1-%E2%80%93-Lenti-Don-Boscos-Definitive-Vocational-Commitment-1844-1846(2004)


1-%E2%80%93-Lenti-Don-Boscos-Definitive-Vocational-Commitment-1844-1846(2004)



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Don Bosco's Definitive Vocational Commitment
(1844-1846)
The Year 1846, Terrible and GloriOus
Arthur J. Lenti, SDB
1. Don Bosco's Vocation Decision and Dream of 1844
Don Bosco, after ordination in 1841, enrolled in the Pastoral Institute of
St. Francis of Assisi for Priests (Convitto ecclesiastico). Here, while
engaged in the study of moral-pastoral theology and preaching under the
direction of Father Joseph Cafasso, he first became involved in a special
ministry to young people at risk.1 He met them doing time in the city prisons,
idling on the streets and squares, and working at odd jobs in various workshops.
He began gathering them for religious instruction and recreation on Sundays and
holy days under the auspices of the Pastoral Institute of St. Francis of Assisi.
Over the three years he spent there the initial small group of youngsters grew in
numbers. It became ''his Oratory."
Due to leave the Pastoral Institute in the summer of 1844 Don Bosco had
to face a new personal vocational crisis. Ten years earlier, toward the end of his
secondary course of study in Chieri, John Bosco had entered a period of
vocational crisis and discernment that lasted from the spring of 1834 to the
summer of 1835. He had seriously considered joining the Franciscans, but after
a period of inner struggle and uncertainty, he had followed advice and entered
the diocesan seminary instead. In 1844 the vocational crisis and discernment
'Father (Saint) Joseph Cafasso (1811-1860),like Don Bosco from Castelnuovo,
was ordained in 1833, attended the Pastoral Institute (Convitto), and was chosen by its
founder (Father Luigi Guala) to serve as lecturer in moral theology. Don Bosco attended
the Pastoral Institute under Father Cafasso, his spiritual director, mentor and lif~long
benefactor.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
also had to do with the choice of a future priestly ministry. Don Bosco in his
Memoirs does not speak of this vocational discernment, but Father Lemoyne in
the Biographical Memoirs gives it considerable space.2 Don Bosco was
considering joining the Congregation of the Oblates of the Virgin Mary with the
foreign missions in view.3 Father Joseph Cafasso, after the June spiritual retreat,
succeeded in dissuading him from such a course of action. Obviously Don
Bosco's attempt (if factual) raises again the question of his actual commitment
to the young people at risk he had gathered as his Oratory .
A little later, in October 1844, a second crisis (of a different kind) awaited
him, and to it Don Bosco gives some attention in his Memoirs.4 In this instance,
his personal commitment to the young people of the Oratory was not in
question. The crisis was forced on him by external circumstances that threatened
to nullify that commitment and to militate against the continuance of the
Oratory. At this point Don Bosco needed to be gainfully employed as a priest.
Father Cafasso and Father John Borel introduced Don Bosco to the Marchioness
Barolo, who offered him a job and a salary.5 He was to serve as chaplain of her
2 Memoirs of the Oratory of St. Francis de Sales from 1815 to 1855. The
Autobiography of Saint John Bosco, tr. by Daniel Lyons, SDB, with notes and
commentary by Eugenio Ceria, SDB, Lawrence Castelvecchi, SDB and Michael Mendl,
SDB (New Rochelle, NY: Don Bosco Publications, 1989) [MO-En]. This is a translation
(with a new introduction and a new set of notes) of San Giovanni Bosco, Memorie
dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales dal 1815 al 1855, a cura di Eugenio Ceria.
(Torino: SEI, 1846). This, in tum, is a careful edition (with introduction and notes) of
archival manuscripts.
Giovanni Battista Lemoyne, Angelo Amadei, and Eugenio Ceria, The
Biographical Memoirs of St. John Bosco, vol. I-XVII, ed. by Diego Borgatello (New
Rochelle, NY: Salesiana Publishers, 1965-1988). [EBM] This is a translation and
adaptation of the first 17 volumes of the Italian Memorie Biografiche di San Giovanni
Bosco, 19 vols. - Vols.1-9 (1898-1917) by John Baptist Lemoyne); Vol. 10 (1939, by
Angelo Amadei); Vols. 11-19 (1930-1939, by Eugenio Ceria). [IBM] Lemoyne discusses
the vocation crisis in EBMII, 159-164.
3 The Oblates of the Virgin Mary were founded in 1815 by Father (Blessed) Pio
Brunone Lanteri in association with other priests, but were forced to disband in 1820. In
1825 Father Lanteri re-founded the Congregation, which was approved by Pope Gregory
XVI in 1826. The Oblates had a Vicariate Apostolic in Burma (Myanmar).
4 MO-En, 203-204, 209-210.
5 Julia Falletti, n6e Colbert de Maulevrier (1785-1864), having survived the
French Revolution, married the rich Tancredi Falletti, Marquis of Barolo. Imbued with a
genuine spirit of charity, Marquis and Marchioness Barolo together founded many works
of charity. The Pious Institute of Our Lady, Refuge of Sinners, popularly known simply
as the Refuge is among the best known. Under the spiritual direction of Chaplain Father
John Borel it gave shelter and training to young women who had served time in prison or
were at risk. The Barolos went on to found other charitable works, including the
Community of St. Mary Magdalene and the Congregation of the Sisters of St. Anne of

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Little Hospital ofSt. Philomena (still under construction at the time). Meanwhile
he was given a room at the Refage and was to earn his keep and salary by
teaching at the Refage and helping Father Borel as associate chaplain. Under
these circumstances, lack of suitable premises in which to gather the youngsters,
as well as commitments to Barolo's institutes, seemed to countermand any
further involvement with the Oratory. As Don Bosco agonized over this
situation and was seriously considering disbanding the Oratory, the vocation
dream recurred-the so-called Dream of 1844. In his Memoirs together with a
brief account of the problem, he relates the dream that appeared to be "a sequel
[appendice] to the one I had at Becchi at the age of nine."
On the second Sunday in October 1844, I would have to tell my boys that the
Oratory was moving to Valdocco.6 But the uncertainty of place, means, and
personnel had me really worried. The previous evening I had gone to bed with
an uneasy heart. That night I had another dream, which seems to be an
appendix to the one I had at Becchi when I was nine years old. 7
Don Bosco admits that he understood little of the dream and put little faith in it,
but by and by the true vocational significance of the dream dawned on Don
Bosco. So he concludes the narrative with the words: ''Later, together with
another dream, it served as a blueprint for my decisions." In the meantime,
Divine Providence, for which the Marchioness obtained the Church's official approval in
1846. In 1844-45 (after the Marquis' death in 1838) the Marchioness established the
Little Hospital ofSt. Philomena for severely handicapped girls between the age of 3 and
12. Don Bosco was hired to serve as its chaplain.
Father John Borel (1801-1873) was ordained in 1824, obtained the doctor's
degree in theology from the university, and served as royal chaplain from 1831 to 1840.
Given leave from the Royal Chapel with a pension of 500 lire, he was appointed by royal
decree chaplain of Barolo' s Institute of Our Lady, Refuge of Sinners (the Refuge), a post
he held until his death in 1873. Don Bosco first met Father Borel when the latter
preached a spiritual retreat in the seminary of Chieri. During his years at the Pastoral
Institute he was associated with Father Borel in prison ministry. In 1844 Father Borel
introduced Don Bosco to the Marchioness Barolo and recommended his appointment as
chaplain with a like salary. He was ever after Don Bosco's staunchest supporter and co-
worker in the Oratory.
The second chaplain of the Barolo institutes was Father Sebastian Pacchiotti.
Father Sebastian Pacchiotti (1806-1884), a collegiate canon of Giaveno (Turin), served,
like Father Borel, as a chaplain of the Barolo institutes. Like Father Borel, he was a
faithful helper of Don Bosco and the Oratory.
6 The Barolo institutions were located out of the city proper in the northern
district of Valdocco, near Cottolengo' s Little House of Divine Providence. St Francis of
Assisi church and monastery (where the Pastoral Institute was housed) were located south
of the city's center.
1 MO-En, 209-210.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
however, Don Bosco found himself in real difficulties. Although his personal
resolve was never in question, leaving the shelter of the Pastoral Institute at St.
Francis of Assisi for a place that offered no facilities was a source of anxiety for
him and put the continuance of the Oratory in doubt.
That Don Bosco lived through some anxious moments finds confirmation
in Father Giulio Barberis' report of the dream from Don Bosco' sown narration.
It was the year 1844. I was due to leave the Pastoral Institute of St. Francis for
Priests and move to the Refuge to live with Dr. Borel. I was truly worried about
[what I should do with] my youngsters who attended religious instruction [the
Oratory] on Sundays and holy days. I did not know whether I should let go of
them or continue to care for them. My desire was to continue with [the work of]
the oratories but I did not see how I could. On the last Sunday I was to stay at
the Pastoral Institute, I had to notify my youngsters that they were no longer to
meet there as usual. As a matter of fact, I was debating whether I should tell
them that there would no longer be any place to meet, since the Oratory would
be terminated-or else I should tell them where the new meeting place would
be.'
The dream followed, but it provided little comfort or reassurance for Don Bosco,
as he was starting on his new and demanding job in a strange environment.
2. The Oratory at the Refuge and at St. Philomena Little
Hospital in the Valdocco District, and the ''Wandering"
Father Borel, with the Marchioness's permission, had Don Bosco tell the lads
that they were to meet at the Refuge in the Valdocco district, and that's where
they converged on the following Sunday. The Oratory met in Don Bosco's and
Father Borel's rooms situated above the entrance to the Refuge on six successive
Sundays-from October 20 to December 1 (1844).9
As the numbers increased, the rooms at the Refuge proved totally
inadequate, not to mention the disturbance the youngsters caused. Then the
Marchioness was moved (or persuaded) to allow the Oratory the use of two
rooms in the chaplains' quarters of the Little Hospital still under construction.
The space was more conducive to oratory activities. Don Bosco and Father
1 ASC 110: Cronachette-Barberis, "Sogni Diversi a Lanzo", FDB 866 BIO-Cl
(finalized report of the dream). Don Bosco related the dream to Father Barberis as they
were returning to the Oratory from dinner at a benefactor's home on February 2, 1875.
Father Barberis produced an original draft of Don Bosco's narration and some time later
a "finalized" report. [ASC = Archivio Salesiano Centrale (Central Salesian Archive);
FDB =Fondo Don Bosco (Don Bosco section of the ASC on rnicrofiches)].
9 MO-En, 215-216.

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Borel obtained the Archbishop's permission to establish a chapel there and to
conduct religious services. Thus Don Bosco's own Oratory under the patronage
of St. Francis de Sales became a reality when it first met at the new place on
December 8 (1844), the feast of the Immaculate Conception. Don Bosco writes
in his Memoirs:
This was the site Divine Providence chose for the first Oratory church. We
began to call it after St Francis de Sales [.. .]. We had put that aspect of our
ministry, which called for great calm and meekness under the protection of this
saint in the hope that he might obtain for us from God the grace of being able to
imitate him in his extraordinary meekness and in winning souls.10
Thus was Don Bosco's own "Oratory of St. Francis de Sales" born.
But it was inevitable that, as the hospital neared completion, the Oratory should
have to meet elsewhere. Moreover, the youngsters, steadily increasing in
number, were becoming a serious aggravation to the Barolo establishments. So,
the Oratory moved out of the Little Hospital on May 18, 1845 and went through
a period of "wandering," an odyssey that took it through different "ports o' call"
before it found a permanent home on the property of a certain Mr. Francis
Pinardi (April 1, 1846). 11
After leaving the Little Hospital, the Oratory used the church of St. Peter in
Chains at the disused Holy Cross Cemetery on one Sunday, May 25, 1845.
Forbidden further use of that church, the Oratory "roamed" without a fixed place
from June 1 to July 6, 1845. Next, Father Borel and Don Bosco obtained the
city's permission for a restricted use of St. Martin's chapel at the Dora Mills,
from July 13 to December 21, 1845.12 Denied further access because of
complaints, Father Borel and Don Bosco rented rooms in the house of a retired
priest, Father John Moretta, from January 4 to March 1846. Again evicted for
the same reason, Don Bosco and Father Borel obtained use of a grass field
belonging to the Filippi brothers for a couple of Sundays in March 1846.13 At
last, on April 1, 1846 the Oratory settled on Mr. Pinardi's property, the place
that was to become its permanent home (to be described below).
'0 MO-En, 217.
11 The term "wandering" refers to the many moves of the Oratory between
October 1844, when it left the Pastoral Institute, to April 1846, when it settled on Mr.
Pinardi' s property. The term, however, is more often applied to the Oratory as it sought
places at which to meet after it left the Little Hospital (May 18, 1845).
12 These were the city's gristmills driven by waterpower from the Dora River to
the north.
u The Filippi brothers (John, Anthony and Charles) owned a sizable tract of
land in the area with houses on it. It is from them that Mr. Francesco Pinardi bought the
property that would become the permanent home of the Oratory of St. Francis de Sales.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
3. Hostility confronting Don Bosco during the Oratory's
Wandering Period
In his Memoirs, speaking of the Oratory during its wandering period and before
telling the story of its settling on Mr. Pinardi's property, Don Bosco deals with
opposition encountered because of his commitment to young people at risk.
First he describes himself as the object of hostility from local parish priests
who even attempted to commit him as insane. He argues back that the young
people of his oratory didn't belong to any parish. The pastors finally agree that
Don Bosco should stay with his Oratory for the duration.14
Next comes the story of Vicar Michael Cavour's "persecution" of Don
Bosco as a potential revolutionary. Don Bosco succeeds in appeasing him "for a
while."15
He then relates how the Filippi brothers gave notice forbidding any further
use of their field, and portrays himself as abandoned by his helpers and left to
struggle on alone. Even Fathers Borel and Pacchiotti left him with his ''visions"
of playground, house, church and helpers.16 Finally comes the clincher, an
ultimatum from the Marchioness Barolo that he should either leave his
youngsters or her employ.17
What can one make of all this? Given the special character of the
Memoirs,18 Don Bosco might be supposed to have emphasized and dramatized
these difficulties, but it is unlikely that he would have created them out of whole
cloth. We have in fact earlier, weighty attestation to the same effect. The
Historical Outline of 1854 (written 20 years before the Memoirs) speaks in much
the same terms of the local pastors' protest, of Vicar Cavour's and the civil
authorities' opposition, and of Father Borel's doubts about Don Bosco's sanity.19
There are, however, other documents that seem to call into question certain
aspects of the story as given in the Memoirs. These call for some comment for,
as Pietro Braido points out some of these "stereotypes" need critical evaluation.
Don Bosco Opposed by Local Parish Priests?
Objections on the part of local pastors are recorded with "impatience," as
instances of misunderstanding or willful opposition. Certainly Don Bosco met
14 MO-En, 233-234.
15 MO-En , 244-245.
16 MO-En , 246.
17 MO-En, 249-251.
11 See Pietro Braido, "Memorie del futuro," Ricerche Storiche Salesiane 11
(1992) 97-127.
19 For the Historical Outline of 1854 see Appendix IV, p. 30, below.

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with opposition, mostly at the start, but the pastors' objections do not appear
totally unreasonable in the context of Don Bosco's desire and strategy for
complete autonomy in his oratorian ministry. It should also be noted that Don
Bosco was an "outsider" who was now gathering young people at the outskirts
of the city and outside the parish structure. He was also from a pastoral program
(the Pastoral Institute) that was still trying to find acceptance among Turin' s
clergy. Time was needed before the parish priests, even the best of them, could
come round to seeing Oratory work in its true light.
Don Bosco Persecuted as a "Revolutionary?"
In the Memoirs (as well as in the Historical Sketch of 1854), the Vicar of Turin,
Marquis Michael Cavour is represented as harshly opposed to Don Bosco's
work.20 That the Marquis, as "Prefect of Police" would at first view such
gatherings of rough-looking young men with suspicion is certainly credible.
What appears unusual is such unrelenting intransigence in the context of Vicar
Cavour's documented unfailing defense of, and deference to, constituted
authority. Now, Don Bosco was catechizing the young people with the
permission and support of that authority, the respected Archbishop Fransoni and
His Majesty King Charles Albert, to name but the highest-ranking. In addition
Don Bosco was working in consort with laymen and priests who were connected
with the royal house: Count Joseph Provana di Collegno, Father Joseph Cafasso,
Father John Borel, Father Sebastian Pacchiotti, the last two having been Don
Bosco's close associates in oratory ministry at least since 1844.21 Furthermore, a
20MO-En, 244-245, 276-279, and Historical Sketch of 1854 (for which see
Appendix IV, p. 30, below). Comparing the Memoirs with the Historical Sketch, it seems
that the Sketch (1854) served as source for these passages of the Memoirs (1874175).
Marquis Michael Benso of Cavour (1781-1850) was the father of [Marquis]
Gustavo and [Count] Camillo (the future prime minister and political leader of the
unification ofltaly). The Marquis served as Vicar, governing the city for the king (vicario
e sovraintendente di politica e polizia), from 1835 to 1847. Before the law of October 17,
1848 (the year of the constitution), the city was governed by a Vicar, appointed by the
king, assisted by two "syndics" and by a council of fifty-seven officials (decurioni). After
1848 the city was governed by a mayor (sindaco), likewise appointed by the king, and a
city council.
21 Cf. G. Bracco, "Don Bosco and Civil society," in Don Bosco's Place in
History (Roma: LAS, 1993), [239-244], 241 [Bracco in DB's Place]; also id., "Don
Bosco e le istituzioni," in Torino e Don Bosco, vol I: Saggi. (Torino, 1989), 123-126
(Don Bosco e Don Borel). [Bracco in Torino e DB I].
Count Joseph-Marie Louis Hyacinth Provana di Collegno (1785-1854)
sometime vicar of Turin and councilor of state, was head of the finance department since
1840. As a member of the St. Vincent de Paul Society he was a staunch supporter of Don
Bosco and the Oratory. See also MO-En, 276-278. Stella [DBEcSoc, 80] opines that this

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Journal of Salesian Studies
letter addressed by Don Bosco to the Marquis (dated March 13, 1846) recently
come to light and bearing the Marquis' brief endorsement on the back, makes
the image of a bitterly hostile Cavour even less credible.22 The letter reveals,
among other things, that Vicar Cavour had been sympathetic in the past, and that
Don Bosco had reason to believe that the Vicar would show his good will now
that the Oratory was about to settle at Pinardi' s.
The role which Your Excellency plays in everything that concerns the public
good, both civic and moral, leads me to hope that you will welcome a report on
a catechetical program we have started. Since its purpose is the good of young
people, you yourself have on a number of occasions shown favor and support
for it. [.. .]
You are a good-hearted person, and have at heart everything that may
contribute to the common good of society. For this reason we seek your
protection on these our endeavors. [.. .]
[Endorsement in Cavour's hand for his secretary] Reply. I have spoken
with His Excellency the Most Reverend Archbishop and with Count Colegno
[sic] , and I agree that, without any doubt, much may be gained from a
catechism program. I shall be happy to see the Rev. Father Bosco in my office
at 2 P.M., March 26. Benso di Cavour.
That the Marquis, as Prefect of Police, would at first be suspicious of such
gatherings and would wish to investigate is certainly credible, but his continued,
unrelenting hostility much less so.
Don Bosco Abandoned and Alone?
The dramatic representation of Don Bosco abandoned and alone with his
youngsters, as on the Filippi field, also appears doubtful. In his Memoirs he
writes:
We came to the last Sunday on which I was allowed to keep the Oratory in the
field [...]Finding myself alone with no one to help me, my energy gone, my
health undermined, with no idea where I could gather my boys in the future, I
was deeply troubled. I withdrew to one side, and as I walked alone I began to
cry. perhaps for the first time. [...J23
gentleman might be Louis Provana di Collegno, rather than Joseph. Don Bosco, however,
writes "Count Joseph Provana di Collegno" [MO-En, 276).
22 Cf. G. Bracco in DB's Place, 241; and in greater detail, Bracco in Torino e
DB I, 126-128 (text of the letter), 128-130 (comments). The letter is critically edited in
Motto, Epistolario I, 66-68. (For the text of the letter in translation see Appendix II, p.25,
below.)
23 MO-En , 255.

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Certainly Don Bosco experienced difficulties which should not be generalized.
The continuous presence, alongside Don Bosco, of trusted collaborators, both
priests and laymen, is documented for the first fifteen years of the Oratory.
These people helped with the work, and lent moral and financial support. Bracco
writes:
One thing appeared obvious from the moment I began to search the city
archives for documents concerning Don Bosco: Don Bosco was never alone.
He worked with a group of priests who all seemed to share the same objective,
namely to do something about the under;privileged and about social unrest,
using methods that were already well tried.
In familiar conversations with his Salesians, Don Bosco spoke at various times
of that last Sunday on the Filippi field. Giulio Barberis in his autograph
chronicle records one such conversation, in which Don Bosco states:
It was the last Sunday on which I had use of the field, and here [Mr. Pinardi]
comes up to me again. I was walking along the e~e of the field absorbed in
thought while Dr. Borel was delivering his sennon.
Don Bosco then was not alone on the Filippi field on that last Sunday. Father
Borel was preaching the sermon, and possibly other oratory workers were with
the lads. That Don Bosco was not alone, however, also finds confirmation from
the above-mentioned letter of March 13, 1846 to Vicar Cavour, written as
negotiations with Mr. Pinardi were in progress, while the Oratory has use of the
Filippi field. Don Bosco writes: ''Finally, earlier this week we [Rev. Dr. Borelli,
Father Pacchiotti and myself] entered into negotiations with Mr. Pinardi for a
site." Confirmation is also had from the fact that the contract for the 3-year lease
of the shed was between Mr. Pinardi and Father Borel.26
The confrontation with the Marchioness Barolo will be discussed below.
Immediately we will describe the settling of the Oratory in the place that became
its permanent home.
24 Bracco in DB's Place, 241.
25 Barberis, Autograph Chronicle, Notebook ID, 49-50, entry of January l ,
1876; FDB 835 Dl2 - El.
26 Fedele Giraudi. L'Oratorio di Don Bosco. Inizio e progressivo sviluppo
edilizio della casa madre dei Salesiani in Torino, 2..i ed. (Turin: SEI, 1935), 60-107 (with
photographic reproduction of contracts, etc.) [Giraudi, L'Oratorio (1935)),

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4. Settling of the Oratory on Mr. Pinardi's Property
Story ofthe leasing ofthe shed in Don Bosco's Memoirs27
In a familiar conversation in 1875 recorded by Barberis in his chronicle, Don
Bosco, reminisced about the first settling of the Oratory, and related to his
Salesians how he was told of the availability of a place suitable for a
"laboratory."28 He told the story, set on Palm Sunday 1846, in much the same
terms as in his Memoirs, which he was compiling at that time. The bearer of
these good tidings was a man named Pancrazio Soave and he was referring to a
building owned by a gentleman named Francesco Pinardi.
Francesco Pinardi was an immigrant from Arcisate (Varese, Lombardy).
On July 14, 1845, he had purchased a two-story house and surrounding land
from the Filippi brothers for 14,000 lire. On November 10, 1845, Mr. Pinardi
had leased house and property to another immigrant, Mr. Pancrazio Soave from
Verolengo (near Turin). Mr. Soave started a small starch business, which he
installed on the ground floor of the house and sub-leased the second-story rooms
to tenants. Now, a "shed" (tettoia) that was being built at the time (November
1845) against the north wall of the house was not part of the deal. It is explicitly
excluded in the Pinardi-Soave contract: "excluding the shed that is being built
behind the aforementioned house and the land adjoining it." The shed may have
been intended for use as a laundry, but when offered to Don Bosco it merely
served as a magazine for some washerwomen who plied their trade in a laundry
shed built along a small irrigation canal to the north. 29
Additional Information from Archival Documents
Don Bosco's above-mentioned letter to Vicar Cavour, dated (Friday) March 13,
1846 gives us points of reference for a reconstruction of the transaction. Don
Bosco writes:
Earlier this week we entered into negotiations with Mr. [Francesco] Pinardi for
a site. We agreed on the sum of two hundred and eighty francs for a large room
suitable for use as an oratory,:io along with two other rooms and an adjacent
21 MO-En, 255-257, 265-266.
21 Barberis, Autograph Chronicle, Notebook I, 27, entry of May 26, 1875, FDB
833 Dl.
29 Giraudi, L'Oratorio (1935), 66. The activity of washerwomen in the area
using water from the Dora River to the north may explain the intended use of Mr.
Pinardi's shed and Mr. Soave's starch business in the house.
30 "Oratory," meaning chapel.

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piece of ground. We think this place will suit our purpose, first because of its
proximity to the Refuge,31 then because of its location far from any church,
though near enough to several houses.32 The one thing we need to know is
whether it is acceptable to you from the standpoint of the neighborhood and of
society at large.
According to the above statement, Mr. Pinardi was contacted between Sunday
March 8 and Friday March 13 (letter's date). Having received the information
about the shed (presumably from Mr. Soave), the Barolo chaplains (Fathers
Bosco, Borel and Pacchiotti), who were running the Oratory, acted immediately.
They contacted the owner (Mr. Pinardi) and negotiated the terms. Then Don
Bosco was delegated to notify Vicar Cavour by letter and to ask for his
permission and support. On the basis of the letter, we may conclude that Soave
(on Pinardi's behalf) brought the news of the availability of the shed no later
than Sunday, March 8, for the negotiations for the lease were already in progress
that very week.
Don Bosco had also dropped a hint to the Vicar: "Should you wish to
speak to me or to my colleagues, we are at your service; indeed we would be
anxious to oblige." Vicar Cavour's note for his secretary read: "I shall be happy
to see the Rev. Father Bosco in my office at 2 P.M., March 26." The secretary
replied to Don Bosco on March 28.
[...] I have spoken with their Excellencies Archbishop Fransoni and Count
Collegno, and as far as it lies in my power, I am quite willing to support this
undertaking. [...] You may call on me at my office, if it is convenient for you,
at 2:00, p.m. on Monday, the thirtieth ofthls month."
Don Bosco called at the Vicar's office, and by March 30 he had the desired
permit. The contract for the lease was drawn up and signed by Mr. Pinardi and
Father Borel on April 1, 1846. 34
31 Don Bosco, ever since being hlred as chaplain of Barolo' s Little Hospital of
St. Phllomena, lived at Barolo' s Hospice of Our Lady, Refuge of Sinners ("Refuge"), as
did the other chaplains Fathers Borel and Pacchiotti.
32 The place was situated in the northern outskirts of the city in the sparsely
populated district of Valdocco. The Oratory would thereby not be connected with any
parish church, yet not totally isolated.
" Vicar Cavour to Don Bosco, March 28, 1846, in ASC 38 Apertura, FDB 228
E5; EBM IT, 316-317. Lemoyne in hls reconstruction of the relationship between Vicar
Cavour and the Oratory basically follows Don Bosco' s Memoirs in speaking of the
Vicar's unrelenting opposition.
34 Giraudi, L 'Oratorio (1935), 65-67 (photostat of first page of contract Pinardi-
Borel, 69); Motto, Epistolario I, 68; MO-da Silva, pp. 147, 153; MO-En, 260.

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According to the Memoirs, however (both in the original draft and in
Berta's copy), Mr. Soave alerted Don Bosco to the availability of the shed on
Palm Sunday, which Don Bosco erroneously dated on March 15, 1846. Father
John Bonetti, saw the mistake and took the liberty of emending this date in
Father Berta's copy, March 15 into April 5, because in 1846 Easter fell on April
12. These are the dates recorded in Bonetti's Storia dell'Oratorio (in the
Bollettino Salesiano), in his Cinque Lustri (Don Rosco's Early Apostolate), and
in the Biographical Memoirs.35
Comments
It should be noted that neither the letter nor the Pinardi-Borel contract describe
the place as a "shed" (tettoia), the designation used in the Memoirs. The letter
has "one large room suitable for use as an oratory [chapel] with two other
rooms." This is confirmed by the contract, which speaks of "a great, rectangular
three-sectioned room with courtyard in front and on the sides."36 Obviously, the
"large room" refers materially to this "shed" built against the back wall of Mr.
Pinardi's house. The two additional rooms were separate, partitioned back
sections of the shed, not rooms in the Pinardi house, which was in Mr. Soave's
lease.
The Pinardi house was a two-story building of modest dimensions: about
20 m. (ca. 65 ft.) in length, 6 m. (ca. 19.5 ft.) in width and 7 m. (23 ft.) in height.
It comprised 11 rooms, 6 on the ground floor and 5 on the second story. The
"camerone" (referred to as a "shed" only because it was not a separate building)
spanned the length of the house itself (20 m.) and had the same width (6 m.).
But it was no more than 2.5 m. (ca. 8.5 ft.) in height. Of its 3 sections, the main
section would serve as a chapel, and the two smaller ones would serve as
sacristy and storage room.37
Most probably the shed began to be adapted for chapel use even before the
signing of the contract on April 1, and continued to be worked on after its
inauguration.
lS Giovanni Bonetti, Don Bosco's Early Apostolate (London: Bums Oates and
Washboume, 1908); reprinted for the canonization as St. John Bosco 's Early Apostolate
(London: Bums Oates and Washboume, 1934), 50-52. [Bonetti, DB's Early Ap.] This is
a translation of Giovanni Bonetti, Cinque lustri di Storia dell'Oratorio Salesiano
fondato dal Sac. Don Giovanni Bosco, Torino: [Tipografia Salesiana], 1892 (published
after Father Bonetti's death). This, in tum, is an adaptation of [Giovanni Bonetti], "Storia
dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di Sales," published serially in Bollettino Salesiano from
1879 to 1886.
36 "tre membri di un grande camerone oblungo."
37 Giraudi, l'Oaratorio (1935), 100 with Footnote 1.

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Then, according to the Memoirs, ''the archbishop on April _ _ granted the
faculty of blessing and dedicating that humble building for divine worship. That
was done on Sunday, April _ _ 1846." 31 The dates are left blank both in Don
Bosco's and in Berto's mss of the Memoirs. But the chancery document granting
the faculty was dated Good Friday, April 10, 1846 and delegates Father Borel to
perform the ceremony. On the verso of the Archbishop' s decree, Father Borel
wrote that he "came to bless the Oratory on April 13, the second festal day of
Easter." It is unlikely that he was mistaken. Hence we must conclude that the
chapel was first used on Easter Sunday, April 12, and blessed by Father Borel
the following day.39
Don Bosco in his Memoirs admits that the place was nothing "to write
home about" and that its immediate neighbors, the Pinardi house (to which the
shed was attached) and the Bellezza house next door, were places of ill repute.40
But at least now the Oratory had a place to call its own, or nearly so, and Don
Bosco could look forward to the day when the whole Pinardi property would be
in his possession.
5. Confrontation with the Marchioness Barolo-Don Bosco's
Definitive Vocational Choice
Context ofthe Confrontation
Don Bosco had been hired by the Marchioness Barolo to serve as chaplain of the
Little Hospital of St. Philomena, which was to care for handicapped little girls.
While it was still under construction, the Marchioness had agreed that the
Oratory could use the separate "chaplains' quarters" for its meetings. But it was
inevitable that, as the hospital neared completion, Don Bosco and the Barolo
chaplains should have to find some other place for the Oratory. In any case, the
youngsters, steadily increasing in number, were becoming a serious aggravation.
So, on May 18, 1845 the oratory moved out of the Little Hospital and went
through a period of "wandering," as mentioned above, an odyssey that was to
38 MO-En, 265.
39 Giraucli, L 'Oratorio (1935), 61-64, citing A. Amadei, Don Bosco e il suo
aposto/ato, 163: "Il sottoscritto addiviene al/a beneditione dell'Oratorio il giomo 13
aprile, correndo la seconda festa di Pasqua." Giraucli notes that the original document
could not be traced. He also discusses conflicting opinions regarding who blessed the
chapel. See also Michael Mendl's comment in Mo-En, 274-275.
.., Mo-En, 265, 296. In Barberis autograph chronicle Don Bosco, telling the
story of the settling to some Salesians, is reported to have said: "I would tell you how the
first little house was purchased, but it's a long story. It stood in this very space now
occupied by this dining room. The first thing to note is that it was a whorehouse"
[Notebook m,49, entry of January 1, 1876; FDB 835 D12].

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Journal of Salesian Studies
tax Don Bosco's strength and resolve. At last, on April 1, 1846 it settled on Mr.
Pinardi's property, the place that was to become its permanent home.
When the Little Hospital was dedicated on August 10, 1845, Don Bosco
began to serve as its chaplain, the job for which the Marchioness had hired him
in the first place. As we learn from an exchange of letters between Father Borel
and the Marchioness Barolo, Don Bosco had been ill since leaving the Pastoral
Institute in 1844, and his illness was getting progressively more serious.
Nevertheless on Sundays (with the help of Barolo's chaplains, Fathers Borel,
Pacchiotti and others), Don Bosco would spend the whole day with the Oratory.
And in addition he would be available to his boys during the week, to help them
as needed.
The Marchioness had formed designs on her young chaplain, whom she
admired and valued highly and was willing to do everything in her power to get
him back to good health and keep him for her institutes. Don Bosco, however,
by this time had made a firm, in fact irrevocable, commitment to the Oratory. It
seemed inevitable therefore that he would have to resign from the chaplaincy.
The Marchioness, however, looked at things from a different point of view. She
fully expected that Don Bosco should give up "his vagabonds" and work full
time as chaplain of her institutes. This is the context of the Marchioness'
confrontation with Don Bosco and of her "ultimatum" as reported in the
Memoirs of the Oratory and edited with additional material in the Biographical
Memoirs.41
Don Bosco 's Poor Health and Events leading up to the Confrontation
Toward the end of September 1845, the Marchioness Barolo had gone to Rome
to seek the approval of the constitutions of her congregations, the Sisters of St.
Anne and the Sisters of St. Mary Magdalene. Several months of difficult
negotiations were necessary before she won the approval and could return to
Turin. While she was so occupied in Rome, Father Borel by letter of January 3,
1846 reported to her on Don Bosco's deteriorating health and on what was being
done to help him. They had rearranged the Masses at the Refuge and at the Little
Hospital to allow Don Bosco some extra sleep in the morning. They also had
gotten him to promise that after Epiphany (January 6) he would take a long
period of rest away from the Oratory and the chaplaincy. Father Guala and
Father Cafasso insisted on it.42
41 For a description of the "confrontation" and "ultimatum" see MO-En, 249-
252, noting that in the Memoirs Don Bosco places the event before the settling of the
Oratory at Pinardi's. For Lemoyne's account see EBMII, 356-363.
42 Father Borel to Marchioness Barolo, January 3, 1846, in ASC 123 Persone,
Borel, FDB 552 D9, edited in EBM II, 276-277 (correct the date to January 3, 1846).

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Don Bosco, however, did not keep his promise and elected instead to stay
with the Oratory, which on January 4 (1846) had begun to meet at Father
Moretta's house.
After several arduous months in Rome and the successful accomplishment
of her goal, the Marchioness on May 6, 1846 returned to Turin to a joyful
welcome from her religious communities and her chaplains. The Sisters of St.
Anne and of St. Mary Magdalene and their constitutions had been definitively
approved. The Oratory had only recently settled at the Pinardi shed (April 1),
which had been inaugurated as a chapel on Easter Sunday (April 12), and had
been blessed by Father Borel the following day.
In a long letter she wrote to Father Borel with the date of May 18, 1846,
(written to "avoid" meeting with him face to face) the Marchioness recalls how
she met and hired Don Bosco, and clearly states her position with respect to her
young chaplain. From this letter it also emerges that she and Father Borel did
not see eye to eye with regard to Don Bosco and his oratory work. Its salient
passages are worth quoting.
[Dear Father Borel]
A conversation with Father Cafasso has led me to see the necessity of our
reaching an understanding [about Don Bosco] [...].
When St. Philomena Hospital became the latest addition [to my
institutions], we agreed on the necessity of appointing a chaplain for it. [.. .]
You selected the excellent Don Bosco and introduced him to me. I liked him
from the very start, since I noticed that spirit of recollection and simplicity
about him that is the mark of holiness. [...]The hospital was not expected to be
ready for occupancy, and in fact was not, until August 1845. But in my anxiety
to secure the services of such a worthy priest, I agreed to engage him then and
there at a regular salary. However, a few weeks after he had taken up residence
with you, both the Mother Superior of the Rifugio and myself realized that his
health could stand no work. [.. .]
Don Bosco's health continued to get worse, up to the time of my trip to
Rome, but, although he was already coughing with bloody sputum, he kept
working. Then I received a letter from you, informing me that Don Bosco was
in no condition to carry on the work he had been hired for. I replied
immediately that I was prepared to continue his full salary, on the sole
condition that he take a total rest, and I am ready to fulfill that promise now.
[ ... ]
You have accused me of being against the religious instruction which
these boys receive every Sunday, and against the care that Don Bosco ta1ces of
them during the week. That's not true. [...]I approve and praise the instruction
being given to the boys, but because of our type of inmates, I object to the
boys' habit of gathering around the doorways of my institutions. And I firmly
Perhaps Fathers Guala and Cafasso had offered to sponsor his "vacation." See the
complete text of the letter in the Appendix I, p. 24, below.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
believe that Don Bosco needs a complete rest. [...] This is all the more
important to me as my respect for him has grown apace.
Dear Father, I know that we differ on this point. Were it not for my
conscience, I would be ready, as always, to submit to your judgment [.. .].43
The confrontation
The Marchioness' letter clearly reveals the high esteem she entertained for Don
Bosco as a person and for his oratory work. That she wanted him for her
institutions, and wanted him healthy, is also evident. All along she had been
worried about his deteriorating health and sincerely ("in conscience") wanted
this problem resolved. It seems therefore that the inevitable confrontation was
not in the nature of a bald ''ultimatum." In any case, the Marchioness' proposal
came too late. Don Bosco had already entered into a covenant with his Oratory,
and his resolve could no longer be shaken- in sickness or in health.
To the Marchioness' advice that he should give up his oratory work and
become a permanent chaplain in her institutions, Don Bosco replied:
You have money and will have no trouble in finding as many priests as you
want for your institutes. It's not the same with my poor youngsters. If I tum my
back on them now, all I've been doing for them will go up in smoke. Therefore,
while I will continue to do what I can for the Refu.ge, I will resign from any
regular responsibility and devote myself seriously to the care of abandoned
youngsters.
The Marchioness pointed out that, ill as he was and with nothing to live on, he
would not survive. Then she laid out her proposal and offered some "motherly
advice:"
I'll continue to pay your salary, and I'll increase it if you wish. Go away and
rest somewhere for a year, three years, five years. When you're back in good
health, come back to the Refu.ge and you'll be most welcome. Otherwise you
put me in the unpleasant position of having to dismiss you from my institutes.
Think it over seriously.
Don Bosco replied without hesitation:
I've thought it over already. My life is consecrated to the good of young
people. I thank you for the offers you're making me, but I can' t tum back from
the path that Divine Providence has traced out for me.
0 Marchioness Barolo to Father Borel, May 18, 1846, in ASC 123 Persone,
FDB 541 B5-8, edited in EBM II, 360-361. See also the full text in Appendix III, p. 28,
below.

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In that case, the Marchioness concluded, "you are dismissed from this
moment.''44 To prevent malicious gossip, the Marchioness agreed to allow Don
Bosco to keep his room at the Refuge for another three months. But, having been
dismissed (or having resigned) from the chaplaincy, Don Bosco was now
without a salary and would also have to find new lodgings.
That is why with Father Borel he acted immediately to sub-lease three
rooms in the Pinardi house, in spite of its being a "house of ill repute." The
notary public recorded the transaction as follows:
In the year of our Lord 1846, on June 5, Pancrazio Soave, Father Giovanni
Borel and Father Giovanni Bosco, here present, have arranged to sub-lease
three adjoining rooms at the eastern end of the second floor of the house owned
by Francesco Pinardi. The house at present is in the lease of the above-
mentioned Pancrazio Soave. The present contract will be in force from July 1
[1846] to January 1, 1849. [...]
Turin, June 5, 1846.
[signed:]
Soave Pancrazio
Father Giovanni Borel
Chiodo Giorgio, Not. Pub.
Apparently, Don Bosco's plan was to rent rooms as soon as they became
available until the whole second story of the house was under his control, and its
unsavory tenants were dislodged. Words spoken by Don Bosco and reported in
Barberis' original chronicle describe the strategy.
Some time later, I discovered that the house attached (attigua) was actually a
whorehouse. You may well imagine my embarrassment! I started by renting a
couple of rooms, paying as much as double their worth, but made no use of
them. As I continued to rent more rooms, the landlord would urge me to move
in. "I don't really need them now," I would reply. "We'll be moving in as soon
as I have got them all rented.'"5
44 MO-En, 251. Don Bosco's text is the source both for the story in Bonetti's
Storia dell'Oratorio [Bonetti, DB's Early Apostolate, 41-43] and for the Biographical
Memoirs [EBM II, 358-359]. In the Salesian tradition the Marchioness' position appears
that of an intransigent and hard-hearted lady. However, her letter makes a different
impression, and surely Don Bosco must have realized that he would have to resign, if he
hadn't done so already.
•s Barberis' Autograph Chronicle, Notebook I, 27-28, entry of May 26, 1875.
FDB 833 Dl-2.

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6. Don Rosco's IDness of 1844-1846
From the foregoing paragraphs we may gain some understanding of the situation
in which Don Bosco found himself at that crucial time in his life. The years
1844-1846, the difficult period of his definitive ministerial commitment to "poor
and abandoned" young people, were marked by serious, in fact life-threatening,
illness. This calls for an additional comment.
On-going and Worsening Illness
The Marchioness Barolo, in her letter to Father Borel, quoted above, outlined
the progress of Don Bosco's quite serious illness. He had been ill since leaving
the Pastoral Institute and moving in with Father Borel at the Refage (October
1844). He was coughing up bloody sputum, and his health had been getting
progressively worse. 46
Various factors combined to aggravate Don Bosco's condition. There was
a genetic predisposition for respiratory ailments in the family. He himself admits
to serious problems during and since his high school days in Chieri. But there
were more recent aggravating circumstances. When the Oratory moved out of its
space at the Little Hospital in May (1845) and began its "wandering" out of
doors through the summer, fall and winter of 1845-46, Don Bosco spent Sunday
and holy days with the youngsters, come rain or sunshine. When the Little
Hospital opened its doors in August 1845, Don Bosco began fulfilling his duties
as chaplain, the job for which he had been hired in the first place, while
attending to the Oratory. At the same time he would be working late into the
night writing, a practice that aggravated his condition still further. This is the
period of his earliest writings. Besides the Life of Louis Comollo written while
still at the Pastoral Institute and published in October 1844, Don Bosco was able
to send to his publishers a number of works compiled during these years, the
fruits of his nocturnal labors. We may mention the Devotee of the Guardian
Angel (1845), the History of the Church (1845), the Six Sundays in Honor of St.
Aloysius (1846), Practice of Devotion to the Mercy of God (n. d.), the
46 Don Bosco was not the indomitable athlete imaged in popular biographies.
He was plagued with illness since his teen-age years. While in secondary school at
Chieri, so he tells us in his Memoirs, he was in the habit of reading late into the night. He
adds, 'This practice so ruined my health that for some years I seemed to have one foot in
the grave." [MO-En, 108] When leaving the Pastoral Institute in 1844, Don Bosco was
thinking of joining the Oblates of the Virgin Mary and going to the missions. Father
Cafasso told him: '"The foreign missions are not for you. [...] You can't even stand a
minute in a closed carriage [...] without getting sick to your stomach [...] and you want
to cross the ocean? You'd die during the voyage" [EBMII, 161].

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Companion of Youth (1847), and the Bible History (1847).47 The accumulated
strain and stress were responsible for the serious condition described by
Marchioness Barolo in her letter to Father Borel.
At the beginning of October 1845, sheer physical exhaustion forced Don
Bosco to take a short vacation. He left Turin for Becchi on foot with a group of
Oratory boys, but at Chieri he collapsed. The following day he rallied and could
reach his destination. He spent the next four days in bed. We learn this from a
letter addressed by Don Bosco to Father Borel, a letter however that he could
not finish for lack of strength.48 From a second letter we learn that in the next
few days (it was vintage time) his ailment got worse. Gradually he got some of
his strength back, but he continued to be plagued by sickness.49
Back in Turin and to his hospital and oratory work later in October, he felt
only slightly better. But, as the Marchioness writes, "although he was already
coughing with bloody sputum, he kept on working."
By December 1845 Fathers Borel and Pacchiotti saw the necessity of
rearranging the schedule of Masses to allow Don Bosco longer hours of rest. As
mentioned above, Father Borel on January 3 (1846) reported to the Marchioness
(in Rome) that these arrangements were having some good effect. Then he
continues:
Thanks to your solicitude, he will be able to take a complete leave of absence
from his duties at the Refuge. He will go away for a while and he is also under
orders also to drop all other activities. Today he gave me a definite reply about
his intentions and promised that the day after the Epiphany [January 7, 1846)
., Cenni storici sulla vita del chierico Luigi Comollo {... ] (Torino: Speirani e
Ferrero, 1844); Il Divoto dell'Angelo Custode (Torino: Paravia, 1845); Storia
ecclesiastica ad uso delle scuole utile per ogni ceto di persone, {... ] (Torino: Speirani e
Ferrero, 1845) 398 pp.; Le sei domeniche e la novena di san Luigi Gomaga (Torino:
Speirani e Ferrero, 1846); Esercizio di divozione al/a misericordia di Dio (Torino:Eredi
Botta, [no date]; ll Giovane provveduto per la pratica dei suoi doveri [...] (Torino:
Paravia, 1847) 352 pp.; Storia sacra per uso delle scuole {...](Torino: Speirani e Ferrero,
1847), 212 pp. For the text of these and other writings see Centro Studi Don Bosco,
Giovanni Bosco: Opere edite, Prima Serie: Libri e Opuscoli, 38 volumes (Roma: LAS,
1977).
•• Don Bosco to Father Borel, unsigned and undated (but postmarked October
11, 1845), Motto, Epistolario I, 60; EBMII, 251-252.
49 Don Bosco to Father Borel, October 17, 1845, Motto, Epistolario I, 61-62;
EBM II, 253. The sickness is described as "flusso," which may mean diarrhea, rectal
bleeding, hemorrhage and the like.
It was illness, therefore, that forced Don Bosco to take this needed period of
rest at Becchi. But by and by the "outing" to Becchi with Oratory lads in October, to
coincide with the feast of Our Lady of the Rosary (October 7) and vintage time became a
yearly event until 1864. It increased in importance when in 1848 a chapel dedicated to
Our Lady of the Rosary was opened in the house of Don Bosco's brother Joseph.

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he will place himself under our orders. He will have to do a lot of explaining to
Father Guala and Father Cafasso, if he does not keep his promise.'°
He did not keep his promise. The Oratory (which was meeting at Father
Moretta's house at the time) required his presence. In the dead of winter, his
condition deteriorated further. It is at this time that Father Borel suggested a
scaling down of the Oratory operation, restricting it to a small group of younger
children. In response, Don Bosco (referring to the Dream of 1844) claimed that
oratory premises were already in place, just waiting to be found. (Had he lost his
mind?)5
Then, as related above, we see Don Bosco and the Oratory, evicted from
Father Moretta' s house and meeting on the Filipgi field, before the renting of the
Pinardi shed in early spring (April 1, 1846). There followed Don Bosco's
confrontation with the Marchioness and his dismissal from her service.
Meanwhile, Don Bosco and Father Borel were taking initial steps to secure a
foothold in the Pinardi house itself by renting rooms in it.
The Crisis
In early July (1846),53 Don Bosco was again on the verge of collapse. Father
Borel sent him to spend some time with the parish priest of Sassi, a salubrious
hill town in the eastern outskirts of Turin. It didn't work. Since the place was
within walking distance, the youngsters of the Oratory, joined by boys from the
Christian Brothers' school and others, left him no peace.54
He returned to the Refuge gravely ill with what may have been advanced
bronchial pneumonia and took to his bed. At one point he was near death, but
the youngsters' prayers and vows obtained for him the grace of recovery.ss
As soon as the doctor allowed him to leave his room at the Refuge in early
August, Don Bosco, as had been agreed,56 vacated the premises and had his
belongings transferred to the Pinardi house. The rooms he had rented there may
not yet have been ready for occupancy, or he preferred not to move in before he
had the second story of the house under his control. In any case, in the second
'° Father Borel to Marchioness Barolo, January 3, 1846, as in note 42 above.
" MO-En, 246.
52 When speaking of his own condition on the Filippi field, Don Bosco writes:
"With no one to help me, my energy gone, my health undennined, with no idea where I
could gather my boys in the future, I was deeply troubled." [MO-En, 255, italics mine].
53 MO-En, 293.
54 MO-En, 290-291.
ss MO-En, 290-293.
s6 MO-En, 251-252.

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week in August he retreated to Becchi for a long period of convalescence.' 7
Father Borel directed the Oratory himself with the help of Fathers John Baptist
Vola, Hyacinth Carpano, Joseph Trivero and Sebastian Pacchiotti.58
On this point, Goffredo Casalis in his Dictionary writes:
These four priests, together with Father Borel, during a period of four months
replaced the founder of the institute and implemented its program in a manner
that soon gained them the esteem and affection of all the youngsters. Such
esteem and affection had to be gained, as was the case with the founder, at the
cost of patient endurance and numberless sacrifices. For at its beginning this
institution was much poorer than it is at present, the lads were unruly and
completely uneducated, and manx of them more often than not had nothing to
eat, and nothing to wear but rags.
On November 3, 1846, Don Bosco, not yet fully recovered, returned to Turin
with his mother Margaret. As noted above, he (and Father Borel) had rented
rooms in the Pinardi house. That is where he and his mother took up residence
on coming from Becchi. They had brought with them some basic goods and
some money from the sale of some pieces of land and a vineyard. Margaret sent
for her wedding trousseau, which eventually provided cloth and linen for the
church. 60
There has been speculation on the reasons that motivated Margaret to give
up her quiet life with Joseph at Becchi and at the age of 58/59 move to a strange
city.
51 A few interesting letters (from Don Bosco to Father Borel) from this period
have survived [Motto, Epistolario I, 68-74; EBM II, 388-399].
51 Father Dr. John Baptist Vola (1805-1872) is often mentioned in letters by
Don Bosco and by Father Borel between 1846 and 1850 among devoted Oratory helpers
and benefactors.
Father Dr. Canon Hyacinth Carpano (1821-1894), from a well-to-do family,
helped Don Bosco financially and in oratory work. He went on to found homes for young
people released from prison and at risk.
Father Joseph Trivero (1816-1894), custodian of the royal chapel of the Holy
Shroud, also helped Don Bosco and the Oratory with money and personal service. In a
letter to Father Borel, dated August 31, 1846, Don Bosco from Becchi writes: ''Father
Trivero helps with the Oratory, and that is good. But be on your guard because he has a
tendency to be a bit rough with the youngsters, to the point that some have been upset.
See to it that the oil [of kindness] seasons every dish we present in our Oratory" [Motto,
Epistolario I, 71].
For Father Sebastian Pacchiotti, see footnote 5 above.
59 Goffredo Casalis, Dizionario geografico-storico-statistico-commerciale degli
stati di S. Mil re di Sardegna [...].vol. XXI (Turin, 1851) 716; EBMII, 389.
60 MO-En , 297.

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Apart from the need to safeguard her son's reputation in that "house of ill
repute,'.61 she may have wished to be near her son, to care for him in his still
uncertain health condition. The fact. however, that she had her wedding
trousseau brought up would indicate that a permanent move was intended.
Perhaps, the dedicated Christian woman that she was, she wished to share in her
son' s work for the poor and be a mother to the children. But, even if motivated
by such high-minded motives, at a more practical level she may just have
wished not to be a burden to Joseph and his large family, especially that winter,
when the wheat crop had failed and a famine was setting in.
This famine, one of the most' severe in the century, affected several
European countries. Margaret' s move then could perhaps be seen as one tiny
effect of that widespread and grave crisis that led to the Paris revolution of 1848
and to Marx' Communist Manifesto.62
7. Acquisition of the Pinardi House and Property (1851)
By way of conclusion, a word on the acquisition of the Pinardi house and
property seems in order, for also this final transaction has vocational
significance-indeed not in terms of Bosco' s personal commitment, but in terms
of the permanence of the work. As a matter of fact, at one point (in 1847) Don
Bosco and Father Borel were considering leaving Pinardi's property and looking
for a place large enough to accommodate the increasing number of boys
attending the Oratory (as many as 800). And yet the Pinardi house was the place
Don Bosco had seen in the dream of 1844 that he regarded as a sign from
heaven. The decision, however, was to stay at Pinardi's and open a second
oratory (the Oratory of St. Aloysius).63
The actions leading to the definitive acquisition of the Pinardi house and
property are amply described and illustrated by Father Fedele Giraudi, and more
recently by Stella and Bracco. 64 Here a brief summary must suffice.
As indicated, the original Pinardi-Borel contract for the lease of the shed
was signed for three years on April 1, 1846. Three additional rooms on the
second story of the house were sub-rented by deed signed by Mr. Soave and
61 MO-En, 296.
62 Pietro Stella, Don Bosco nel/a storia economica e sociale (1815-1870)
(Roma: LAS, 1980) , 76, Footnote 12 and related text [Stella, DBEcSoc].
6.1 Bonetti, Don Bosco's Early Apostolate, 103-104.
64 Fedele Giraudi. L'Oratorio (1935), 60-107; Stella, DBEcSoc, 75-76. For
acquisition and sale of properties by Don Bosco from 1848 to 1884, as recorded in the
Deeds' Office of the city of Turin, cf. Bracco, "DB e le istituzioni," in Bracco, Torino e
DB, 145-150.

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Father Borel on June 5, 1846. According to Lemoyne, Don Bosco rented a
fourth room before leaving for Becchi in August.65
Back from Becchi with his mother (on November 3), Don Bosco on
December 1, 1846 sub-rented from Mr. Soave the entire Pinardi house and
adjacent lot for 710 lire (with an added bonus of 59 lire), for a period ending on
December 31, 1848. Mr. Soave was to retain the use of a section of the ground
floor for his starch business until March 1, 1847. Don Bosco signed as the
contracting party for the first time.66
When Mr. Soave's lease (from Mr. Pinardi) expired, Father Borel (again
acting as contracting party) merely took his place as lessee and signed the lease
for the house and property with Mr. Pinardi for additional 150 lire a year.
This contract was to cover the period April 1, 1849 to March 31, 1852.
But, on account of a murder on the premises of the Bellezza house next door,
Pinardi offered to sell house and property to Don Bosco (in partnership with
Fathers Borel, Cafasso and Roberto Murialdo) for 28,000 lire. The deed was
signed on February 19, 1851, and by this final action the Oratory of St. Francis
de Sales was definitively settled in its permanent home.
6l EBM IT, 388.
66 As noted above, Don Bosco brought some money from home from the sale of
pieces of land and a vineyard [MO-En, 297], but they would not have been worth 769
lire. It is believed that Father Cafasso, Father Borel (and others that backed Don Bosco's
oratory work) put up the money.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Appendices
The appendices that follow give the full text of some documents quoted or
referred to above.
Appendix I
Father Borel's Letter to Marchioness Barolo (January 3, 1846)
regarding Don Bosco's Worrisome Health Condition67
My dear Marchioness:
January 3, 1846
Your generous suggestion regarding our beloved Don Bosco and the goodwill
you show him prove how much you value this devoted priest. He will certainly
not fail to profit by it, and, on my part, I thank you from the bottom of my
heart.68
Since the beginning of December, when it became obvious that Don Bosco
needed rest, Father Pacchiotti has been saying Mass at the Hospital, leaving to
Don Bosco the second Mass at the Refuge. The marked improvement in his
condition proved that it was a wise move. Of course, we don't think that he has
made a perfect recovery. I have firm hope, however, that he will soon be well
again, especially since, thanks to your solicitude, he will be able to take a
complete rest from his duties at the Refuge and go away for a while. He will also
be under orders to drop all other activities.
Today he gave me a definite reply about his intentions and promised that
the day after Epiphany [January 6] he will place himself under orders. He will
have a lot of explaining to do to Father Guala and Father Cafasso, if he does not
keep his promise.69
67 ASC 123 Persone, Borel, FDB 552 D9, edited in EBM IT, 276-277 (Correct
the date to January 3, 1846).
61 The Marchioness in her concern over Don Bosco's ill health had offered to
release him with pay for as long as would be necessary to get him back to health (See
Marchioness Barolo's letter to Father Borel in Appendix III, p. 28, below).
69 Father Louis Guala was rector and lecturer in moral theology at the Pastoral
Institute (Convitto). Father Joseph Cafasso was Father Guala's assistant in both
capacities. They both had shown great interest in Don Bosco-Father Cafasso in
particular, who was Don Bosco's spiritual director and mentor (See footnote 1 above).

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Incidentally, the two good Fathers have offered to send us another priest
for the second Mass at the Refuge. Should all our efforts and diligence prove
insufficient to the need, I shall call on the superior of the Oblates for one of the
usual confessors.70 As soon as, God willing, I come across a priest imbued with
the spirit necessary for this work, I will not fail to inform you. Again may I
express my gratitude for your offer of an additional priest for our work.
Your obedient servant,
Father John Borel
Appendix II
Don Bosco's Letter to Marquis Michael Cavour, Vicar of
Turin (March 13, 1846)11
Your Excellency:
Turin, March 13, 1846
The role which Your Excellency plays in everything that concerns the public
good, both civic and moral, leads me to hope that you will welcome a report on
a catechetical program we have started.72 Since its purpose is the good of young
people, you yourself have on a number of occasions shown favor and support for
it.
10 The reference is to the Oblates of the Virgin Mary founded by Father Pius
Bruno Lanteri (See footnote 4 above).
71 Motto, Epistolario I, 66-68. For Michael Benso Marquis of Cavour see note
20 above.
72 Throughout the letter, "catechetical program" translates the Italian
"catechismo," by which Don Bosco almost certainly means "the oratory" as such. Jn
other words, he speaks of the oratory as a "program of religious instruction." One should
not think, that Don Bosco' s emphasis on catechetical instruction was just part of a
strategy on his part designed to allay the vicar's fears. Nor was it just playing on the
vicar's feelings, in the certainty that, as a Catholic and a Catholic king's representative,
he could not object to a "program for the instruction of poor children in the Catholic
faith." It was a fact that catechetical instruction held top priority in Don Bosco's oratory.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
This catechetical program was begun three years ago in the Church of St.
Francis of Assisi,73 and because it was the Lord's work the Lord blessed it, and
the young people attended in greater number than the place could accommodate.
Then, in the year 1844, having taken a job [as chaplain] at the Pious Work of the
Refuge, I went to live there. But those wonderful youngsters continued to attend
at the new place, eager to receive religious instruction. It was at this time that
we, the Rev. Dr. [John] Borelli, Father [Sebastian] Pacchiotti and myselfjointly,
presented a petition to His Grace the Archbishop for permission to convert one
of our rooms into an oratory,74 and he authorized us to do so. Here catechism
was taught, confessions were heard and the Holy Mass was celebrated for the
above-mentioned young people.
But, as their number increased to the point that the premises could no
longer accommodate them, we petitioned the illustrious City authorities for
permission to relocate our catechetical program at the Church of St. Martin, near
the city's mills, and their reply was favorable. There many boys attended and
often exceeded two hundred and fifty.
As it turned out, we were given notice by the syndics of the city that by the
beginning of January our catechism classes should be moved from that church to
some other place. No reason was given for such an order.75 As a result we faced
a serious dilemma, for it would have been a great pity to discontinue the good
work we had begun. Only His Excellency Count [Giuseppe-Maria Luigi
Giacinta Provana di] Collegno, after having spoken to you, gave us the
encouragement to continue.
During that winter, the catechetical program was conducted some times in
our own house, at other times in some rented rooms.76 Finally, earlier this week
we entered into negotiations with Mr. [Francesco] Pinardi for a site.77 We agreed
on the sum of two hundred and eighty francs for a large room suitable for use as
73 Since this letter was written in 1846, "three years ago" would date the
beginnings of the catechetical program (oratory) to 1843. Further on in this letter, Don
Bosco again speaks of "three years." This may imply that 1843 was the year when the
group gathering at St. Francis of Assisi acquired consistency and became recognizably
Don Bosco's group.
74 "Oratory," here means "chapel," and the reference is to the chapel dedicated
to St. Francis de Sales set up at the Little Hospital on December 8, 1844.
15 The administration of the mills had lodged a complaint that "the children
under the direction of the Rev. Dr. Borel [... were] causing trouble and disturbance,
dirtying up the place besides" [Motto, Epistolario I, 68). The two syndics were each in
charge of an area of government and administration under the Vicar.
76 These would be the rooms rented in Father Moretta's house.
77 This letter was written on Friday, March 13. Therefore these negotiations for
the Pinardi shed took place between Sunday, March 8, and Thursday, March 12. In his
Memoirs, however, Don Bosco gives a different date and a different picture [MO-En,
255-259, incl. note 2).

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an oratory, along with two other rooms and an adjacent piece of ground.78 We
think this place will suit our purpose, first because of its close proximity to the
Refuge, then because of its location far from any church, though near enough to
several houses. The one thing we need to know is whether it is acceptable to you
from the standpoint of the neighborhood and of the community at large.
The purpose of this catechetical program is to gather those boys who, left
to themselves, would not attend religious instruction in any church on Sundays
and holy days. We encourage attendance by approaching them in a friendly
manner, welcoming them with kind words, promises, gifts, and the like. The
following principles are basic to our teaching: (1) the value of work, (2) the
regular reception of the sacraments, (3) respect for all superior authority and (4)
avoidance of bad company.
These principles, which we skillfully strive to inculcate in the hearts of the
youngsters, have produced marvelous results. In the space of three years, more
than twenty entered the religious life; six are studying Latin in view of a priestly
vocation; and many others have changed for the better and are now attending
their own parishes. This is a great achievement when one considers the caliber
of the young people who, though generally ranging in age from ten to sixteen
years, lack any kind of education, whether religious or secular. Most of them in
fact have already succumbed to evil, and are in danger of becoming public
nuisances or of being put in places of correction.
You are a good-hearted person, and have at heart everything that may
contribute to the common good of society. For this reason we seek your
protection on these our endeavors. As you can well see, profit is not our motive
in the least; our sole aim is to gain souls for the Lord.
The costs we must meet to provide all that the place requires are great.
Count Collegno, gratefully mentioned above, has offered his generous support.
He has moreover given us permission to mention the fact to Your Excellency,
after which he himself would explain the matter in detail. Should you wish to
speak to me or to my colleagues, we are at your service; indeed we would be
anxious to oblige.
I beg you to take in good part the liberty I have taken, and I wish you all
the Lord' s blessings. With sentiments of highest esteem and greatest respect, I
have the supreme honor of being Your Excellency' s most humble and obedient
servant,
Father John Bosco
Spiritual Director of the Refuge
11 There is no mention here of the famous "Pinardi shed." Don Bosco here is in
agreement with the original lease contract (signed on April 1, 1846) which mentions "one
large rectangular room, with two other rooms, and an adjacent piece of ground" [Motto,
Epistolario I, 68]. The material reference, however, is to the "Pinardi shed."

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Cavour's notation for his secretary on back of the letter reads: "Reply. I have
spoken with His Excellency the Most Reverend Archbishop and with Count
Colegno [sic] , and I agree that, without any doubt, much may be gained from a
catechism program. I shall be happy to see the Rev. Father Bosco in my office at
2 P.M., March 26. Benso di Cavour."
Appendix III
Marchioness Barolo's Letter to Father Borel (May 18,
1846)79
May 18, 1846
Dear Father Borel:
A conversation with Father Cafasso has led me to see the necessity, dear Father,
of our reaching an understanding [about Don Bosco]. Such an understanding, I
believe had best be sought in writing than in speaking. This because whenever I
have the honor of speaking with you, you never allow me to express my respect
for you, my admiration for your virtue and my gratitude for the zealous care you
have always shown for my institutes.
When St. Philomena Hospital became the latest addition [to my
institutions], we considered it necessary to appoint a chaplain for it. There was
no one better qualified than yourself for advice. You selected the excellent Don
Bosco and introduced him to me. I, too, liked him from the very start and
noticed a certain spirit of recollection and simplicity about him that is the true
mark of holiness.
My acquaintance with him began in the fall of 1844, and the hospital was
not expected to be ready for occupancy, and in fact was not, until August 1845.
In my anxiety to secure the services of such a worthy priest, I agreed to engage
him then and there, and start giving him his regular salary. A few weeks after he
had taken up residence with you, both the Mother Superior of the Refuge and
myself realized that his health could stand no work. You will recall the many
times I told you to give him special consideration and let him rest, and so forth.
You did not listen to me, and replied that priests have to work, etc.
19 Marchioness Barolo to Father Borel, May 18, 1846, in ASC 123 Persone,
Barolo, FDBM 541 B5-8, edited in EBM II, 360-361. The lady had returned from Rome,
but she avoided a tete-~-tete with Father Borel preferring to state her position in writing.

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Don Bosco's health continued to deteriorate up to the time of my trip to
Rome, but, although he was already coughing with bloody sputum, he kept
working. Then I received a letter from you, informing me that Don Bosco was in
no condition to carry on the work he had been hired for. I replied immediately
that I was prepared to continue his full salary, on the sole condition that he take
a total rest, and I am ready to fulfill that promise now. Do you really think,
Father, that hearing confessions and preaching to hundreds of boys is no work? I
believe it is injuring his health. He must go far enough from Turin as not to have
to subject his lungs to any strain. When he was at Gassino, these lads kept going
to him for confession, and he used to walk them back to Turin.80 You are a kind
person, Father, and I have doubtlessly deserved the unfavorable opinion you
have of me. You have accused me of being against the religious instruction that
these boys receive every Sunday, and against the care that Don Bosco takes of
them during the week. On the contrary, I do really believe that the work is
excellent in itself and worthy of those who have undertaken it. However, in the
first place, I am convinced that Don Bosco, because of his poor health, is not up
to continuing such work. Secondly, I find it rather improper that these boys, who
previously used to wait for Don Bosco at the door of the Refu.ge, now should
wait for him at the entrance of the hospital.
I won't dredge up past incidents, but Father Durando feels exactly as I do
about the matter.81 I will mention only what took place yesterday. Mother
Superior of the hospital told me that a girl of loose morals, who had been
dismissed from the Refu.ge, visited the hospital with the family of one of our
patients. With her there was a woman whose little girl was taken from her at the
suggestion of the pastor of Annunciation Church, and is now at the Refu.ge. I
asked both of them to leave the hospital. Now, a little earlier I had seen a group
of boys at the door of the hospital and had asked them what they wanted. They
told me they were waiting for Don Bosco. Some of them were not so young.
Now both this bad woman and this girl, whom I had asked to leave the hospital
and who were angry, passed through the midst of these boys. What if this girl
had said something about her shameful profession to these pupils of Don Bosco?
To sum up briefly:
1. I approve and praise the instruction being given to the boys, but because
of our type of inmates, I object to the boys' habit of gathering around the
doorways of my institutes.
2. I firmly believe that Don Bosco needs a complete rest because of his
weak lungs. I shall not continue his salary, which he can surely use, unless he
80 Gassino was a town of some 3,000 inhabitants located 15 km. (9.3 mi.) east
of Turin. I could not find attestation of a convalescence of Don Bosco here.
11 Father Marcantonio Durando was the Visitor (Provincial) of the Priests of the
Mission (Vincentians). He was highly regarded as a preacher, retreat master and
confessor.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
agrees to go away from Turin to some place where there will be no cause of
harm to his delicate health. This is all the more important to me as my respect
for him grows.
Dear Father, I know that we differ on this point. Were it not for my
conscience, I would be ready, as always, to submit to your judgment.
With unchanging regard and deep respect, I am honored to be,
Your devoted servant,
Marchioness Barolo, nee Colbert
Appendix IV
Introduction and Historical Outline
From the Draft Regulations for the Oratory of St. Francis De Sales (Piano
di Rego/amento per /'Oratorio masc/life di S. Francesco di Sales in Torino
ne/la regione Valdocco) (1854).82
1. Introduction
[The Introduction (lntroduzione) to the Draft Regulation of 1854 states the
rationale and principles of the work of the Oratory;
Ut filios Dei, qui erant dispersi, congregaret in unum [To gather into one the
children of God who are scattered abroad, Jn 11:52]. It seems to me that the
words of the Holy Gospel which speak to us of the divine Savior come down
from heaven to earth to gather together all the children of God scattered all over
12 Don Bosco's autograph of the Introduction and Historical Outline is in ASC
132: Oratorio 1, FDB 1,872 B3-C5. These two introductory chapters of the 1854 Draft
Regulations for the Oratory (Piano di Regolamento dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di
Sales in Torino nella regione Valdocco) have been critically edited, with introductory
study and notes, by Pietro Braido, Don Bosco per i giovani: L'Oratorio, una
'Congregazione degli Oratori'. Documenti (Piccola Bilioteca dell'Istituto Storico
Salesiano, 9). (Roma: LAS, 1988), 30-34, 34-55. It bears stressing that these are the
Regulations for the original boys' oratory, that is, the gathering of young people on
Sundays and holy days for church services, religious instruction and recreation. They are
to be distinguished from the Regulations for the house of the Oratory of Valdocco (later
edited as the Regulations for Salesian Houses). Both sets of regulations were officially
published in 1877.

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the world, could be applied literally to the young people of our times. They
constitute the most vulnerable yet valuable section of human society; we base
our hopes for the future on them, for they are not of their nature depraved. [The
problem arises from] carelessness on the part of parents, idleness, mixing in bad
company, which happens especially on Sundays. Otherwise it would be so easy
to inculcate in their young hearts the principles of order, of good behavior, of
respect, of religion. If they are ruined at that age, it is due more to carelessness
than to ingrained malice.
These young people have a real need of some kind person who will take
care of them, work with them, guide them in virtue and keep them away from
vice. The problem lies in finding ways of gathering them, of being able to speak
to them, of making them good.
The Son of God was sent for this very purpose and his holy religion alone
can achieve it. This religion is of itself eternal and unchangeable; it has been,
and will always be, the teacher of the people. But the law it contains is so perfect
that it can change according to the events of the time and can adapt itself to the
character of all peoples.
The oratories are the appropriate means for instilling the spirit of religion
in hearts that are uncultivated and abandoned.
These oratories are gatherings of young people who, after they have
attended church services, engage in pleasant and wholesome recreation. The
support which the civil and Church authorities have given me, the zeal shown by
many worthy people who have given me material aid, or have helped directly
with the work, are a clear sign of the blessing of the Lord, and of the public's
appreciation.
It is now time to set out a regulatory framework that might serve as a
guideline for the right direction of this portion of the sacred ministry, as well as
a stimulus to the numerous priests and lay people who work in it with such
concern and dedication. I have attempted to do this at various times, but was
forced to give it up on account of the innumerable difficulties that stood in the
way. Now, to ensure the preservation of unity of spirit and uniformity of
discipline, as well as to comply with the wish of persons in authority who have
counseled me to do so, I have decided to complete this work, no matter what the
cost.
But I wish it understood from the start that it is not my purpose to lay down
law or precept for anyone. My one aim is to set out what we do in the Boys'
Oratory of St. Francis de Sales in Valdocco, and the way that we do it. Some
expressions found herein may lead some people into thinking that I am seeking
my own honor and glory. Let them not think so, for such impression may arise
from my great concern to write about the oratory as it actually was and as it is
even at the present day.

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When I dedicated myself to this portion of the sacred ministry, I fully
intended to consecrate every effort of mine to the greater glory of God, and to
the good of souls. I saw myself as working to make these young people good
citizens for this earth, so that they might be one day worthy inhabitants of
heaven.
May God help me and enable me to continue in this endeavor to my last
breath. So be it.
2. Historical Outline
( Cenno Storico del/'Oratorio di S. Fra11cesco di Sales)
This chapter, functioning as a foreword to the Draft Regulation of 1854, gives a
summary history of the beginnings and early development of the Oratory of St.
Francis de Sales.
This Oratory, a gathering of young people on Sundays and holy days,83 began in
the Church of St. Francis of Assisi. For many years during the summertime, the
Rev. Father [Giuseppe] Caffasso [sic] used to teach catechism every Sunday to
bricklayers' lads in a little room attached to the sacristy of the aforementioned
church. The heavy workload this priest had taken on caused him to interrupt this
work, which he loved so much. I took it up towards the end of 1841, and I began
by gathering in that same place two young adults who were in grave need of
religious instruction.84 These were joined by others, and during 1842 the number
went up to twenty, and sometimes twenty-five.
From these beginnings I learnt two very important truths: that in general
young people are not bad in themselves, but more often they become such
through contact with evil persons; and even these bad youngsters, if removed
from evil company, are susceptible to great moral change.
In 1843 the catechism classes continued on the same footing and the
number increased to fifty, the most which the place assigned to me could
accommodate. All the while, while visiting the prisons of Turin, I was able to
verify that the poor unfortunates sent to that place of punishment generally are
poor young men who come into the city from far away. They come out of a need
to find work or at the urging of some rascally companion. These young people
are left to themselves particularly on Sundays and holy days and spend the little
money they earn during the week in gambling or on sweetmeats. This is the
03 The "giomi festivi," on which the "festive" Oratory met, correspond to
"Sundays and holy days."
84 ''Two young adults": compare this statement of Don Bosco with the Garelli
story in Don Bosco's Memoirs of ca. 1874 [MO-En, 187-190).

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beginning of many vices; in no time at all young people who were good are
found to be at risk and to put others at risk. Nor can the prisons better them in
any way, because while detained there they learn more refined ways of doing
wrong, so that when they are released they become worse.
I turned therefore to this class of youngster as the most abandoned and at
risk; and in the course of each week, either with promises or with little gifts, I
managed to gain pupils (allievi). My efforts were rewarded as their number
increased greatly, so that, when in the summer of 1844 larger premises were
placed at my disposal, I found myself at times with some eighty youths around
me.85 My soul rejoiced at seeing myself surrounded by pupils (allievi), all of
whom were responding to my care and had already started on a job. Thus, I
could in some way vouch for their conduct, whether on weekdays or weekends.
As I looked over them, I could visualize one returned to parents from whom he
had fled, another placed with an employer, all of them well on the way to
learning their religion.
But the community life characteristic of a place like the Pastoral Institute
of St. Francis of Assisi, the silence and good order required by the services
conducted in that public and very well attended church, got in the way of my
plans. And even though the late-lamented Dr. Guala encouraged me to
persevere, nevertheless I clearly perceived the need of new [and larger]
premises. For, religious instruction occupies the young people for only a certain
period of time, after which they need some outlet: hikes, games, and the like.
Providence arranged that at the end of October 1844 I should be appointed
to the Refuge as spiritual director.86 I invited my boys (figli) to come and visit me
at my new residence, and the following Sunday they were there in a much
bigger number than usual. So my room became oratory and playground. What a
sight! No chair, table or anything else could escape the attack of that friendly
invasion.
Meanwhile, I and the Rev. Dr. [Giovanni] Borrelli,87 who from then on
became the Oratory's staunchest supporter, had chosen a room intended as
dining room and common room for the priests working at the Refuge, which
15 This development probably corresponds to that described in the Memoirs
[MO-En, 197, lines 24-28].
86 This was the home for wayward young women founded by Marquis and
Marchioness Barolo under the title of Our Lady, Refuge of Sinners, popularly known as
the Refuge. Unlike the Memoirs, this Historical Outline presents the move from the
Pastoral Institute to Barolo's Refuge as trouble-free and makes no mention of the Dream
of 1844 (See above).
= 11 Father John Borel (Teologo Th. D.), with whom Don Bosco was already
acquainted, was the head chaplain (spiritual director) of the Barolo institutes. Don Bosco
spells the name Borrelli or Borelli (See footnote 5 above).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
seemed big enough for our purposes and adaptable as a chapel.88 The
Archbishop gave permission, and on the day of Mary's Immaculate Conception
(December 8, 1844), the chapel we had long hoped for was blessed, with the
faculty of celebrating the holy sacrifice of the Mass, and of giving benediction
with the Blessed Sacrament.
The news of a chapel destined exclusively for the young, the liturgical
services prepared especially for them, a bit of open space to romp around in,
Oprroavtoerdytoatbtehaptowtimeref,u89l
attractions; so that our church,
became quickly overcrowded.
which began to be called
We made do as best we
could. Catechism classes were held in every corner: in rooms, kitchen and
corridors. It was all oratory.
Things were moving along when an unfortunate occurrence (or better,
Divine Providence acting with hidden purposes) put our oratory in a serious
predicament. On August 10, 1845 the Little Hospital of St. Philomena was
opened, and the premises we had been using for nine months had to be given
over to other uses. Another meeting place had to be found.
[ ... )90
In the meantime, as the winter was drawing near, and the weather no
longer favored excursions into the countryside, Dr. [Giovanni] and myself
agreed on renting three rooms in the Moretta House, a building not far distant
from the present Oratory in Valdocco. During that winter our activities were
limited to simple catechism lessons on the evening of each Sunday and holy
day.91
At this time the gossip that had already for some time been making the
rounds, that the oratories were a deliberate way of getting young people away
from their own parishes in order to instruct them in suspect principles, grew
more insistent. This allegation was grounded on the fact that I allowed my
81 This "room" was located, not in the Refuge proper, but in the adjacent "Little
Hospital of St. Philomena" under construction for the care of young handicapped girls,
for which Don Bosco had been hired as chaplain.
19 It began to be called "Oratory of St. Francis de Sales" at that time: cf. MO-
En, 217.
90 A description of the "wandering" follows, with the same sequence as in the
Memoirs ofthe Oratory: St. Martin's at the Dora mills; Holy Cross Cemetery (St. Peter in
Chains), a period of "homelessness"; Father Moretta's house. (For the attested correct
sequence see above.)
91 These evening catechism classes do not seem to coincide with the "night
classes" which, according to Don Bosco's statement in his Memoirs [MO-En, 233] began
to be given at Father Moretta's house in 1845, or according to his statement in the
Historical Outlines of 1862 at Pinardi's in 1846.
Father John Baptist Anthony Moretta (1777-1847) was a fonner Capuchin
Franciscan who lived in retirement in his own house, a two-story building of some 20
rooms, most of them rented out.

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227
young people every kind of recreation, a long as they did not sin, or do anything
that could be regarded as reprehensible conduct. In response to the allegation
[that I was drawing young people away from their parishes], I pointed out that
my purpose was to gather together only those young people who did not belong
to any parish. As a matter of fact most of the youngsters were from out of town
and did not even know to which parish they belonged. But the more I tried to
explain how things stood in reality, the more sinister was the interpretation put
on the matter.
Furthermore, certain events took place that forced us to leave the Moretta
house, so that in March 1846 I had to lease a small grass field from the Fillippi
brothers, at the location where at present stands the pig iron foundry. And there I
was under the wide and starry sky, in the middle of a field bordered by a sorry-
looking hedgerow that kept out only those who did not want to come in. There I
was with some three hundred young men who found their heaven on earth in
that oratory-an oratory the roof and the walls of which were nothing but sky.
To make matters worse, the Vicar of the City, the Marquis [Michael]
Cavour, informed and prejudiced against these weekend gatherings, sent for me.
He briefly reported what was being rumored about the oratory, and then said to
me: ''My good Father, let me give you a sound piece of advice. Get rid of those
villains, because these gatherings are dangerous." I replied: "All I am trying to
do is to better the lot of these poor boys. If the City would care to provide any
kind of premises for me, I have every hope of being able to lessen the number of
troublemakers, and at the same time, the numbers of those who go to prison."
[•• •]92
In the meantime in order to be able to attend more directly to the care of
my boys, I was forced to resign from the Refuge. As a result, I was without
employment and without means of support.93 Every project of mine was taking a
wrong turn, and I was mentally and physically exhausted, so much so that the
word was put around that I had become insane.
Failing to make others understand my plans, I sought to mark time,
because I was deeply convinced that events would prove me right in what I was
doing. Furthermore, I wanted so much to have a suitable site that in my mind I
considered this to be already achieved. This was the reason why even my dearest
friends thought that I was out of my mind. And since I would not give in and
desist from my undertaking, my helpers abandoned me completely.
92 The dialogue continues much as in the Memoirs [MO-En, 244-245).
93 Even though the Oratory had vacated the Little Hospital, Don Bosco was still
in the employ of the Marchioness Barolo as chaplain of the hospital, drawing a salary,
and living at the Refuge. As described above, the Marchioness put pressure on Don Bosco
to disband the Oratory and join her priests. This was when Don Bosco resigned (or was
dismissed), though he was allowed to maintain his room at the Refuge for three months,
until August 1846.

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228
Journal of Salesian Studies
Dr. Borrelli went along with my ideas. However, since no other course
seemed open to us, he thought we should pick [just] a dozen of the younger
children and teach them their catechism privately, [while sending the rest away],
and wait of a better opportunity to go forward with our plans. ''No," I replied,
"This is not the way. This is the Lord's work; he began it, and he will bring it to
completion." "But meanwhile," he insisted, "Where will we gather our boys?"
"In the Oratory." "But where is this Oratory?" "I see it there in readiness: I see a
church, a house, and an enclosed playground. It is there, and I see it." "But
where are these things?" "I do not know where they are, but I see them." I
insisted because of my lively wish to have these things. I was thoroughly
convinced that God would provide them.94
Dr. Borrelli felt sorry for me, the way I was, and he too reluctantly
expressed doubts about my sanity. Father Caffasso [sic] kept telling me not to
take any decision for the duration. The Archbishop [Louis Fransoni], however,
was inclined to agree that I should stay with the work.
All the while Marquis Cavour firmly held to the position that these
gatherings, which he claimed were dangerous, should stop. He refrained,
however, from taking a decision that might displease the Archbishop. He
therefore, with his office staff arranged for a meeting at the Archbishop' s palace.
The Archbishop later confided to me that the session resembled the last
judgment. The discussion was brief, but the verdict was that such gatherings
must absolutely stop.
Fortunately Count Provana di Collegno was at the time serving in the
Vicar's office as head of the Audit Department. He had always encouraged me
and supported my work financially both from his own private purse and from
that of His Majesty King Charles Albert. This sovereign, gratefully remembered,
appreciated the work of the oratory and would send financial help in times of
special need.95 Through Count Collegno he often expressed his satisfaction with
our special priestly ministry. He placed our ministry on a par with the work of
the foreign missions, and would have liked to see such gatherings of young
people at risk held in every city of the realm. When he learned of my
predicament, he sent me 300 francs by the same Count with words of
encouragement. He also let the Vicar's office know that he wished such Sunday
gatherings of young people to continue. The Vicar should take care to prevent
any disorder that might arise. The Vicar obeyed and took steps to that effect. He
ordered a number of security guards to attend our meetings and report. The
.. Again note that Don Bosco does not speak of having had a dream at this
point. Lemoyne, however, does report a [second] Dream of the Holy Martyrs.
95 By the time these Regulations were written (1854) Charles Albert had died in
voluntary exile in Portugal (1849) after the defeat suffered in the First War of
Independence against Austria (1848-1849).

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229
guards sat through catechism, sermon, and hymn singing, and stood by during
recreation, and then reported everything to the Vicar. By and by his attitude
changed for the better, and so did the situation at the oratory.96
The Beginning of the Present Oratory of Valdocco and Its Development to
the Present Time
It was Sunday evening, March 15, a memorable day for our Oratory. [...]97 And
on Easter Sunday, April 1 (nel giomo di Aprile) [...] our chapel was
inaugurated. 98
A little later we rented other rooms in Mr. Pinardi's house, and we began
Sunday and evening classes.99 Chevalier Gonella, our outstanding benefactor,
was so impressed that he had similar classes established at St. Pelagia. 100 The
City, too, after studying the matter, opened evening classes in several districts,
so that any apprentice who so desires can receive basic instruction
In the year 1846, on a Sunday in April, the present church101 was blessed
with the faculty of celebrating Holy Mass, teaching catechism, preaching, and
imparting Benediction with the Blessed Sacrament.
The Sunday and evening schools made great progress with classes in
reading, writing, singing, Bible History, the elements of arithmetic and the
96 The Vicar's opposition is described in the same general terms in Don Bosco's
Memoirs [MO-En, 244-246] dating from about 1874 or 75. However, Don Bosco's letter
of 1846 to the Vicar [see Appendix II above] seems to indicate a different attitude on
Cavour's gart.
The story of the last day on the Filippi field, the renting of the Pinardi shed
and the settling are related, much as in the Memoirs [MO-En, 255-257].
98 In 1846 Easter fell on April 12; therefore, if Mr. Soave brought the news of
the shed on Palm Sunday (as Don Bosco writes in his Memoirs) it could not have been on
March 15. It would have been on April 5, the date Father Bonetti wrote into Father
Berto's transcription of the Memoirs. For the inauguration of the chapel, Don Bosco here
writes "Domenica di Pasqua nel giomo di Aprile," which I take to mean "on Easter
Sunday, the first day of April."
99 On December 1, 1846 Don Bosco sub-rented from Mr. Soave the remaining
rooms of the second story of the Pinardi house, thus obtaining control of the whole floor.
100 Don Bosco here refers specifically to the chevalier Marco Gonella (1822-
1886) who was indeed a great benefactor. But it was Marco's father Andrea (1770-1851)
who on December 3, 1845 obtained the royal permit to establish evening classes for
adults at St. Pelagia, the church of the Work for the Instruction of the Poor (Mendicita
istruita). The classes were entrusted to the de la Salle Christian Brother. [Stella,
DBEcSoc, 64-65] Who first established such classes is a matter of debate.
101 ''The present church" refers to the original Pinardi chapel. But note that by
1854 (presumably the time of writing) the original chapel had been replaced by a larger
church (St. Francis de Sales) built in 1852. It seems then that this Historical Outline had
been in preparation earlier, and that the expression was never changed.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Italian language, in which a public display was given by the pupils of the
Oratory. By the month of November, I had taken up residence in the house
attached to the Oratory!02 Many priests, including Dr. [Giovanni Battista] Vola,
Dr. [Giacinto] Carpano, and Father [Giuseppe] Trivero~ took part in the life of
the Oratory.
Year 1847
The Sodality of St. Aloysius was established with the approval of the
ecclesiastical authorities: we got a statue of the saint; we celebrated the "Six
Sundays" preceding the solemn feast of St. Aloysius, with a large attendance.
On the feast day of the saint, the Archbishop [Louis Fransoni] came to
administer the Sacrament of Confirmation to a large number of boys, and a short
play was staged, along with singing and music.
Further rooms were rented, thanks to which some evening classes were
expanded. Two poor young men, orphans, unqualified, ignorant of religion,
were given a place to stay, and so the shelter began and continued to grow.103
[...)104
un On November 3, 1846 Don Bosco after a long convalescence, had returned
from Becchi with his mother. At that point in time, the "house attached" was the Pinardi
house, in which Don Bosco had rented some rooms.
0
''
For actions
leading
to
the acquisition of the Pinardi
house
and
property see
footnotes 64, 65, 66 and related text above.
In his Memoirs [MO-En, 313-314] Don Bosco states that the shelter (boarding
house or "house attached to the Oratory" [Casa Annessa]) began with one abandoned
orphan from the Valsesia. On the contrary, according to this 1854 statement of Don
Bosco, the shelter began with two young men.
'°' There follow brief summaries of the growth of the work through the years
1847-1854, relating the opening of the oratories of St. Aloysius and of the Guardian
Angels, and other notable events.