission,
Studies, Practices of Piety, Novitiate, Habit, Profession Form.
Through the gradual process of revisions, but particularly through the
work of the Special Commission, Don Bosco's novel concepts which made the
Society new and special, such as flexibility in structures, freedom of action,
relating to new political realities, were either erased or greatly reduced in force.
Likewise the first two chapters and all references to times and places,
representing historical experiences that he considered charismatic and
normative, were expunged. The constitutions on Extern Salesians, an unheard
of idea, had to be previously removed. Don Bosco did, however, receive the
power to issue dimissorial letters, but separately by Rescript, limited to ten
years, and applicable only to members with perpetual vows.49
3. Stages 7 and 8: Printed Latin and Italian Editions for
Salesian Confreres
Back from Rome, Don Bosco sent the manuscript of the approved
constitutions to press. Then on the galley proofs he introduced numerous
changes with the help of his friend, Latin scholar Vincenzo Lanfranchi. Latin
style was not Don Bosco's only concern. In a private audience with Pius IX on
April 8, Don Bosco had obtained by way of privilege concessions which went
beyond the limited faculty of issuing dimissorials he had already won. The
most significant of these was the concession granted to him by word of mouth
(vivae vocis oraculo) which enabled Don Bosco to run a type of novitiate
different from that which the cardinals had enforced and approved in the
constitutional text itself. This he indicated in a note appended to Article 12 of
the chapter on the Novitiate, to the effect that the Novices could be engaged in
the work of the Society.50
• 3 Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 36 (# 32). Q (with no additional lowercase letter for
Berto) is in ASC 022 (18), FDBM 1,912 E2ff. It is not a printed text, for protocol
required that it be submitted for approval in manuscript form. For the decree of
approval cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 253, and EBM X, 372-373.
H Cf. separate Rescript in EBM X, 373. Don Bosco was not to obtain the
privileges of exemption (including the that of issuing dimissorial letters), until
June 28, 1884.
so For a comparison between the approved Latin text and the printed "official"
Latin edition, side by side, cf. IBM X, 956-993 (omitted in EBM). See also
Germano Proverbio, "La prima edizione latina ufficiale delle costituzioni salesiane
dopo l'approvazione pontificia," Ricerche Storiche Salesiane 3 (1984) 93-109. For
the footnote in question, cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 196; IBM X, 989, and EBM X, 370.

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Community and Mission
19
This "official" printed Latin text of the constitutions, dated some time
after the approval in 1874, is designated with the Jetter T by the critical
editor.s•
At the same time, Don Bosco saw the need of having an Italian
translation of the constitutions. In late 1874 or early 1875, with Father
Bonetti's help, he readied a manuscript,52 and after making a series of
corrections sent to press. Dated 1875, it is designated with the letter V by the
critical editor.s3
The text of this "official" Italian edition is neither a translation of the
preceding "official" Latin edition (T), nor of the text approved by Rome (Q).
Its style and expression rather hark back to the early Italian texts, especially to
that of 1864 (Gb). More importantly, further changes distanced it even more
from the approved text. Noteworthy is the reduction of the chapter on the
Novitiate from 17 to 7 articles.s4
Conclusion to Part I
Our survey of the development of the text of the early constitutions has taken
us fro m the first extant draft of 1858 to the "official" Italian edition of 1875. In
spite of the complexities of such development, one thing should be abundantly
clear: Don Bosco was able to salvage only a part of his original spiritual
insights and characteristic ideas from the sickle of the Roman authorities.
Hence the question arises: Which text best represents Don Bosco's spiritual
posture with regard to his ideas of religious life and the apostolate?
It appears that the early drafts, ranging from 1858 to 1864, insofar as
they have not yet been subjected to outside pressure to any significant extent,
are the more faithful representatives of his original thought. It is to these early
texts, therefore, that we shall have recourse. The object is to identify and
present in some kind of logical order what might be called "the spiritual
contours" which Don Bosco wished to imprint on his constitutions for a
definition of the religious life and apostolate of his Salesians.
si Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 37 (# 35). Tis inASC 022(19a), FDBM 1,916 CSff.
s2 It is described and designated with the letters Ut in Motto, Cost. DB, 38-39
(# 41).
SJ Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 39 (# 44). Vis in ASC 022(101-3), FDBM 1,920
B2ff.
s• Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 192-197.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Part II. Spiritual Lineaments of Don Bosco's
Early Constitutions
I. The Purpose of the Salesian Society as an "Oratorian
Congregation"
1. The Work of the Oratories and the Salesian Society
In Don Bosco's understanding, the Salesian Society was a religious
congregation that arose out of a singular commitment to the young through
the work of the oratories. The Salesian Society and the work of the oratories
were of one bloodline; consequently it had to be and remain a pliable,
functional instrument for that work. To this effect it had to be "new," and
relatively free from the strictures of traditional forms. It is on this premise of
continuity (in fact, identity) of Salesian Society with oratory that Don Bosco
conceived the many historical sketches and memorandums which he submitted
in defense of his constitutions.
This premise, let it be said, was perhaps not clearly understood, or not
appreciated, by those who scrutinized the documents he presented. But he
himself never had any other understanding of the Society: it existed in embryo
in the work of the oratories, and its aim was to serve the young. This idea goes
far to explain Don Bosco's repeated claims that the Society, as well as its
constitutions, dated back to 1841, or to some other early date in oratory
development (1844, 1852, 1854, 1858).
Pietro Braido lists no less than eleven such memorandums authored by
Don Bosco during the decade 1864-1874 and presented by him to Church
authorities.ss Later documents also propound the same thesis; it was inevitable
that the early constitutions should be prefaced with a historical sketch to the
same effect. A few examples are here given.
In the memorandum addressed to Archbishop Riccardi di Netro in 1867 (Societa
di S. Francesco di Sales) Don Bosco traces the story of Society from 1841 ,
marking the dates 1846 (first organization), 1852 (Archbishop Fransoni 's
decree), 1858 (plan presented to Pius IX), 1864 (first approval). Under the
heading, "Origin of this Society," he begins with the sentence:
This Society, which at its origin numbered only a few priests, began in 1841
with the purpose of gathering together poor young people on Sundays and
holy days."s6
ss Braido, L 'ldea in DB per i giovani, 91-92.
s6 Societa di S. Francesco di Sales (1867]: MS. in Don Bosco's hand in ASC
022, FDBM 1,925 A12-B3 , IBM VIII, 809-811 (omitted in EBM).

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Community and Mission
21
In an Historical Sketch (Cenno storico) of 1868 addressed to Bishop Pietro
Ferre of Casale (who approved the Society as a diocesan congregation) Don
Bosco begins the story of origins with the words:
This Society had its origin in a simple ministry of catechetical instruction
(semplice catechismo), which Father John Bosco undertook with the consent
and encouragement of Fathers Luigi Guala and Giuseppe Cafasso [...]. Its
purpose was to gather together the poorest and most neglected young people
on Sundays and holy days, to entertain them with church services and songs,
as well as with pleasant recreation.SJ
T he Historical Sketch (Cenno istorico) of 1874 referred to above was written at
a critical juncture in the process of approval. Don Bosco was at the time
fighting tooth and nail to preserve the suppleness with which he had framed his
constitutions against the inexorable canonical molds that were being enforced.
Don Bosco begins the first section entitled Origin of this Congregation
(Primordi di questa congregazione) with the words:
From 1841 to 1848, although there was as yet no community life, [the
members] practiced a number of rules established in accordance with the spirit
of this Congregation.' 8
In the Summary (Riassunto) which followed on the Historical Sketch, also of
1874, Don Bosco simply writes: "This Pious Society has been in existence for
33 years."59
In the Brief Historical Notice (Brevi notizie) with which he prefaced his
Report to the Holy See (Esposizione al/a S. Sede) of 1879, Don Bosco gives
what is perhaps the most succinct and systematic exposition of the thesis,
Work of the Oratory-Salesian Society:
In 1841 this Congregation was but a Sunday catechism class and a garden fo r
[young people's] recreation on Sundays and holy days. To this work there was
added in 1846 a home for poor apprentices. [...] A number of priests and lay
gentlemen helped with this work of charity as extern cooperators. In 1852 the
archbishop of Turin approved the Institute by giving of his own initiative to
Father John Bosco all necessary and appropriate faculties, and by appointing
him superior and head of the work of the oratories. Between the year 1852 and
1
'
Cenno
storico
intorno
alla Societa di S.
Francesco di Sales
[1 868]:
MS.
partly in Don Bosco's hand in ASC 132, FDBM 1,924 Dll-E2, IBM IX, 61-64,
EBM IX, 35-37. The time reference is to 1841 when Don Bosco enrolled in the
Pastoral Institute (Convitto) and was almost immediately engaged in the
catechetical instruction of young people at risk.
" Braido, Cenno istorico, in DB per i giovani, l l 2[-146], Opere &lite XXV,
23 1[-250].
' 9 Riassunto della Pia Societa di S. Francesco di Sales nel 23 Febbraio 1874 ,
in Braido, DB per i giovani, 147[-155], Opere Edite XXV, 377[-384].

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Journal of Salesian Studies
1858 community life got under way, together with a [resident] school and a
program for the training of seminarians [...]. In 1858 Pius IX, of sai ntly
memory, urged Father John Bosco to establish a pious Society with the aim of
preserving the spirit of the work of the oratories.60
Clearly, from a purely historical standpoint, Don Bosco's statements are open
to challenge with regard both to the general thesis and to detail. This is
especially true of the Report of 1879, as the above-quoted passage would tend
to show.61 The bond uniting the Salesian Society with work of the oratories as
one identity is a retrospective, ideal projection rather than a historical reality. It
should be borne in mind, moreover, that in all these presentations Don Bosco
is concerned not with the letter but with the spirit of history. He wishes to
throw into the boldest possible relief the bond between the work of the oratory
and the Society which grew out of it and because of it. The Salesian Society,
as Don Bosco conceived it, is an "oratorian congregation."62
2. The Special Purpose of the Salesian Society as a
Religious Congregation
As noted above, Don Bosco's early constitutions are prefaced with an historical
sketch, which is pointedly entitled "Origin of This Congregation (or Society)."
It emphatically delivers the same message, namely, that the Salesian Society
and its constitutions had their origin in the work of the oratory. Here Don
Bosco goes so far as to state that there existed from the beginning "a kind of
congregation" for the work of the oratories of which he was the superior.
In the earliest draft of the constitutions (the Rua MS. of 1858), Don
Bosco writes:
Origin of This Congregation
As far back as the year 1841 , Father John Bosco, working in association with
other priests, began to gather together in suitable premises the most
neglected young people from the city of Turin in order to entertain them with
60 Brevi notizie sulfa Congregazione di S. Francesco di Sales dall'anno 1841
al 1879, introduction to: Esposizione alla S. Sede dello stato morale e materiale
della Pia Societa di S. Francesco di Sales (S. Pier d'Arena: Tip. Salesiana, 1879), in
Opere &lite XXXI, 240(-254). Edited in BM as follows: IBM XIV, 216-219
(Presentazione, Brevi notizie and Stato morale), EBM XIV, 156-159 (Foreword,
Brief Historical Notice and Moral State); IBM, XIV, 756-763, Appendix 35: Stato
Materiale [... ] [Material State] (omitted in EBM).
61 Apart from the general thesis, such details as the oratory being "a garden for
young people's recreation," the boarding house being established in 1846 (1847!),
the archbishop approving an institute, Don Bosco's being appointed superior of
the oratories (of three oratories!)-are historically incorrect [cf. Pietro Stella,
Piccola Guida Critica alle Memorie Biografiche (Typescript. Course Notes 1989-
1990) 12-14.)
62 Cf. Braido, L 'ldea in DB per i giovani, 90 and 92.

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games and at the same time break the bread of the divine word to them.
Everything he did was done with the consent of the ecclesiastical authority.
After describing step by step the development of the work up to the time of
writing (1858) and how "God blessed these humble beginnings," Don Bosco
adds:
In order to maintain unity in spirit and discipline, on which the success of
oratory work depends, as far back as 1844 a number ofpriests banded together
to form a kind of congregation while helping one another by mutual example
and instruction. They did not bind themselves by any formal vow; they
merely made a simple promise to devote themselves solely to such work as
would, in their superior's judgment, redound to the glory of God and to the
benefit of their souls. They regarded Father John Bosco as their superior. And
although no vows were made, nevertheless the rules that are here presented
were {already] observed in practice.63
Clearly here work of the oratory and Salesian Society coalesce ideally as one.
Hence, the purpose of the Salesian Society is to do the work of the oratory.
Don Bosco however was not content with prefacing his constitutions (and the
chapter on Purpose in particular) with such historical reference point. He
wished to begin his constitutions with a Preamble intended to set forth a
theological rationale for the work of the oratories and the Salesian Society. In
this Preamble (I quote again from the earliest draft) he writes:
At all times it has been the special concern of the ministers of the Church to
promote, to the best of their power, the spiritual welfare of the young. The
good or evil moral condition of society will depend on whether young people
receive a good or a bad education. Our Divine Savior himself has shown us the
truth of this by his deeds. For in fulfilling his divine mission on earth, with a
love of predilection he invited children to come close to him: Sinite parvulos
venire ad me [Let little children come to me]. [...]
At the present time this need is felt with far greater urgency. Parental
neglect, the abusive power of the press, and the proselytizing efforts of
heretics demand that we unite in fighti ng for the Lord's cause, under the
banner of the faith. Our efforts must aim at safeguarding the faith and the
moral life of that category of young people whose eternal salvation is more at
63 Rua MS (Ar, 1858) in Motto, Cost. DB, 62-70. Italics mine. Here, as
elsewhere [cf. note 65 and related text, below], the year 1844 is given as the point
of reference because it was in October of that year that Don Bosco, reassured by the
recurrence of the vocation dream, left the Pastoral Institute (Convitto) of St. Francis
of Assisi, took a chaplaincy at Marchioness Barolo's institution (Rifugio), and put
the oratory on a new basis as the Oratory of St. Francis de Sales. It was in these
circumstances that the work became a collaborative ministry involving the priests
of that institution and others as well.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
risk precisely because of their poverty. This is the special purpose of the
Congregation of St. Francis de Sales, first established in Turin in 1841.64
In the light of these emphases, it is understandable that Don Bosco would
resist the Roman authorities' demands that these two initial chapters of the
constitutions (the Preamble and the Historical Sketch) be removed (it was not
customary to include "historical commendations of the institute"). Don Bosco
regarded the oratorian experience as charismatic and normative, that is, as
embodying the spirit that was to power all Salesian work of charity. After
receiving the critical observations in 1864, he thought he could meet the
demand half-way by retaining the two chapters (now in italics) merely as a
general introduction. But he was finally forced to remove them in 1874 before
approval. The curtailment had the effect of leaving the chapter on Purpose,
particularly its foundational (but rather meager) first article, without supporting
theological and historical rationale.
3. The General Purpose of the Salesian Society as a
Religious Congregation
Describing the purpose of the Salesian Society in Remarks (Cose da notarsl)
submitted with the Constitutions in 1864, Don Bosco writes:
The purpose of this Society, insofar as it concerns its members [person ally],
is to offer them an opportunity to unite in spirit in order to work for the
greater glory of God and the salvation of souls. We find inspiration in the
words of St. Augustine: Divinorum divinissimum est in lucrum animarum
operari [Of all divine works the most divine is to work for the salvation of
souls].
Considered in its historical existence (in se stessa), [this Society] has for
its purpose to continue what has been in effect in the Oratory of St. Francis de
Sales for the past 20 years or so.6s
There could be no clearer statement of the special purpose of the Salesian
Society as a religious congregation. It is the active life totally devoted to the
work of charity, undertaken according to the spirit and normative experience of
the oratory.
But what of the general or common purpose of religious life, personal
perfection or holiness? How did Don Bosco conceive it in relation to the
special purpose?
64 Rua MS. (Ar, 1858) in Motto, Cost. DB, 58 and 60. Italics mine.
6s Cose da notarsi intorno alle Costituzioni della Societa di S. Francesco di
Sales: MS. in Don Bosco's hand in ASC 023,1, FDBM 1,889 C2-5, Motto, Cost.
DB, 229, IBM VII, 622-623 (omitted in EBM). "For the past 20 years or so" refers
back to 1844. [Cf. note 63 and related text above.]

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(1) General and Special Purpose of a Religious Institute
The debate on the purpose or purposes of religious life has had a long and
disputed history, since it has involved a consideration of all the varied forms of
religious life that have appeared since early Christian times.66
In summary, the general purpose of religious life is seen to consist in
striving for personal perfection or holiness, that is, for perfect charity. It bears
the following characteristics: (1) it is common to all forms of religious life;
(2) it is essential to, requisite for, religious life as such; (3) it is achieved
through a more perfect following of Christ and through a more intimate union
with God; (4) it is expressed in the evangelical way of life (including virginity,
poverty, obedience, whether in individual or in communitarian form).
The special purpose of religious life, on the other hand, consists in some
specific activity relating to worship, the apostolate, or work of charity
undertaken in addition to the general common purpose but possessing formally
the nature of a true purpose. It should be noted that such a purpose is not
common to all religious life, since historically there have existed recognized
forms of religious life that lacked such a purpose. Nor has it, in itself, been
regarded as essential for the same reason. However, since religious orders, and
more so clerks regular and religious congregations, historically were founded
and approved by the Church precisely for such a purpose, the special purpose is
regarded as essential in their case. This has been confirmed by Vatican II, in its
decree on religious life.
In such communities [devoted to various aspects of the apostolate] the very
nature of religious life requires apostolic action and services, since a sacred
ministry and a special work of charity have been consigned to them by the
Church and must be discharged in her name.67
As religious life developed, the special purpose took various forms: priestly
ministry, evangelization, pastoral activity, work of charity, etc. It should be
emphasized that such activity is undertaken not simply as "an occupation," but
as a special way of contributing directly to the church's ministry. (Hence it is
that such religious institutes have always sought the Church's approval.)
(2) Formulaic Expressions of the Purposes of Religious Life
The Jesuit constitutions were the first to adopt a formulation which gave
expression to both purposes of religious life.68 Later congregations have
66 For historical survey and discussion cf. A. Carminati, "Fini della
Religione," in Dizionario degli lstituti di Perfezione (Roma: Edizioni Paoline, Vol.
IV, 1977) IV, 40-51.
67 Vatican II, Perfectae Caritatis, 8.
68 "It is the purpose of this society not only to strive with God's grace after
the salvation and perfection of one's soul, but also at the same time ardently to

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Journal of Salesian Studies
followed suit, using expressions such as "twin purposes" or "twin principal
purposes," and other formulations designed to specify various aspects of the
two purposes.
In any case, the purposes are always expressed in coordination. Don
Bosco, on the contrary, in his earliest drafts of the constitutions expressed the
purposes in subordination, to indicate that for the Salesian the general purpose
(Christian perfection or holiness) is achieved through the special purpose (the
work of charity).
II. Personal Sanctification Through the Work of Charity-in
Imitation of Christ's Pastoral Charity
One of the most important spiritual insights embodied in the early
Constitutions is the relatedness of the exercise of pastoral charity to the
religious and spiritual life of the Salesian. This finds expression in the
foundational Articles I and 2 of the chapter on Purpose.
1. Articles 1 and 2 of the Chapter On Purpose in Their
Earliest Drafts of 1858 and 1860
(1) Article I
Article I in the earliest draft {the Rua MS. of 1858) simply reads:
1. It is the purpose of this congregation to gather together [into community]
its [as] members, priests, seminarians and laymen too, in order that they may
strive for perfection through the imitation, in so far as it is possible, of the
virtues of our divine Savior.69
Surprisingly, it may be noted, this first foundational article on the Purpose of
the Society makes no explicit mention of pastoral charity towards poor young
people, though this would be included in the imitation of Christ's "virtues."
However, it should be borne in mind that the chapter on Purpose was preceded,
as mentioned above, by two other chapters, the Preamble and the Historical
Sketch. They were intended to provide the key for a correct understanding of
this article as well as of the chapter on Purpose and of the whole project set
forth in the constitutions. Those two chapters, eventually removed in Rome,
as mentioned above, were all about the option for the young in imitation of
Christ's pastoral charity. It bears repeating, the Preamble said expressly:
devote oneself to the salvation and perfection of one's neighbor." [St. Ignatius,
Summarium Const., No. 2, in Carminati, Loe. cit., 45]
e 69 "Lo scopo di questa congregazione si di riunire insieme i suoi membri
ecclesiastici, chierici ed anche laici a fine di perfezionare se medesimi imitando per
e quanta possibile le virtt't del nostro divin salvatore." [Motto, Cost. DB, 72]

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Our divine Savior himself by his deeds gave us clear proof of this truth [the
importance of educating the young]. For in fulfilling his divine mission on
earth, with a love of predilection he invited children to come close to him:
Sinite parvulos venire ad me [Let little children come to me]. [...] Our efforts
therefore must aim at safeguarding the faith and the moral life of that category
of young people whose eternal salvation is more at risk precisely because of
their poverty.10
This would have been enough. But, as though to make it doubly certain, in the
next draft of 1860 Don Bosco revised the last phrase of Article 1 on Purpose to
read:
-in order that they may strive for perfection through the imitation, in so far
as it is possible, of the virtues of our divine Savior, especially in [his?]
charity toward poor young people."71
(2) Article 2
Article 2 expands the concept of the imitation of Christ already set forth in
Article l, though it does so along traditional lines not free of difficulty. This
article, which remained fundamentally unchanged throughout, reads:
2. Jesus Christ began by doing and teaching. In like manner shall the
members begin by perfecting themselves through the practice of both the
internal and external virtues and through the acquisition of knowledge; then
shall they apply themselves for the good of their neighbor.72
The sentence, "Jesus Christ began by doing and teaching," is a quote from the
Acts of the Apostles [Acts 1,1). In that preface, Luke says that in the first
book (the Gospel) he spoke about "all that Jesus began to do and to teach,"
that is, "all that Jesus did and taught from the beginning," with reference to
Jesus' ministry; now (in Acts) he is going to continue the story. The phrase
"doing and teaching" describes the double activity of Jesus' ministry.
The traditional ascetical interpretation of the phrase, however, is entirely
different. Here "doing and teaching" represent two successive stages in the life
of a religious. The "doing stage" is the period of formation in prayer, study and
ascetical striving (paralleling the 30 year-long hidden life of Jesus). The
70 Motto, Cost. DB, 58.
71 "a fine di perfezionare se medesimi imitando per quanto epossibile le virtu
de/ nostro divin salvatore specialmente nella carita verso i giovani poveri,"
[Motto, Cost. DB, 72].
72 "Gesu Cristo comincib fare ed insegnare, cosl i congregati comincieranno a
perfezionare se stessi co/la pratica de/le interne ed esterne virtue coll'acquisto delta
scienza. di poi si adopereranno a benefizio de/ prossimo." [Motto, Cost. DB., 72.]
"External" and "internal" were secondary distinctions based on whether or not a
virtue has an external effect or projection.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
"teaching stage" is the period of ministry or apostolate that follows (paralleling
Jesus' three-year long ministry). There is no doubt that Don Bosco's wording
here was influenced by the ascetical tradition, but he himself throughout the
process of approval of the constitutions fought against the very idea. He
wanted the formation of his Salesians to take place in the context of the
apostolate. For example, he consistently rejected the idea of a closed, ascetical
novitiate.
In any case, the emphasis is on the imitation of Christ ("In like manner")
rather than on any prescription of a period of exclusively ascetical preparation
followed by a second one devoted to apostolic activity.
(3) Comment
Articles 1 and 2 of the chapter on Purpose (in the drafts of 1858 and 1860),
based as they are on the strong foundations of the Preamble and of the
Historical Sketch, set forth two basic principles for the spiritual life of the
Salesian.
First, for the Salesian personal perfection, that is, holiness, is to be
attained through the exercise of charity. It should be noted that this formulation
goes beyond even the idea of "double essential purpose" developed historically
in religious congregations. Vatican II, in the passage from Peifectae Caritatis
cited above, sanctioned the idea that the special apostolic or charitable purpose
of religious congregations is an essential part of religious life, because such
activity is entrusted to them by the church and is exercised in the Church's
name. Such a pronouncement has forced a rethinking of the ascetical and
canonical tradition, which tended to view the special purpose of an institute as
additional and secondary. Don Bosco's formulation, and the insight which it
supposed, not only anticipated Vatican II but was in fact even more novel. It
must have appeared altogether revolutionary in the 1860s.
Secondly, Don Bosco sets forth for the Salesian, albeit in nineteenth-
century ascetical language, a Christocentric spirituality. The Salesian, gathered
in community for the work of charity, is given a comprehensive means for
attaining to "perfection" (that is to say, to holiness): the imitation of Christ in
his ministry to the young and the poor. This is a Christocentric spirituality.
The French spiritual masters of the seventeenth and eighteenth century saw
Jesus, in his mystery, in his life and ministry, as the pattern of Christian
existence.73 Don Bosco simply proposes the imitation of Christ in his virtues,
which reveals the moralizing and practical mentality of the nineteenth-century.
73 Jean Jacques Olier (1608-1657) writes: "Christianity consists in these three
points: [...] to look upon Jesus, to unite oneself to Jesus, to act on Jesus. The first
leads us to respect and to religion; the second, to union and to identification with
Him; the third, to an activity no longer solitary, but joined to the virtue of Jesus
Christ." [E. A. Walsh, "Spirituality , French School of," in New Catholic
Encyclopedia 13 , 605)

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However, in calling for the imitation of the virtues of Christ as doer and
teacher, particularly in his love of predilection for the young, he proposes a
thoroughly Christocentric spirituality.
2. The Rewriting of Article 1 of the Chapter on Purpose in
1864
In the earliest drafts, Article 1 on Purpose stressed the relatedness of the
imitation of Christ's pastoral charity and religious perfection or holiness.
Religious perfection (holiness) is achieved through the exercise of pastoral
charity. By contrast, in the draft of 1864 Article 1 on Purpose appears
drastically rewritten, so that the original emphases are done away with.
(1) Nature of the Shift
A comparison will reveal the extent of the rewriting.
Do (1860)
Purpose, Art. 1
Gb (1864),
Purpose, Art. 1
1. It is the purpose of this
congregation to gather together [into
community] its [as] members
priests, seminarians and laymen too,
in order that they may strive for
perfection through the imitation, in
so far as it is possible, of the virtues
of our divine Savior, especially in
[his?] charity toward poor young
people.
1. The purpose of this society is
the Christian perfection of its
members; every kind of work of
charity, both spiritual and corporal,
on behalf of young people,
especially if they are poor; and also
the education of young
seminarians. It is composed of
priests, seminarians and laymen.74
Here truly significant changes have taken place. Community ("the gathering")
is no longer in evidence. The tight subordination of purposes has been replaced
by mere coordination of various juxtaposed elements. The concept of perfection
to be achieved through the work of charity toward the young in imitation of
Christ' s pastoral charity has been replaced by that of an unspecified Christian
perfection. Christocentric spirituality for the Salesian is no longer to be
deduced from the wording of the 1864 article.
74 Motto, Cost. DB, 72.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
(2) Don Bosco's Abiding Conviction
Before attempting to offer an explanation for this shift, we may take this as
certain: Don Bosco never swerved from his conviction that, for the Salesian,
holiness is achieved through the work of charity undertaken in imitation of
Christ's pastoral charity. For instance, this is the doctrine propounded through
the various editions of the Savio biography (from 1859):
The first piece of advice that [Domiruc] was given for achieving holiness was
that he should endeavor to win souls to God; because there is no holier work
in thi s world than that of contributing to the salvation of souls, for whose
redemption Jesus Christ shed the very last drop of his precious blood.7i
This is also the spiritual doctrine taught in the 1876 document on Salesian
Cooperators:
This Association might be regarded as a traditional Third Order; but with thi s
difference, that whereas there perfection was made to consist in exercises of
piety [devotions], here the main purpose is the active life and the exercise of
charity toward neighbor, especially toward young people at risk.76
We may therefore confidently assert that Don Bosco never intended to propose
a way to holiness to Salesians that differed from the one he proposed to his
boys and to his Cooperators.
Thus in the Historical Sketch of 1874, written ten years after the
reworking of the article under discussion, he explains his idea of the Society in
question-and-answer form and writes:
Q: In this Society is your aim the good of neighbor or that of its members?
A: The purpose of this· Society is the spiritual advancement of its members
through the exercise of charity toward neighbor, especially toward poor
young people.77
(3) Why the Change?
Then how explain the rewriting of Article 1 on Purpose in 1864 ? The
following may be adduced as possible reasons.78
7
l
Vita
del giovanetto
Savio
Domenico
[. ..]
per cura de!
Sacerdote
Bosc;o
Giovanni (Torino: Paravia e Comp., 1859), 53, in Opere Edite XI, 203.
76 Bosco Giovanni, Cooperatori salesiani, ossia un modo pratico per giovare
al costume ed alla civile societa (San Pier d' Arena: Tip. Salesiana, 1876), in Opere
Edite XXVIII, 260.
77 Cenno istorico, in Braido, DB per i giovani , 125.
78 For a discussion of the whole subject cf. Francesco Motto, "Constitutiones
Societatis S. Francisci Salesii: Fonti letterarie dei capitoli Scopo, Forma, Voto di

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The strong objections made by Archbishop Gastaldi in 1872-1874 and the
criticism submitted years earlier by Father Durando and others, that the
Salesians were engaged in mindless external activity and neglected their
spiritual formation, may have played a part. Perhaps Don Bosco himself feared
that the general purpose of all religious life (personal holiness) might be
defeated by the very ardor with which his followers pursued the special purpose
of Salesian life (pastoral charity towards young people). Hence his decision to
state it separately .
The separate statement of purposes, hence the transition from
subordination to coordination, may have been suggested to Don Bosco by the
models he had before him, even if the change blurred his original insight and
his abiding conviction. As indicated above, following the basic Jesuit model,
the constitutions that served as Don Bosco's sources (those of the Vincentians,
of the Schools of Charity of Venice, of Lanteri's Oblates of Mary, of the
Redemptorists, and of the Marists) all listed the purposes separately in
coordinatio n.
But Don Bosco had been taking those constitutions as models all along.
Did some new factor come into play? New official directives from Rome,
issued to clarify this very matter, may have been decisive. The promulgation of
the Methodus in 1863, the very year of Don Bosco's revision of this article,
set in motion a series of actions by the Congregation of Bishops and Regulars
designed to regulate the approval of the many religious congregations founded
in the nineteenth century. These directives were later codified in the Normae of
190I.79 Observations given to some religious congregations on the basis of the
Methodus, read: "The purpose of the institute should perhaps be expressed
more humbly, and separate mention shall have to be made of the member's
[...] personal sanctification."80 After defining the general and special purpose of
religious congregations, the Normae directed that a clear and separate statement
be made of the two: "These two purposes are to be accurately distinguished,
and they are to be stated with clarity, in unpretentious terms, and without
exaggeration."81
The norms given by the Roman congregation also reflect the on-going
debate on the purposes of religious life. Some theologians held that
ministerial, apostolic, or charitable activities were not of themselves means of
Obbedienza, Poverta e Castita," Ricerche Storiehe Salesiane 2 (1983) 341-384,
esp. 356-360 [Motto, Fanti]; also Francis Desramaut, "Lo scopo della societa
nelle costituzioni salesiane," in La Missione dei Salesiani nella Chiesa (Colloqui 2.
Torino: LDC, 1970), 65-85.
79 Normae secundum quas Sacra Congregatio Episcoporum et Regularium
procedere solet in approbandis novis Jnstitutis votorum simplicium. [Norms by
which the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars is guided in the process of
approval of new institutes with simple vows], June 28, 1901. For the Methodus cf.
note 4 and related text above.
80 Motto, Fonti, 359.
81 Normae, No. 44, in Carminati, Loe. cit., 49.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
perfection; or that at best the two were, each in their own right, separate
purposes of religious life, but that one could not be subordinated to the other.
In this context, the 1864 re-writing of Article I on Purpose is
understandable. It appears that Don Bosco both by following the models and by
complying with official directives hoped to make his constitutions more
acceptable.
(4) Slight Recovery
Nonetheless after the Decretum laudis of 1864, perhaps under Rosminian
influence, he attempted to re-establish some kind of syntactical subordination
between the general purpose and the specific purpose by a (Latin) participial
temporal clause.
It is the purpose of this Congregation that its members, while stnvmg
together for Chri stian perfection, undertake every kind of work of charity,
both spiritual and corporal, toward young people [...]."82
This formulation, however, appears only in the Latin texts, and not in the final
Italian text printed for the confreres in 1875!
I mentioned possible Rosminian influence. Don Bosco had known
Antonio Rosmini personally, though he was probably not familiar w ith the
great man 's philosophical-theological system. He also knew and used the
constitutions of the Institute of Charity. Now, Rosmini more subtly proposed
distinct, yet somehow subordinated, purposes of religious life: the members'
personal sanctification; and through personal sanctification (sanctificatione
mediante) total dedication to every possible work of charity. The connection,
according to Rosmini, lay in the fact that "in one's perfection (perfect charity)
is included also the exercise of charity toward neighbor."83
82 Motto, Cost. DB, 72f.
83 Motto, Ponti, 358 (with note 53).
Antonio Rosmini-Serbati (1797-1 855), was born of a noble family at
Rovereto (Trent). Highly and broadly educated, he studied theology at the
University of Padua, and was ordained a priest in 1821. In 1828 he founded the
Institute of Charity. Popes Pius VIII and Gregory XVI prevailed on him to write, and
through the years he authored numerous ascetical, spiritual, philosophical and
theological works. At the time of the liberal revolution in 1848 he was given a
diplomatic mission to the Holy See by the Piedmontese government, interrupted by
the episode of the Mazzinian Roman Republic. At the same time he authored two
prophetic works (The Five Wounds of the Church and A Civil Constitution Based on
Social Justice) which drew a condemnation from the Holy Office. His original, non-
Thomistic philosophical system, and the works which expounded it, likewise drew
a condemnation. But Rosmini was finally vindicated as one of the most important
Catholic philosophers and spiritual masters in the nineteenth century. Don Bosco
first became acquainted with the Rosminians in 1840 and with Rosmini himself in
1850. Rosmini helped Don Bosco financially; and although Don Bosco was in no

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Don Bosco's insights pertaining to the purpose and m1ss10n of the
Salesian Society as a religious congregation, which we have just discussed, are
matched by his concept of the Salesian community as expressed in the chapter
on the Form of the Society.
III. Religious Consecration for the Exercise of Charity in
Articles 1 and 2 of the Chapter on the Form of the Society
As indicated in Part I, the chapter on the Form of the Society underwent
significant revision at the hand of the Roman authorities throughout its
development, especially through the striking of Article 2 (on "civil rights") and
the transfer of other articles to different chapters. Our comments have the three
earlier drafts in view.
Article 1 is foundational and defines the religious consecration of the
Salesian in community. The article underwent some expansion in its last
section between 1858 and 1864, after which it remained practically unchanged.
Article 2 was likewise foundational in Don Bosco's intention, as it defined the
Salesian's full membership in the civil life of his society, conceived as fully
compatible with his religious consecration. Don Bosco clung to this provision
in the face of repeated objections, until it was removed before approval in
1874.
These two articles represented the twin foundations of which Don Bosco
often spoke and which he attributed to Pope Pius IX as the source.84
1. Article 1 of the Chapter on Form.
A comparison between the three drafts of Article 1 which are of interest to us
is instructive.
position to evaluate Rosmini 's philosophical system, his friendship and esteem for
the great and holy man never wavered. [Dicastero per la Formazione, Sussidi 2
(Roma: SDB, 1988), 312-316]
8' In his petition addressed to Pius IX in 1864, referring back to 1858 when he
presented the idea of a religious society to the pope, Don Bosco wrote: "Your
Holiness, you yourself saw fit to lay down its foundations (La medesima S. V.
degnavasi di tracciarne le basi)." [Motto, Cost. DB, 228 (Document 2)] In a
memorandum addressed to Archbishop Riccardi di Netro in 1867, Don Bosco wrote
unambiguously: ''The Holy Father traced [for us] the ground plan of a religious
society in which the members were to be true religious before the Church and at the
same time remain free citizens before the civil authority." [Societa di S. Francesco
di Sales (1867): MS. in Don Bosco's hand in ASC 022, FDBM 1,925 Al2-B3, IBM
VIII, 809-811 (omitted in EBM)]

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Ar (1858)
Form Art. 1
Do (1860)
Form. Art. 1
Gb (1864)
Form. Art. 1
1. [i] All the gathered- 1. [i] All the gathered- 1. [i] A ll the gathered-
members lead the members lead the members lead the
common life [ii] bound common life [ii] bound common life [ii] bound
only by fraternal charity only by the bond of only by the bond of
and by the simple vows, fraternal charity and the fraternal charity and the
which bind them together simple vows, which simple vows, which
to form one heart and one unites them to form unites them to form
soul, [iii] in order to love one heart and one soul, one heart and one soul,
and serve God.
[iii] in order to love [iii] in order to love
and serve God [iv] by and serve God [iv] by
the virtue of obedience, the virtue of obedience,
of poverty, and of of poverty, of chastity,
holiness of life.
and by the perfect
fulfillment of the
duties of a good
Chri sti an. 85
As may be seen , in his successive rewriting Don Bosco tightened up section
[ii] to emphasize unity: "bound only by the bond of fraternal c harity and the
simple vows, which unites them to form one heart and one soul." In 1860 and
1864, the article was expanded by the addition of section [iv] specifying "the
virtues of consecration" which enable the members to love and serve God. T hi s
section underwent minor modifications and one expansion in 1864 ("by the
exact performance of the duties of a good C hristian," rephrased in the
subsequent Latin texts as "by a genuinely Christian way of living." A brief
comment on each section will suffice.
(1) Section [i] develops the idea of community already broached in Article
1 of the chapter on Purpose. One should note the unusual term "gathered-
members" (congregati). The word harks back to the equally unusual phrase in
the former article, "It is the purpose of this congregation to gather together [as]
its members [...)" In various memorandums Don Bosco states that in 1858 the
group of oratory workers was divided into two branches. Thus, in the historical
sketch of 1874 we read:
Some who had a vocation remained [in residence at the Oratory] to swell the
ranks of the nascent congregation. In the year 1858 several priests,
seminarians, and laymen as well, formed the number of those who lived in
ss Motto, Cost. DB, 82.

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community and who observed what basically were the rules of the Salesian
Society.86
The 1877 document entitled "Salesian Cooperators:" is even more explicit:
[In 1858) the Congregation was divided into two branches, or rather families.
Those who believed they had a vocation and were unimpeded, joined together
to Jive in community [...]. The rest , that is, the laymen [MS. "externs" in
IBM] continued to Jive in the world with their own families but continued t o
work on behalf of the Oratories.87
As may be seen, the gathered-members had their counterpart in the extem-
members, for whose affiliation Don Bosco included a special set of rules in the
constitutions of 1860.
(2) Section [ii] describes the nature of this community. It is a
communion brought about by fraternal charity and the vows. Both forces act
together to form a bond which unites the gathered-members as one heart and
one soul. The reference here is to the Jerusalem apostolic community as
described in the Acts of the Apostles.
Now the whole group of those who believed were of one heart and one soul and
no one claimed private ownership of any possessions, but everything they
owned was held in common. - All who believed were together and had all
things in common; they would sell their possession and goods and distribute
the proceeds to all, as any had need.88
These Scriptural texts depict a community living as one heart and one soul,
bound by mutual love and common sharing of goods. The Christian
community of Acts has traditionally been regarded as a model of religious life,
and the citation from Acts is attested in a number of constitutions. In Don
Bosco's case it reflects a deeply rooted conviction as well as a theology of
86 Braido, Cenno istorico, in Don Bosco per i giovani, 11 7- 118. Father
Alasonatti, in a letter written before Don Bosco went to Rome in 1858 to present
the idea of a religious society to Pius IX, confirms the existence of such a group
"united as confreres in spirit under the patronage of St. Francis de Sales." This,
however, was not to be made public, "until we see more clearly whether it is the
Lord's good pleasure to prosper the group or to dissolve it-This may shortly be
decided when Don Bosco journeys to Rome at the beginning of Lent." [Vittorio
Alasonatti to Angelo Savio, February 6, 1858, in ASC 270: Alasonatti] In the
introductory Historical Sketch to the constitutions of 1858, drafted shortly after
returning from Rome, Don Bosco writes: "Fifteen people at present profess these
rules: 5 priests, 8 clerics, and 2 laymen." [Motto, Cost. DB, 70)
87 MS. in ASC 133: Cooperatori 3(1), 2f.; FDBM 1,886 E8-l,887 A2, edited
in IBM XI, 84-86, EBM XI, 73-75.
88 Acts 4:32 and 2:44-45 (New Revised Standard Version).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
religious community. The first attested reference is to be found in his Church
History (1845) where he speaks about the lifestyle of those early Christians.89
Then in treating of the hermits of the desert, he writes that "they were obedient
to their superiors like little children, and lived united as one heart and one
soul."90 He has recourse to this text from Acts some twenty times before 1858 ,
always with reference to religious community.
The image is reinforced by the blunt way in which Don Bosco phrased
the foundational Article I of the chapter on Poverty in the earliest drafts, barely
tempered in subsequent editing.
Ar (1858) = Do (1860),
Poverty, Art. 1
Gb (1864),
Poverty, Art. 1
1. The essence of the vow of poverty
[as practiced] in our congregation lies
in leading the common life regarding
food and clothing, and in not keeping
anything under lock and key without
the superior's special permission.
1. The observance of the vow of
poverty [as practiced] in our
congregation lies essentially In
being detached from all earthly
goods. This we will try to achieve
by [leading] the common life
regarding food and clothing, and by
not keeping anything for our own
use without the superior's special
permission.91
The Salesian community envisaged by Don Bosco is to be a replica of the
apostolic community.
(3) The stock phrase in Section [iii], "in order to love and serve God,"
comes from the basic catechism. There in answer to the question, "Who created
you?" it defined the purpose of human existence. Here it expresses the double
purpose of religious life as well: love and service. Don Bosco assures the
Salesian that by being part of a community living in communion and in
consecration for the mission the purpose of his human existence is also
fulfilled.
(4) With Section [iii] the description of the Salesian religious community
might be regarded as complete. Don Bosco has already mentioned the vows as a
factor in the bond, and that seemed enough in 1858. But in the drafts of 1860
and 1864, he wished to emphasize the role of the virtues of obedience, poverty,
and chastity. Just as the vows by their binding force, together with fraternal
charity, are the means of communion, so the virtues of obedience, poverty and
89 Storia Ecclesiastica per uso delle scuole, compilata dal Sacerdote Giovanni
Bosco (Torino: Tipografia Speirani e Ferrero, 1945), 34, in Opere Edite I, 75.
90 Ibid. 129 and 287.
9 1 Motto, Cost. DB, 100.

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chastity are means of consecration for the achievement of the goals of religious
life, the Jove and service of God. In addition, in the draft of 1864 he wished to
suggest another means of consecration, "the perfect fulfillment of the duties of
a good Christian." In subsequent Latin texts, he interpreted this concept to
mean "a genuinely Christian way of living (accuraJa christiana vivendi
ratione)." This indeed is what the phrase "duties of a good Christian" meant:
the program of the Christian life including worship, prayer, moral conduct,
etc., traditionally inculcated by the Church.
(5) The preeminence given to obedience is significant. The three vows-
virtues of religious consecration are always given in the same order: obedience,
poverty, chastity. True, Don Bosco on many occasions by the spoken and the
written word exalted chastity as of supreme importance for the spiritual life of
the individual, and (in an educational setting in particular) of the utmost
necessity both for the educator and the pupils. However, with reference to the
structure of religious life, and of the Salesian community in particular, he saw
obedience as the primary agent in religious consecration.
Pietro Stella, in discussing the Dream of the Diamonds which Don Bosco
had at San Benigno on the night of September 10-11 , 1881, points out that
although Don Bosco had often exalted chastity as the most beautiful virtue, "he
wrote that obedience was the first and the foundation of all the other virtues,
even in religious life."92 In this dream there appears a Gentleman wearing a
diamond-studded cope (representing the Salesian society), each diamond bearing
the name of an important virtue. Obedience precedes poverty and chastity and is
located in the place of honor.
This is because obedience (especially under the aspect of "virtue"
extending beyond the canonical field of the vow) figures not only as a means of
consecration together with poverty and chastity, but also as the chief religious
structure whereby the consecrated person becomes "available" for the mission
or work of charity. Charity, although ultimum in executione is primum in
intentione. And since in Don Bosco's thinking charity and its zealous exercise
is both the special purpose of religious life and the means through which its
general purpose (Christian perfection) is to be realized, obedience (which
governs the availability of the consecrated person) holds a key position.93
92 Pietro Stella, Don Bosco nella storia della religiosita cattolica, Vol. II:
Mentalita religiosa e spiritualita, 2nd ed. (Roma: LAS, 1981 ), 528 (Appendix on
Don Bosco's dreams); published in English as: Don Bosco's Dreams [... ), tr. by
John Drury (New Rochelle, New York: Salesiana Publishers, 1996), 29-30 with
notes 40 and 41. For this statement Stella refers to Don Bosco's The Companion of
Youth (fl giovane provveduto, 1847, 13), and to the Biographical Memoirs [EBM
IV, 554; VI, 556; VII, 417; IX, 419, etc.], where indeed Don Bosco makes this
point.
93 In a perceptive study of the chapter on Obedience, Motto discusses in detail
the centrality of obedience and the position of the superior in a Salesian
community: "La figura de! superiore salesiano nelle costitutzioni della Societ~ di
San Francesco di Sales de! 1860. Testi, Fonti, Interpretazione," Ricerclze Storiche

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Obedience is the religious-life structure whereby the superior
(community) directs the consecrated person to the work of charity. And this
finally becomes the means of personal holiness.
T
ljt
0
M
I
S MINISTRY
S APOSTOLATE
I \\NORK OF CHARITY
0
N
- Community and Miuion -
Salesians live in Community, and through fraternal charity and the vows form a
Communion: one heart and one soul. Obedience, Poverty and chastity serve as
the virtues for religious consecration, to love and serve God. The Superior
provides animation and leadership, while through Obedience the Salesian
becomes available for the Mission (Ministry, Apostolate, Work ofCharity).
(6) Let me add a comment on the "spiritual value" of community so
conceived. Religious community as communion is a truly significant aspect of
Don Bosco's understanding ofreligious life, one which is as traditional as it is
novel. He had laid down that the general purpose of religious life for the
Salesian, Christian perfection or holiness, was to be achieved through the
exercise of charity. If this were taken superficially, then community would
appear to serve merely as a "base of operation," or "staging area," having no
"sanctifying" value in itself. By defining community as communion, and
bringing into play fraternal charity and the vows, Don Bosco endows it with ·a
value in itself, the value which the cenobitic tradition (familiar to Don Bosco)
clearly expressed. In Don Bosco's conception, community as communion
becomes a true source of spiritual energy for the attainment of both the general
and the special purpose of religious life. Fraternal charity with its spiritual
inspiration and the vows by their binding power produce a unity in heart and
soul which fosters the spiritual life and lends supports to individual
commitment.
Salesiane 2 (1883) 3-53.

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In the Introduction which Don Bosco wrote for the "official" Italian
edition of 1875 such ideas and themes receive extended development.94
2. Article 2 of the Chapter on Form: Civil Right[s]
As may be seen in the table below, the article was expanded in successive
drafts to specify some of the consequences of retaining civil rights, with the
added provision that the member cannot dispose of his goods except in the
manner laid down by the Rector Major. However, the essence of the article
pertaining to retention of civil right[s] remained unchanged until 1874, when
the article was removed, rewritten in terms of "radical dominion" and "use," and
transferred to the chapter on the Vow of Poverty.
Article 2, until removed in 1874 before approval, read:
Ar (1858),
Do (1860),
Form, Art. 2
Gb (1864),
Ls (1867)
Form. Art. 2
Ns (1873)
Form, Art. 2
No one on entering the No one on entering the No one on entering
congregation, shall, even congregation, shall, the congregation,
after making his vows, even after making his shall, even after
forfeit his civil right. vows, forfeit his civil making his vows,
Therefore he retains rights. Therefore he forfeit his civil rights.
ownership of his goods, retains ownership of his He shall therefore pay
and the power of goods, and he can also his taxes as the laws
succession and of succeed into [ownership prescribe, he can
receiving
bequests, of] someone else's validly and licitly buy,
legacies, and gifts.
goods.
sell, make a will,
succeed
into
[ownership
of]
someone else's goods.
[Do :] But for as
But for as long as
But for as long
long as he remains in the he remains in the as he remains in the
congregation [...]
Society [...]
Society [...]95
9• P. Braido (a cura di), Don Bosco Fondatore: "Ai Soci Salesiani' ( 1875-
1885). Introduzione e testi critici (Roma LAS, 1995). [Braido, DB Fondatore]
Pages 36-46 of Braido's introduction are devoted to a study of Don Bosco's ideas on
the Salesian religious community.
9s Do (1860): "Ognuno nell'entrare in congregazione non perdera if diritto
civile anche dopo fatti i voti, percio conserva La proprieta delle cose sue, la facolta
di succedere e di ricevere eredita, legati e donazioni. Ma per tutto il tempo che vivra
in congregazione [... ]" [Motto. Cost. DB, 82)

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Journal of Salesian Studies
(1) Nature of the Provision
The idea of an association of free citizens who pooled their resources and
talents for the work of charity in civil society was an "illumination" which
Don Bosco is said to have received from prime minister Urbano Rattazzi in
1857.96 According to a memorandum of 1864, the idea (now j oined to religious
vows) received confirmation and endorsement from Pius IX in 1858, when Don
Bosco presented to him a plan for the Salesian Society. Don Bosco writes:
The pope said among other things: "On the one hand, this society or
congregation should be such as to comply with religious requirements [of the
Church]; on the other, its members should be free of those restrictions that
might embarrass them before the civil laws [...]. The overarching purpose
should be to preserve the spirit of the oratories; hence vows are required as a
bond apt to ensure unity in spirit and works. But these vows should be simple
and easily relaxed [...].97
These two foundation articles, taken together, are a powerful expression of the
form of the Society, as Don Bosco conceived it. We have here a compact group
of people gathered and living in communion, united as one heart and one soul
by the bond of fraternal charity and the simple vows, living in consecration
through poverty and chastity , and available and ready for the mission through
obedience. They come together not as a juridical organization, a corporation
96 [Giovanni Bonetti,] "Storia dell ' Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales," in
Bollettino Salesiano, June 1883, p. 97. The Storia dell'Oratorio was published in
book form after Bonetti's death in 1891 as Cinque lustri di Storia [...] (1891), [522-
524] which was translated into English as Don Bosco 's Early Apostolate (1908,
reprinted 1934) [344-345]. The "illumination" Don Bosco received from Rattazzi
was in the form of an understanding of a point of liberal jurisprudence, namely that
the civil right of a private citizen was inviolable under the law because it derived
from nature, whereas corporate rights were granted only by the state. Hence if Don
Bosco set up his society as an association of private citizens who came together for
a humanitarian undertaking, and not as a corporation, the government would have
nothing to say in the matter.
97 This memorandum, dated by Braido in 1864 [DB Fondatore, 40], is a MS. in
Don Bosco's hand entitled IL regnante Pio IX afavore di questa societa: ASC 132,
FDBM 1,924 D-9-10. In the Biographical Memoirs [EBM V, 561], Lemoyne
reports the pope's words in context, on the basis of Bonetti's descri ption of the
audience [Don Rosco 's Early Apostolate, 356]: "It is necessary that you should
establish a Society with which the Government cannot interfere, but at the same
time you must not be satisfied with binding its members by mere promises,
otherwise you would never be sure of your subjects, nor could you count on them for
any length of time." But obviously Don Bosco is the ultimate and only source for
the pope's words, for he was alone with the pope, and seminarian Michele Rua (who
acted as Don Bosco's secretary) was not introduced until the end of the audience.

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either secular or religious, but as an association of free citizens who choose to
devote themselves and their resources to the work of charity. The vows which
are both bond of unity and means of consecration, are also, under the aspect of
the virtues of obedience, poverty and chastity, the means whereby God is loved
and served.
(2) Comment on a possible Rosminian Connection
It is worth noting that this novel concept of religious life is in line with the
doctrine set forth by Antonio Rosmini in the 1820s. And it is not unlikely
(though it is not attested) that contacts with Rosmini influenced Don Bosco's
own formulation, albeit with a terminology dictated by the age of the liberal
revolution in the 1850s.
Don Bosco used the term "civil right[s]" to describe a situation in which
individual religious exercised their rights (such as private ownership) and duties
(such as paying taxes) as free citizens. The Salesian Society was not a
religious corporation and owned nothing. Rosmini used the term "legal
ownership" (dominium legate) to describe a similar situation in which
individual members retained ownership (not use) of their goods, and his
congregation owned nothing. Before the civil law the member of the Institute
of Charity would appear to own as any private citizen would; and the vow (of
poverty) by which the member bound himself to surrender to his superior the
right to dispose of his goods could be simple and private, that is, a matter
between him and his superior. Thus the vow, like any private agreement, could
conceivably remain secret; and if it becomes public knowledge, it will have
been by accident and not by its very nature.98
Rosmini' s idea that the vow could be simple and in the nature of a
private agreement may have affected Don Bosco's interpretation of the pope's
expression quoted above-that "the vows should be simple and easily relaxed."
This in turn may account for Don Bosco's position with regard to both
temporary and perpetual vows. (See Excursus II below.)
One should also bear in mind that Rosmini' s concept of religious poverty
found its place within a complex philosophical, theological and juridical
system elaborated out of an intense personal spiritual experience. The Institute
of Charity was to be poor with the most perfect kind of poverty; it was to own
nothing, and was not to be a corporation either secular or religious, set up
according to the juridical system of either State or Church. This type of
poverty in Rosmini' s thinking was the corresponding pole to charity. It
reflected a perfect love, understood as total openness to God, full trust and
98 Pietro Stella, "Le costituzioni salesiane fino al 1888," in Fedeltii e
Ri11novame11to. Studi sulle costituzioni salesiane, ed. by Joseph Aubry and Mario
Midali (Roma: LAS, 1974) [15-54) 25. [Stella, Costituzioni] Stella quotes a
letter in which Rosmini outlines his view [Epistolario completo II (Casale Monf.
1887) 219).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
surrender to him and his loving Providence in complete "indifference," total
availability. Collective religious poverty, as the sign of charity and of
surrender to God, in Rosmini' s system figured as the Christian response to
current philosophical-juridical theories that founded human society on utility
and materialism, that is, on the sum of individual and collective egoism and
greed, which inevitably led (as in the case of Cain and Babel) to hatred, strife
and confusion.99
Nowhere does Don Bosco make reference to Rosmini's doctrine of religious
life; nor does he theorize about poverty, except to indicate in simplest terms its
role as a builder of community and fraternal charity.100 The Rosminian flavor,
however, is unmistakable. Thus the "civil right" clause figures not as mere
strategy for survival but as a component of a profound spiritual insight
regarding religious life.
IV. The Primacy of the Active Life: The Exercise of Pastoral
Charity and the Prayer Life of the Salesian
The chapter on the Practices of Piety is proof, if additional proof were needed,
of Don Bosco's conviction that personal holiness in religious life is attained
not through religious exercises or ascetical practices but through the active life
of pastoral charity. Later, as already noted, to explain the spirituality of the
Salesian Cooperators he would write:
This Association might be regarded as a traditional Third Order; but with th is
difference, that whereas there perfection was made to consist in exercises of
piety [devotions), here the main purpose is the active life and the exercise of
charity toward neighbor, especially toward young people at risk.101
This very principle underlies the chapter on the Practices of Piety.102
The constitutions of 1858 made no provision for Practices of Piety (the
prayer life of the Salesian community). This simply means that Don Bosco
saw no need of specifying what was in use at the Oratory since the beginning.
A chapter of that title, however, was added in 1860. It underwent some
development in 1864 and thereafter.
The structure of the chapter is worth noting. In the draft of 1860, it
consists of two foundational articles; three in the draft of 1864. They were
followed by specific provisions: for daily vocal and mental prayer; for daily
°99 Stella, Costituzioni, 25.
10 Cf. note 91 and related text above.
101 Cf. note 76 and related text above.
102 For all texts quoted from the constitutions on Piety, cf. Motto, Cost. DB,
182-183.

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rosary and "some" spiritual reading; for a Friday fast; for a monthly retreat (of a
Happy Death); for the Rector's power to grant dispensations from practices as
he saw fit; for suffrages for deceased Salesians and parents of Salesians. An
article on the yearly spiritual retreat was added in 1864.103
I. Foundational Articles
Do (1860)
Piety, Art. 1 and 2
Gb (1864)
Piety, Art. 1, 2 and 3
I. [i] The acti ve life to which our I. [i) The active life to which our
society is committed deprives its society is mostly committed deprives
members (membri) of the opportunity its members (mem bri) of the
of engaging in many practices in opportunity of engaging in many
common. They shall [accordingly] practices in common. They shall
endeavor to make up [for this lack] b y [accordingly] endeavor to make up [for
mutual good example and by the this lack] by mutual good example and
perfect fulfillment of the general duties by the perfect fulfillment of the general
of a Christian.
duties of a Christian.
2. [ii] Each associate [socio]
2. [ii] Each associate [socio)
shall receive every week the sacrament shall receive every week the sacrament
of penance [administered] by a of penance [administered] by a
confessor designated by the rector.
confessor designated by the rector.
The priests shall celebrate hol y
Mass every day; and when unable to do
so they shall endeavor to assist at
Mass. Seminarians [chierici] and
coadjutor brothers [fratelli coadiutori]
shall assist at holy Mass daily and shall
endeavor to receive holy Communion at
least once a week.
[iii] Personal composure
3. [iii] Personal composure
[compostezza della persona], a clear, [compostezza delta persona], a clear,
devout, distinct pronunciation of the devout, distinct pronunciation of the
words of the divine office, modesty in words of the divine office, modesty in
speech, looks and gait both inside and speech, looks and gait both inside and
outside the house, ought to be the outside the house, ought to be the
distinctive characteristics of our distinctive characteristics of our
gathered-members [congregati].
gathered-members [congregati] .
At first glance, these articles appear altogether unusual as an introduction to a
chapter on Practices of Piety. However they are totally consonant with Don
Bosco's understanding of religious life. I called these articles foundational.
103 The Salesians generally made their retreat together with the boys until
1866, when separate regular retreats were conducted at the newly acquired house of
Trofarello. [EBM VIII, 198-201]

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Journal of Salesian Studies
They in fact function as an infrastructure supporting the prayer life of the
Salesian community. A brief comment on each section will bear this out.
(1) Section [I]
In the first place, absolute priority is given to the active life, meaning not the
"busy" life, but a life dedicated to the apostolate, to the exercise of Christ-like
pastoral charity. Stella remarks:
Herein is contained a certain innovation in the traditional doctrine of
religious life. If religious life is a state of perfection, it would have to show
forth the sign [of it) in terms of a greater individual and collective
commitment. Now the sign to which Don Bosco attaches fundamental value is
"the active life" which takes its inspiration from charity and its demands. To
liturgical celebration and other forms of prayer [exercises) he seems to attach
only a subordinate value, and one that might be overridden to allow for the
eager and fruitful exercise of charity towards neighbor. 104
If common prayer forms are secondary, even though important, then their
program may be reduced to allow full scope to the primary and essential. At
the same time more important structures apt to lend support to the primary and
essential should be emphasized.
Article I of the chapter on Form had underscored the importance of
community and of the means whereby God is loved and served. Here Don
Bosco commends two joint contributing factors: mutual good example and
performance of the duties of a good Christian (an expression used already in
Article I on Form, 1864). The two are closely related, and function almost like
a hendiadys. Mutual good example arises out of a lifestyle and a manner of
acting and speaking that provide moral and spiritual support in brotherly
solidarity. It builds up and strengthens community as Don Bosco conceived it,
unites confreres in common purpose, fuels fervor and creates a prayerful
atmosphere. The performance of the duties of a good Christian, that is, living
by a program of Christian life based on the teac hing and faith experience of the
Catholic Church, works to the same effect, for it expresses a personal
commitment to the love and service of God.
(2) Section [ii]
Priority is next given to the sacrament of reconciliation, which is here set
down as a foundation, not merely as "a practice of piety." It is the means of
on-going conversion and the sign of a life of grace.
It is worth noting that in the draft of 1860, Don Bosco made no mention
of the liturgical celebration of the Eucharist. Clearly its daily celebration was
taken for granted. He introduced it in 1864: daily celebration of, or attendance
104 Stella, Costituzioni, 34.

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at, the Eucharist, with communion at least once a week for seminarians and
brothers. Placed advisedly in Article 2, the Eucharist parallels the sacrament of
reconciliation as a fo undation, not merely as a "practice." Together they form a
binomial expressing reconciliation and grace for the individual and for the
Salesian community.
(3) Section [iii]
Finally priority is given to a series of qualities or characteristics which identify
one as a Salesian. Don Bosco seems to want to say that before any practices of
piety or prayers are undertaken, the Salesian must be a Christian gentleman, as
well as a prayerful and devout person, and act like one. He should give evidence
of this fact by habitual exemplary deportment: by the way he prays, speaks and
behaves.
2. Single Practices of Piety
The foundation articles are followed by four articles which specify a few and
simple practices of piety.
(1) Daily mental and vocal prayer are the first to be mentioned. The
constitutions of 1860 provided for only half-an-hour of mental and vocal prayer
jointly. Either following advice, or on second thought, Don Bosco extended the
period to one hour jointly. Thus in the draft of 1864 Don Bosco wrote:
4. Every day there shall be no less than one hour of mental and vocal prayer
[jointly], except when one is prevented [from doing so] by the calls
[esercizio] of the sacred ministry. In that case he shall make up [for such
failure] by more frequent ejaculatory prayers and by directing to God with
greater fervor and love [intensita di affetto] those labors which keep him from
the ordinary exercises of piety.
The call of the "sacred ministry" takes precedence. 105 And moreover the
Salesian is not required personally to make up the practice later. The "making
up" is in the form of prayerful union with God and greater fervor while he is
engaged in the ministry or apostolate.
Savini-Svegliati Observation 8 of 1864 suggested that more than one
hour be provided for common prayer, but nothing came of it. The approved
text of 1874 has half-an-hour of one, and half-an-hour of the other, everything
else remaining the same.
ios "Sacred mini stry," taken literally, has only the priests in view. And indeed
the Jay component of the Society does not receive much attention in the
constitutions. But clearly Don Bosco's intention is to speak of the demands of the
Salesian mission in all its forms (ministry, apostolate, work of charity).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
(2) Other practices of piety are: the third part of the Rosary and some
spiritual reading daily; Friday fast in honor of the Passion; monthly spiritual
retreat in which an Exercise of a Happy Death is made.
As noted above, the provision for an annual spiritual retreat appears for
the first time in the draft of 1864. The Bianchi-Vitelleschi Observation 21 , and
later the cardinals of the special commission, demanded longer spiritual
retreats, as may be seen by comparing the writing of 1864 with the approved
text of 1874.
Gb (1864) Pietv Art. 8
0 (1874) Pietv, Art. 7
8. Every year each one shall make a 7. Every year, each one shall [make a]
spiritual retreat which he shall retreat for about ten, or at least six,
conclude with an annual confession. days so that he may attend solely to
Every one before being received into prayer [pietati]; and when these days
the Society shall devote a few days are over, he shall duly cleanse himself
[qualche giomo] to a spiritual retreat [se rite abluet] by an annual
and shall make a general confession. confession of sins. Before being
received into the Society [as a
novice], and before taking vows, all
shall devote ten days to a spiritual
retreat and shall shrive themselves
[sese purgabunt] by a general
confession.
(3) A last important article granted the Rector [Director] the power to dispense
from the practices of piety as he saw fit. It read simply :
7. The Rector may dispense from these practices particular individuals for a
certain period of time, as he may judge best in the Lord.
The article provides for "dispensation" pure and simple. Nothing is said about
making up the practice of piety in question. Again, and this is obviously the
intention of the article, priority is given to the exercise of charity, the mission.
This unusual provision was rejected by the Bianchi-Vitelleschi
Observation 27, though the authorities thought it referred only to the annual
spiritual retreat. Don Bosco hastened to assure them that it referred to all the
practices of piety. The provision was thrown out before approval in 1874.
These constitutions on community prayer, in all their leanness,
emphasize that the Salesian religious must establish a spiritual foundation if
personal and community exercises of piety are to mean anything. In addition,
the active life of the ministry or apostolate has priority over all exercises.
Finally, the added power of the superior to dispense outright completes the
picture. The picture is that of a religious truly stripped down for the

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engagement. This religious, the Salesian, is indeed bound in community by
charity and vows, but he is totally available for the apostolate, at any time,
unencumbered even by exercises of piety. The eager and fruitful exercise of
charity toward neighbor has absolute priority.
Conclusion
In the foregoing pages we have discussed certain foundational articles of Don
Bosco's early constitutions that evince his concept of Salesian community and
mission.
Don Bosco's constitutions acquire their specific spiritual lineaments from
certain features that go beyond mere juridical tradition and mere norm, and that
reveal Don Bosco' s deep spiritual insights into the nature of religious life.
These feature were novel in his time, and are no less novel, even after Vatican
II, in our contemporary setting.
The dominant note within the overarching theme of the spirituality of
Don Bosco's constitutions is pastoral charity exercised in imitation of the love
of Christ the Good Shepherd. This fervent and active charity, understood as the
extension of the saving work of Christ, most characterizes the apostolate of the
Salesian on behalf of the young, especially the poorest and most neglected.
The "oratorian" congregation has not lost its relevance. All over the
world, in every society and culture, young people still need to be instructed "in
the holy Catholic religion, especially on Sundays and holy days." Hence, the
work of the oratory was bound to blossom, and blossom it did in response to
diverse pastoral needs. It has ramified into a vigorously spreading tree, and has
borne fruit of every description, all virtually contained in a prolific seed
bursting with the pastoral charity of Christ.
For this mission is the Salesian community established:
All the gathered-members lead the common life bound only by the bond
fraternal charity and the simple vows, which unites them to form one heart
and one soul, in order to love and serve God by the virtue of obedience, of
poverty, and of holiness of life.106
See graphic above on page 38.
106 Cf. note 85 and related text above.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Excursus I
Note on Article 7 of the Chapter on Purpose in the
Constitutions of 1864
Don Bosco's Social Commitment and His Apolitical Stance
1. Don Bosco's Continuing Apolitical Stance
In the 1864 edition of the constitutions, Don Bosco included an article
prohibiting political activity to the members. After committing the Society to
the apostolate of the spoken and written word among the people (that is of
preaching and of the press) in article 6 of the chapter on Purpose, he added a
seventh article which read:
7. But it is an established principle, and one that shall be adhered to without
exception, that all members of this Society shall rigorously refrain from
anything that has to do with politics. Hence neither by the spoken nor by the
written word, whether through books or through the press, shall they ever
take part in questions that could, even if only indirectly, compromise them in
matters of politics.107
When Don Bosco petitioned for approval and obtained the Decretum laudis in
1864, Article 7 was ordered removed under the second Savini-Svegliati
observation. He complied, and although the article might s till be read in
intermediate archival manuscripts, it no longer appeared in the revised draft of
1867 (Ls) presented in Rome. However, in an address to the First General
Chapter (1877) Don Bosco stated that the article was retained and was finally
removed in 1874 before the final approval of the constitutions. Don Bosco's
words are worth noting for other reasons as well:
The Association of Salesian Cooperators has the good will of all because it
does not get involved in politics. [As for ourselves) in my view, the reason
why we are allowed the freedom to go about our work undisturbed is that our
Congregation is in no way involved in politics. I wanted our constitutions to
have a special article forbidding all members to get in any way mixed up in
politics. Such a provision was included in the manuscript drafts, but when our
rules were submitted to the Holy See, and our Congregation received its first
approval [Decretum laudis, 1864), the article was removed by the specially
appointed examining commission. In 1870 [read 1869) the Congregation was
up for definitive approval, and the rules were to be submitted again for
examination. As if nothing had been said on the subject, I again inserted the
article that forbade the members to get involved in political questions. Again
they rejected it. Convinced of its importance, I once more inserted it in 1874,
when the constitutions had to be examined article by article by the Sacred
07
'
Motto,
Cost.
DB, 80.

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Congregation of Bishops and Regulars before definitive approval. Once more
it was removed, but this time they attached a written explanation: "This is the
third time this article has been struck out. Of itself, it appears to be generally
acceptable, but in this day and age circumstances may well force one in
conscience to enter the political arena, since politics are often inseparable
from religion. In such cases good Catholics cannot be forbidden political
activity." So it was that the article was definitively removed. We may
therefore get involved in politics when it is advantageous and genuinely
advisable. Apart from such cases, however, let us abide by our established rule
of not engaging in any political activity.108
With regard to the question of how long the article endured in the textual
tradition, Motto points out that the archival documentary evidence in our
possession does not bear out Don B osco's statements. One may therefore
questio n the accuracy of Don Bosco's recollection!09 On the other hand, Don
Bosco (as reported) quotes the written explanation he was given for the removal
of the article directly.
In any case, Don Bosco never deviated from this principle. It is well
known that he himself shunned not only all party politics but also all political
activity. In his Memoirs of the Oratory, written between 1873 and 1875, he
speaks of the patriotic celebrations organized for the granting of the liberal
constitution in the Kingdom of Sardinia ( 1848). When Marquis Roberto
d ' Azeglio pressed him to take part in the festivities with his boys, Don Bosco
stated his position very clearly:
It is my firm system to keep out of anything political. Never pro, never con.
[...] Invite me anywhere that a priest can exercise charity, and you' ll find me
ready to sacrifice life and means. But I want now and always to remain outside
politic s. 110
Don Bosco also subscribed to the policy of "withdrawal" from political life
called for by conservative Catholic newspapers and endorsed by Pope Pius IX's
decree Non Expedit of 1868. The decree "forbade" Italian Catholics to vote and
otherwise participate in the political process. This policy remained in force
throughout the po ntificate of Leo XIII, until 1904.
108 ASC 04: Capitoli Generali, GC I, Session 4, September 7, 1877, Barberis'
Original Minutes, 53-55, FDBM 1,843 Cl2-D2 (also in Transcribed Minutes,
FDBM 1,849 CS); edited in IBM XIII, 265, EBM XIII, 195 (in need of correction).
109 Motto, Cost. DB, 18, n. 16. Did Don Bosco in 1877 accurately recall the
series of events (1 864-1874) leading to the approval? For example, the Salesian
Society was definitively approved in 1869, not in 1870. Could Don Bosco have
been thinking of some other article, e.g., the article on civil rights (Art. 2 of the
chapter on Form) which was put through a similar ordeal?
110 Memoirs of the Oratory of Saint Francis de Sales from 1815 to 1855. The
Autobiography of Saint John Bosco (New Rochelle, New York: Don Bosco
Publication, 1989), 356.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Don Bosco continued to demand that the Salesians' engagement remain
exclusively on the plane of apostolic and charitable activity. The apolitical
stance that Don Bosco enjoined on his Salesians he also laid down as a rule for
hjs Salesian Cooperators. He wanted his Cooperators, as far as their socjaJ
circumstances allowed, to be involved in all kinds of charitable work on behalf
of young people, but at the same time not to have any political entanglements.
This is borne out by the above-quoted passage from the minutes of General
Chapter I. The very title of their "charter" which Don Bosco finalized in 1876,
"Salesian Cooperators, an Association Deilicated to F urthering Christian
Morals and the Good of Civil Society in Practical Ways," testifies to Don
Bosco's inte nti on.111 In another comprehensive stateme nt made at General
Chapter I, as reported jn the minutes, Don Bosco sajd:
While keeping aloof from politics, we [Salesians and Salesian Cooperators]
shall always avoid anything that might compromise us with the consti tuted
authorities, whether civil or ecclesiastical. All we ask is to be allowed to care
for poor and neglected young people and to help them in any way we can.
This, we believe, is the only way in which we can advance Christian morals
and the good of society.112
Now, the reason for the removal of the article on politics by Rome is clearly
and tersely cited by Don Bosco in the quote given above, and it could easily
have been deduced from the political situation and the position of the Holy See
vis-a-vis the liberal state.
It is the inclusion of such a provision by Don Bosco, and his fierce
adherence to it, that demand an explanation. After a ll, the Salesian mission by
its very nature addresses the need of society as well as of individual people.
2. Don Bosco's Work of Charity and the Renewal of
Society
The question has been asked as to the kind of Christian society Don Bosco
envisaged and would want hjs Salesians to be working for. We do not pretend
11 1 Cooperatori Salesiani ossia un modo pratico per giovare al buon costume
ed alla civile societa (I 876). Previous titles of this "charter document" are:
"Association for Charitable Work" (Associazione di buone opere, 1875);
"Christian Union" (Unione cristiana, 1874). For a study of the four "charter
documents" and Don Bosco's idea of the Salesian Cooperators, cf. Francis
Desramaut, "Da Associati alla Congregazione salesiana del 1873 a Cooperatori
Salesiani del 1876," in fl cooperatore nella societa contemporanea (Colloqui sulla
vita salesiana 6. Leumann -Torino: LDC, 1975) 23-55, 356-373. For the 1875 and
1876 documents, cf. IBM Xl, 535-545, Appendix 4 and 5 (omitted in EBM).
112 ASC 04: Capitoli Generali, GC I, Session 4, September 7, 1877,
Transcribed minutes, 11 6- 11 8; FDBM 1,849 C12-D2; Edited in IBM XIII, 26 1-262,
EBM XIII, 192.

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that Don Bosco's social model was a "modern" one. It was in fact a model that,
in spite of its intense moral and religious inspiration, had already been
irremediably left behind. Faced with a social and political order that seemed to
deny every day more traditional moral and religious values, he envisioned (at
least sentimentally) not the coming of a new Christian order but the restoration
of the old-the confessional state, a stratified and orderly society in which
respect for authority and private property and hard work prevailed, and in which
social order and peace were fostered by the Church's moral doctrine and the fear
o f G o d .113
We can cite examples of Don Bosco's enduring yearning for the old order.
In the summer of 1887, not many months before his death, Don Bosco seems
to have expected important political developments to take place in the near
future and voiced his apprehension. Carlo Viglietti writes in his chronicle:
This morning, after I had read the newspapers to him, Don Bosco remarked:
"Just wait and see; if not by the time of the pope's jubilee, certainly some
time in the near future, a crusade will be formed against the revolutionaries.
There may not be any blood shed, but they will have their backs to the wall
and will be forced to give back to the pope what is his by right."11'
Was Don Bosco correct in this assessment? No. The process of liberalization
and secularization, de-Christianization even, as mass phenomena, was not to be
stopped. The separation of Church and State was a fact. Now, these realities
called for a reevaluation of the Church's responsibility, and in particular of the
mission of a religious congregation. In spite of his sentimental attachment to
the old, guided by his keen sense of history and by his intuitions, Don Bosco
became increasingly more concerned about working for a new Christian society
in new political and social circumstances.
This reevaluation may well have been painful and reluctant. The
significant thing, however , is that it was taking place, and that Don Bosco was
able to respond constructively to the new situation. In spite of his unswerving
Catholic commitment of the most conservative kind, at the apostolic level
Don Bosco was able to respond in open and forward-looking terms. A personal
factor was also at work here. This has to do with his own experience and with
his increasingly deeper understanding of the problems of the poor, especially
poor young people. Living as he did in touch and in solidarity with people in
concrete situations of suffering, poverty and need, he felt urgently called to
meet the need through long-term, as well as immediate, programs.
113 Cf. P. Braido, IL progetto operativo di Don Bosco e l'utopia della societa
cristiana (Quademi di Salesianum 6. Roma: LAS, 1982), 10.
11
'
Vigli etti ,
Original Chronicle, Vol.
VII, 37
and
54-55,
September
2
and
November 27, 1887," FDBM 1,226 E 12 and 1, 227 A9. ''The pope's jubilee" would
be Leo XIII's golden jubilee of priestly ordination (1888), or perhaps the tenth
anniversary of his accession to the papal throne (1878-1888). Don Bosco seems to
be thinking of a restoration of the pope's temporal power.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Don Bosco, therefore, committed his Salesians, after his own example, to
the fullest possible engagement in the work of charity and in apostolic
activity. He even presented such commitment as the means whereby the
general purpose of religious life itself, their personal sanctification , was to be
achieved. It was a complex work of charity that, growing out of the oratorian
experience, ramified to address ever new situations.
Admittedly, it was "charity." And even though in the nineteenth century
the term "charity" was not yet emptied of its rich theological and traditionally
Christian content, it was "charity" nonetheless. It did not really address directly
systemic problems of injustice, oppression, and the like. This in any case is
the accusation leveled by social historians (especially those of a Marxist
tradition) against all nineteenth-century "charity".
Even so, in practical social terms and in a real sense, such "charity"
aimed at renewing society. But could this aim be achieved if Salesians, the
Cooperators in particular, were to remain aloof from all political activity?
Hence the question may again be asked-In view of such commitments
and in the face of such historic developments, how could the cause of the
mission be advanced and its aims achieved, without a political engagement of
some kind, at least on selected issues?
Then why did Don Bosco enjoin this apolitical stance on his Salesians?
3. Why the Prohibition of Political Involvement
Don Bosco's own "pragmatism" may be part of the reason. In the context of
the liberal revolution and of the political, social and religious turmoil attending
it, Don Bosco may have thought that restraints were called for in order to
forestall reprisals, or simply to ensure the survival of the work. This is the
reason most often given by Don Bosco himself. Abstention from political
activity, together with the Salesians' commitment to charitable work for the
poor, is often cited by Don Bosco as the reason why the Society could escape
harassment and win the good will of all.
The Church's official posture and directives referred to above may also be
cited as part of the reason (no longer "pragmatic"). Don Bosco would
unquestioningly have taken such leadership as a guideline not only for his
action but also fo r his thinking.
Beyond pragmatic considerations and ecclesial solidarity, the prohibition
might have been motivated by a deeper theological understanding or instinct.
Don Bosco may have believed that a Christian society was not to be rebuilt
through political or social activism. On theological grounds, he believed that
the Church's, and therefore the Salesian Congregation's, mission was
essentially to witness to eschatological (though not merely "other-worldly")
realities. Consequently, at the level of strategy, Don Bosco may have seen his
Salesians, the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians and also (I would say,
particularly) the Cooperators, as a combined force for charity and reconciliation
in a society divided by deep rifts. He saw his Salesians as peacemakers helping

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people transcend political confrontation and class struggle. He saw the work of
the Salesian Family as a peaceful invasion, in the same way that Tertullian
viewed the penetration of the early Christianity into the pagan society of his
day-perhaps.
Whatever the reason, questions remain. Was Don Bosco's position
tenable, realistic, and above all effective? Did it not rather curtail the Salesians'
ability meaningfully to devote themselves to the apostolate and truly to help
the poor? More especially-Would Don Bosco still write the article today, or
write it in that manner?
Perhaps Don Bosco's reported comment, already quoted, may offer a clue.
There, after recording the reason given to him for the removal of the article,
that "circumstances may well force one in conscience to enter the political
arena, since politics are often inseparable from religion," he himself had to
admit: "We may therefore get involved in politics when it is advantageous and
genuinely advisable." 115
~ 11 Cf. note 108 and related text above.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Excursus II
Don Bosco's Views on the Vows
His Opposition to Temporary Vows
1. The Question
As indicated above, Rosmini's idea that the vow (of poverty) could be simple
and in the nature of a private agreement may have affected Don Bosco's
interpretation of the pope's expression quoted above- that "the vows should be
simple and easily relaxed." Did the pope mean "simple vows" in the canonical
sense of "not solemn," and therefore fairly easily dissolved even under strict
Church law; or did he use the terms "simple and easily relaxed" as common
qualifiers? This second alternative seems to have been what Don Bosco had in
mind. If this be the case, he may originally have thought of the vows as being
in the nature of a private agreement, so that if the need arose for a dispensation
it would also be in the nature of a private agreement between the member and
the superior. This would explain why in the chapter on Form he included the
provision (contrary the Church law) whereby the rector major could dispense a
member from his vows. This provision was ordered removed under Savini-
Svegliati Observation 3 (1864). Don Bosco replied that he meant it only to
apply to temporary vows (which was also contrary to Church law), and in this
sense he rewrote it in 1867. But in 1873 he returned to his earlier position.
This was rejected, and the article was rewritten to place all canonical vows
without distinction under the control of the Holy See. 116
In spite of this official action, certain statements of Don Bosco seem to
suggest that he persisted in his belief that as superior he had the power to
dispense even from perpetual vows, in the understanding that they were
"simple and easily relaxed" (or in the nature of a private agreement?). This may
be the real reason why he regarded triennial vows as irrelevant or
counterproductive as far as religious commitment was concerned, a view that
he voiced on a number of occasions but which both challenged traditional
practice and ran athwart of the constitutions which he himself had written. An
article of the chapter on Admission in all drafts prescribed temporary vows for
two successive three-year periods. 117
No claim is made here to any certainty in the matter. The interested
reader, however, will want to ponder the following texts, which reflect various
facets of Don Bosco's thinking on the subject.
116 Form, Article 9 (or 10, or 7, or 5): Cf. Motto, Cost. DB, 86-87.
117 Admission, Article 4 (or 5, or 7): Motto, Cost. DB, 172- 173.

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2. Texts
In the general conference held in 1875 during the second spiritual retreat at
Lanzo, the session of September 23 was devoted to admission to vows. The
biographer (Eugenio Ceria) notes Don Bosco's leniency and his well known
position in the matter.
"As far as I am concerned," he used to say, "I can hardly see any difference
between perpetual and triennial vows since I may dispense also from perpetual
vows if one is no longer suitable for the Congregation."11 8
To those who thought that this power of the superior should not be given
publicity in the congregation, lest such knowledge lead to abuses, Don Bosco
replied:
I do not think that for the moment any trouble would arise on this account. On
the contrary, I think it might be a good thing if our people were made aware of
this. It would reassure candidates who might otherwise be apprehensive at the
prospect of vows taken for life, who might balk at possible serious
difficulties which might later arise and lose their peace of mind. Obviously a
dispensation from vows is granted only for a serious reason and not just to
gratify a whim of the individual. But if serious difficulties should arise, I do
not believe there will be any harm in knowing that a dispensation can be
obtained.11 9
In the general conference of February 1879, Don Bosco made an even more
elaborate statement on the s ubject. Barberis reports:
When the admission of some who were applying for triennial vows came up
for discussion, Don Bosco took the opportunity of reiterating his viewpoint:
"Triennial vows hold too tempting a prospect for young men, and many
eventually give in. If, on the other hand, they take their perpetual vows, their
minds are at rest with no further thoughts [of leaving]. When I introduced
triennial vows, I had a different idea of the Congregation. The fact is that I
meant to establish something a lot different from what was finally approved.
We were forced into this mold, and that' s the end of it (ci costrinsero a far
cosi, e cosi sia). But, life being what it is today, triennial vows leave one too
open to temptation. If a candidate has the required qualities and disposition,
let him take perpetual, not triennial, vows. Unsuitable candidates should be
excluded outright.120
118 EBM XI, 322-323. Minutes or reports of the fall conferences of 1875 are
not included in FDBM of ASC 04: Conferenze Generali.
119 Ibid.
120 Alassio General Conference, Session 2, February 7, 1879, Barberis Report
with Minutes of the Superior Chapter, Note Book II, 76-77, FDBM 1878 B5-6.
Edited in EBM XIV , 29.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
After recording the above, Ceria quotes an earlier statement made privately by
Don Bosco to Father Giulio Barberis and Father Pietro Guidazio on October
18, 1878, to explain why he thought triennial vows irrelevant and
counterproductive:
I went along with triennial vows because my original plan was to found a
Congregation which would assist the bishops. Since this was not possible
and I was forced to do otherwise, a three-year commitment is now more of a
hindrance than a help.
Ceria then adds an extended comment to explain this seemingly cryptic
statement. He takes it to refer to the time of the oratory, before Don Bosco's
audience with Pius IX (1858), the audience which imparted a new direction to
the Society. Up to that time, Don Bosco apparently planned to establish
oratories in other dioceses at the service of the bishops. For thi s purpose he
envisioned helpers binding themselves for short periods of time for the work of
the oratories.121
Ceria also quotes what appears to be Don Bosco's final disposition of the
matter in a Good Night of September 5, 1879, repeated at each of the
Salesians' spiritual retreats:
I must inform you that this is the last time that vows will be taken for th ree
years. From now on, anyone making vows must make them in perpetuity.
Experience has shown that triennial vows are too serious a temptation for
some to cope with. After living one year in the congregation [as a novice]
one should know whether God is calling him to it and whether he has enough
strength to persevere.
The biographer hastens to add that Don Bosco did not enforce his own
ordinance strictly, and triennial vows continued to be made.122
At the Second General Chapter, Don Bosco commented on a situation
created by triennial vows. A former Salesian seminarian named Galvagno hoc!
just passed away. Don Bosco urged the directors to notify the confreres of the
circumstances of this death, so that they might draw a lesson. (One should
overlook the somewhat dubious theology.) As reported, Don Bosco said:
He was a good person, but was extraordinarily attached to his mother, who
was very poor. She expected her son to help her financially and therefore she
was opposed to his continuing in the Congregation. The son, weak as he was
and wanting to help the mother, did not have the courage to take perpetual
vows, and at the expiration of his triennial vows did not apply for renewal.
But the Lord [...] by this death wished to give us all a lesson: He who provides
food for the birds of the air and the beasts of the field does not abandon those
121 EBM XIV, 29-30, with Ceria' s extended comment.
122 EBM XIV, 275-276.

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Community and Mission
57
who leave everything behind, family included, in order to follow him; on the
contrary, he frustrates the hopes of those who rely on people and things
rather than on him. In this case, the son was punished by dying without vows;
and the mother was punished by being deprived of the son on whom she had
pinned her hopes.12
3. Concluding Comment
The impression one gets from these texts appears to confirm the comment
with which I opened this excursus. Don Bosco had envisioned a Society which,
having been born with the work of the oratory, was to retain the flexible
features that made it suitable for that work. Even when the Society took on a
different form by being forced into the traditional canonical mold, Don Bosco
thought he could still cling to (or salvage?) certain features which had made it a
supple instrume nt in the service of the young.
123 General Chapter II, Session 7, September 7, 1880, Barberis Minutes, Note
Book I, 60-61, FDBM 1858 88-9.