2-A.-Lenti-Don-Boscos-Missionary-Dreams-Part-I%281992%29


2-A.-Lenti-Don-Boscos-Missionary-Dreams-Part-I%281992%29



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DON BOSCO'S MISSIONARY
DREAMS-IMAGES OF A
WORLDWIDE SALESIAN
A POSTO LATE
Prefatory Notel
Because of the vastness of the subject and of the amount of material involved,
this essay will be presented in two installments. In this issue, after a general
introduction, we will discuss the First Missionary Dream, expressing Don
Bosco's original option for the missions; and then, the two "South American"
missionary dreams, projecting the expansion of the Salesian work in that sub-
continent. In the next issue we will present the two world-oriented dreams, and
we will conclude with an interpretation of the missionary dreams as a whole, as
well as of particular facets thereof.
Introduction
The Biographical Memoirs and the Documenti that preceded them record over
150 narratives of dreams attributed to Don Bosco.2 Many of them are
1 The present study is a rewritten version of two earlier essays by the same
author: "I Sogni in Don Bosco. Esame storico-critico, significato e ruolo profetico
missionario per I'America Latina," in Don Bosco e Brasilia. Profezia, realta sociale e
diritto, a cura di Cosimo Semeraro. Padova: CEDAM, 1990, p. 85-130; and "Don
Bosco's Mission Dreams in Context," Indian Missiological Review 10 (1988) 9-52.
In spite of basic identity with the earlier drafts, it was felt that in its present form the
essay will interest the readers of the Journal.
2 The Italian Memorie Biografiche are cited as IBM The English
Biographical Memoirs (volumes I-XV) are cited as EBM.
[Giovanni Battista Lemoyne] Documenti per scrivere la storia di D .
Giovanni Bosco, dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales e de/la Congregazione
Salesiana, 45 volumes [probably, San Benigno Canavese (Torino): Scuola Grafica
Salesiana, 1885-] in the Archivio Salesiano Centrale 110: Cronachette, Lemoyne-
Doc. Fondo Don Bosco Microfiches 966-1201 - cited as Documenti.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
transcribed or edited from first-hand reports now preserved the Central Salesian
Archives.3 The Biographical Memoirs in their turn have served as the source for
published single or collected dream texts.4 Critical studies on Don Bosco's
dreams also have appeared in recent years.5
Among these reported dreams of Don Bosco, there are five which
traditionally carry the label of "missionary dreams." The description is
appropriate, for these five (more clearly than other dreams and specifically) image
the future expansion of the Salesian work from its original homeland to the
"foreign missions"-first to Patagonia, then to Latin America, and finally to the
whole world.
The five dream narratives in question, familiar to all from the
Biographical Memoirs and the collections, are: (1) the Dream of the (Patagonian)
Missions (1871/72); (2) the Dream of the Train Journey on the (South
American) Missions (August 30, 1883); (3) the Dream of the Fantastic
Highways and the Hall of Glory on the (South American) missions (January 31,
3 Archivio Salesiano Centrale, Via della Pisana 1111, Roma - cited as
ASC. The Don Bosco files (Fondo Don Bosco) of the ASC are available in
microfiches - cited as FDBM.
4 Eugenio Ceria, Annali de/la Societa Salesiana, [Vol. I:) Daile origini a/la
morte di S. Giovanni Bosco (1841-1888). Torino: Societa Editrice lntemazionale,
1841, pp. 245-247, 423-434, 505-510, 551-559 - cited as Annali I.
The better-known collections are the following: F. Villanueva and R.
Fierro, Los suenos de Don Bosco. Madrid, SEI, 1952. E. Pilla, I sogni di Don Bosco
nella cornice de/la sua vita, 3rd ed. Siena: Cantagalli, 1979 (summaries in a
biographical context). P. Zerbino, I sogni di Don Bosco. Leumann (Torino): LDC,
1987. E. M. Brown, Dreams, Visions & Prophecies of Don Bosco. New Rochelle,
N.Y.: Don Bosco Publications, 1988.
A critical edition of ten narratives of "prophecies" and dreams from archival
manuscripts [ASC 132 Autografi-Sogni, FDBM 1346f.) was published by C. Romero,
I sogni di Don Bosco, edizione critica. Leumann (Torino): LDC, 1978 - cited as
Romero, Sogni.J
5 P. Stella, Don Bosco nella storia de/la religiosita cattolica. Roma: LAS,
vol. II (2nd ed,): Mentalita religiosa e spiritualita (1981), pp. 507-569 (Appendix:
"Note per uno studio sui sogni di Don Bosco") - cited as Stella, Don Bosco II.
F. Desramaut, Les Memorie I de G.B. Lemoyne. Etude d' un ouvrage
fondamental sur lajeunesse de Saint Jean Bosco. Lyon: Maison d'Etudes Saint-Jean-
Bosco, 1862, pp. 250-258 (source-critical study of the vocation dream narratives) -
cited as Dcsramaut, Memorie I.
Id., "Etudes prealables a une biographie de saint Jean Bosco. VIII: La
vieillesse (1884-1888)," in Cahiers Salesiens {...], No. 18-19, Avril-Octobre 1988,
p. 98-113 - cited as Dcsramaut, Eludes VIII (Cahiers).
A. Lenti, "Don Bosco's Vocation-Mission Dream-Its Recurrence and
Significance," Journal of Salesian Studies 2 (1991) 45-156; besides the essays cited
in note 1 above.
C. Semeraro, "I sogni di Don Bosco. Saggio di storiografia," in Don Bosco
e Brasilia, cit., p. 21-46.

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uun DUSCO s MISSIOn uream
1885); (4) the Dream of the Angels of the Missions (narrated on July 2, 1885);
(5) the Barcelona Dream, or Dream of the Mission Line Santiago-Africa-Peking"
(April 9, 1886)-the last two having a worldwide scope.
It should immediately be noted that these dreams view the foreign
missions not as an added Salesian work, but as the worldwide orientation of the
typical evangelizing and educative Salesian apostolate. In this respect, they are
neither isolated nor unique. First, they stand in continuity with Don Rosco's
original vocation dream and its variants, and (in parallel fashion) they address the
Salesian society in its vocation-mission. Secondly, they are only select instances
of a larger category of dreams that deal with the future of the Salesian Society
and its mission, as envisaged by the Founder.
Hence, it is the aim of the present essay not only to study the
missionary dreams as witnesses of Don Rosco's missionary awareness and
commitment in its historical development, but also as expressions of his
developing conception of the Salesian Society's vocation and work.
Part One: Preliminary Questions on Don
Bosco's Dreams in General and on the
Missionary Dreams in Particular
I. Origin, Tradition and Redaction of the Dream
Narratives
1. Dream Narratives In Relation to the Dream
Experience
Obviously, the dream experience of any dreamer is accessible to others only
through his or her "telling the dream." This operation results in a dream
narrative. This is true also in Don Rosco's case. The question may be asked,
What is the nature of the dream narratives in our possession with respect to their
textual origins? This question refers to the degree of authentication by Don
Bosco which a particular dream narrative may possess.
Considering, in the first place, only archival manuscripts, we may
distinguish three general categories: (1) the few dream narratives wholly in Don
Rosco' s hand; (2) the small number of dream narratives in other hands, reviewed
and corrected by Don Bosco;6 (3) the many first-hand reports by early Salesians
6 Cf. ASC 132: Autografi-Sogni and Romero, Sogni, for categories 1 and 2.
Besides the dream narratives and the references to dreams in the Memoirs of
the Oratory, the Don Bosco autographs extant in ASC are: (1) the Address to Pius IX
(a portion of the Prophecy of 1870); (2) the Message to Pius IX of 1873; (3) the
Message to the Emperor of Austria of 1873; (4) The shorter report of the Lanzo
(Savio) Dream of 1876; (5) the Message to Pope Leo XIII of 1878; (6) The (St.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
who heard Don Bosco's narration.7 It is unlikely that the early Salesians who
produced written reports from Don Bosco's narration willfully misrepresented
what they heard. We must rather assume that they wrote down what they heard,
or what they remembered, to the best of their ability. The original shape of the
narrative must have been determined by Don Bosco himself. It would have been
Don Bosco himself who in the telling (or in the writing) interpreted the dream
images and perhaps expanded his interpretations in certain directions of his own
choosing.
In this respect, it can shown from Don Bosco's autographs that he may
indeed have done so, at least on occasion. One example might be that of the
Lanzo (Savio) Dream of 1876. Of this dream we have an autograph by Don
Bosco, which appears to have been prepared in view of the narration and which
remained unknown to later editors. We also have several manuscript reports from
Don Bosco's oral narration. Now, the similar narration reports, while in
agreement among themselves, differ considerably (though not in substance) from
the autograph in length, order and narrative details.8 Another example is the San
Benigno (Diamonds) dream of 1881. The pentimenti, in the form of corrections
and changes, introduced by Don Bosco on his own autograph, are evidence of
later choices made by him with regard to the text.9
In the second place, one must consider the editorial process which,
starting from the archival manuscripts, produced the "finished" dream narratives
as we know them. This was largely Lemoyne's work. It is to him that we owe
not only many original reports from Don Bosco's narration, but also most of the
final narratives edited first in Documenti and then in their final form in the
Biographical Memoirs.
Now, Lemoyne's editorial procedures are well known. His method is
essentially "compilatory," and "cumulative." In his dogged determination not to
let the least detail in his sources go to waste he compiled all source material
without much critical discernment. So he himself unwittingly states at several
Francis de Sales) Dream on Vocations of 1879; (7) The San Benigno Dream (of the
Diamonds) of 1881; (8) The Provera Dream of 1883; (9) The Dream of the Handmaid
of the Lord of 1887.
Narratives corrected by Don Bosco are Fr. Joachim Berto's copy of the San
Benigno Dream of 1881 and Lemoyne's draft of the Second Missionary Dream of
1883 .
7 These reports are found chiefly in ASC 111: Sogni-various collections,
the most important of which are: Barberis, FDBM 1279-1298 and Lemoyne, FDBM
1308-1325. Dream reports are also found in ASC 110: Cronachette-<:hronicles, the
most important of which are: Barberis, FDBM 792-898; Bonetti, FDBM 919-925;
Ruffino, FDBM 1,206-1216; and Viglietti, FDBM 1,222-1,250.
8 Cf. Stella, Don Bosco II, p. 509-514.
9 Cf. Stella, Don Bosco II, p. 526-532.

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uon tsosco·s M1ss1on uream
~I
junctures in the Biographical Memoirs.IO More tellingly, on a number of
occasions he demonstrably goes beyond his sources and introduces interpretations
and developments that can hardly be brought back to Don Bosco's narration. 11
He also often fails to recognize doublets, and has been shown to have "managed"
his source texts.12
2. Critical Caution
This being the situation, critical caution should be exercised at every step. To
this end, the following preliminary considerations appear to be important. (1)
The dream narrative may have originated directly with Don Bosco in writing or
orally, either immediately or at some time (even a long time) after the dream. (2)
It may have originated with someone who heard Don Bosco's narration through a
first-hand report produced either immediately or some time (even a long time)
after the narration. (3) Don Bosco may or may not have reviewed or revised the
written text reported from his narration. (4) Both writing and narration by the
dreamer, and reports of narration by others, suffer from deficiencies inherent in
dream recall, and more generally in memory and in reporting. (5) The time
elapsed from the dream experience to writing and narration by the dreamer, or by
a reporter, is a factor that accentuates the deficiencies inherent in memory and
reporting.13 (6) While dreams are made up purely of images, mostly
disconnected and confused, the dreamer, unless trained, is tempted to interpret and
translate the images into a coherent sequence or story. (7) Intervening
10 Cf, e. g., EMB IX, p. 100, where one may read his comment on the
dream on hell (p. 85-99).
11 See Stella's comments with regard to the so-called Dream of the Two
Columns [Stella, Don Bosco II, 550-554) and lo the Lanzo (Savio) Dream [Ibid., 514-
517); and Desramaut, Etudes VIII (Cahiers), p. 99-102, with respect to the Dream of
the Saw.
12 This may be seen in Lemoyne's handling of the vocation dream
narratives, for which cf. Desramaut, Memorie /, 250-258 and A. Lenti, "Don Bosco's
Vocation-Mission Dream," cit., p. 50-81.
For Lemoyne's editorial method and procedures generally, cf. F. Desramaut,
"Come hanno lavorato gli autori delle Memorie Biografiche," in Don Bosco nella
storia: Atti de/ 12 Congresso /nternazionale di Studi su Don Bosco (Universita
Pontificia Salesiana, Roma, 16-20 gennaio 1989) (Pubblicazioni del Centro Studi
Don Bosco, Studi storici, 10), ed. Mario Midali. Roma: LAS, 1990, p. 37-65; and
more briefly, A. Lenti, "Don Bosco's 'Boswell': John Baptist Lemoyne-the Man
and His Work," Journal ofSalesian Studies 1:2 (1990) [1-46) 34-44.
13 Psychologists stress the importance of writing the dream down
immediately. "A dream not recorded within five minutes of awakening is usually
forgotten. A person usually dreams five to seven times each night, so it is important
to have a journal next to the bed so that dreams can be written down immediately upon
their occurrence [Morton Kelsey, Dreams: A Way to Listen to God. New York: Paulist
Press, 1978, p. 45).
·

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Journal of Salesian Studies
experiences of the dreamer can affect the interpretation of the dream and the
content of the narration; (8) Various concerns or interests (such as those of an
educator, spiritual director, or founder) can have the same effect. (9) The above
situations may be further aggravated when the dream narrative originated through
a narration or report at second remove, or has been processed in transmission or
in the final editing.
Such general considerations, applicable to all of Don Bosco's dreams,
should also guide the present study of his missionary dreams.
II. Don Bosco's Dreams As Real Dreams
1. Real Dreams?
Great importance is attached to dreams today, and much work has been done in
dream theory and dream interpretation. In as much as all dreams are creations of
the unconscious mind or psyche, and symbolically reflect aspects of the
unconscious demanding conscious attention, their importance and their
usefulness cannot be overestimated. Introducing his recent book on dreams, J.
Taylor sets forth ten basic assumptions about dreams, the first two of which are:
"All dreams come in the service of health and wholeness;" and "No dream comes
just to tell the dreamer what he or she already knows." This, he affirms, is true
also, in fact especially, of nightmares: "My experience convinces me beyond
doubt that the primary reason for the existence of nightmares is that the
information they contain is of particular importance and value." He then goes on
to stress the importance of working with dreams individually and in groups.14
Even though perplexed by his dreams, Don Bosco appreciated their
importance. He believed that they were telling him something. He told his
dreams and, with a remarkably modem attitude, he reflected on their meaning and
sought to interpret them both individually and in group situations. The author
just quoted also states that "only the dreamer can say with any certainty what
meanings his or her dream may hold."15 Don Bosco's reflections on his own
dreams should not be lightly dismissed.
Again, as will be seen presently, while the narrative interpretations that
have come down to us in the Biographical Memoirs refer largely to the "manifest
content" of Don Bosco's dreams, and often take the form of elaborate "un-
dreamlike" narratives-Don Bosco is said, or claims, to be relating true dream
experiences. Sometimes we are given a logical narrative, which makes a
psychological interpretation of the dream experience problematic; but at other
times Don Bosco is presented as struggling with symbolic dream images. In
either case, whether we are given sparing symbolic images or extensive narrative
interpretations, the texts are valuable indeed for an understanding of the dreamer's
14 Jeremy Taylor, Where People Fly and Water Runs Uphill. Using Dreams
to Tap the Wisdom of the Unconscious. New York: Warner Books, 1992, p. 5-11.
15 Taylor, op. cit. p. 7, 11.

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Don Bosco's Mission Dream
29
inner world. When taken in historical context and in conjunction with writings
and utterances of the same period, this material may afford precious insights into
the Saint's spiritual life and religious experience, as well as into his apostolic
concerns, his fears and hopes for the Church and the Salesian Society. This
seems particularly true of Don Rosco's missionary dreams and of Don Rosco's
comments and reflections on them.
Obviously, our understanding is that behind these narratives stand real
dreams. Given the moralistic, didactic character of many of them, especially
those having the welfare of the boys or confreres in view, one might be led to
dismiss them as mere imaginative stories or parables. Fr. Albert Caviglia, for
one, thought that "a good number of these [narratives] could be regarded as
moralistic and educational parables."16 What has come down to us as the Dream
of the Two Columns of 1862 was narrated by Don Bosco, according to the
orig inal reports, as "an apologue or simile."17 This may be true of some dream
narratives, but certainly not of most of them. A judgment in this regard can only
be tentative and should be made only after careful consideration of all factors
involved.
One should also bear in mind that in several instances the reality of the
dream is confirmed by Don Rosco's own statement; by the fact that he related his
dreams with absolute seriousness, sometimes to important persons and before
solemn gatherings; 18 by the fact that he regarded some dreams as important (or
even as divine communications) and was guided by them in his decisions;19 and
by the fact that he himself in certain instances took great pains in writing them
down or correcting the reports.20 Therefore, from a methodological point of
view, unless there is good reason for thinking otherwise, dream narratives should
be regarded as representing real dreams, and should be addressed as such.
2. Interpretation of Don Bosco's Dream Narratives as
Dreams
Psychiatrists, psychotherapists, psychologists, and even educators and spiritual
directors have a professional interest in dreams and their interpretation. But there
16 A. Caviglia. Don Bosco. Torino: L.I.C.E., 1934, p. 35f.
17 It may be noted that in Documenti VIIl, p. 56 (FDBM 996 A6) Lemoyne
retains that designation ("apologue or simile") in the main text; but changes it to
"dream" in the marginal note. Likewise, in the Biographical Memoirs he retains the
original designation in Don Bosco's narration, but 'dream' it is in his own
introduction and comments [cf. EBM VII, 107-109).
18 For example, he related his original Yocation Dream and the First
Missionary Dream to Pope Pius IX in 1858 and 1876 respectively. He narrated the
Second Missionary Dream to the Third General Chapter in 1883.
19 This is the case with the Dream of 1844 and the "other dream" connected
with it [cf. MO-En, p. 210).
20 Cf. ASC 132: Autografi-Sogni, FDBM 1346f., texts critically edited in
Romero, Sogni.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
has been no scientific study of Don Bosco's dreams.21 Such a lack may be due
to a difficulty inherent in Don Bosco's dream narratives. This may become
clearer from an understanding of the unconscious forces that are operative in
dreams.
[i] The Nature of Real Dreams and the Character of Don Bosco's Dream
Narratives
In dreams, to put it in lay terms, a distinction is made between the "manifest
content" (that is, the immediately apparent aspects) and the " latent content" (that
is, that complex of unconscious drives and ideas that are masked by the dream
scene and its manifest elements). Such unconscious aspects remain unknown to
the subject and are not explicitly manifested because an automatic, unconscious
force prevents their free expression. Some repressed, unconscious elements,
however, elude the psyche's censorship and appear as manifest content in dreams;
but they do so in a disguised, deformed and altered shape, one that remains
incomprehensible to the dreamer. As a consequence, one of the basic
characteristics of a dream scene is its "disconnectedness" or "absurdity." The
dream plot does not follow a logical development. This is due also to
psychological mechanisms operative in dreams, such as deformation,
compression, symbolization. One of the processes operative in dreams is a type
of symbolic representation by which an element present in the dream scene
represents in compressed fashion something entirely different. Furthermore,
dreams characteristically exhibit a disharmony between the dream content and the
emotional states experienced by the dreamer in the process of dreaming. For
instance, one might dream about the death of a dear person with the experience of
joy and serenity. This is because the true meaning of the dream scene is different
from that given by a rational interpretation.
Now, in contrast to the dream structure just described (by which dreams
are often illogical, even absurd, and symbolically compressed), Don Bosco's
dreams generally evince a logical, almost thought-out development. And
likewise they present little symbolical compression, but are rather elaborately
detailed and expansive. Also, the emotional reactions expressed in Don Bosco's
dream narratives do not show the disharmony that is characteristic of dreams, but
match rationally the content of the dream scene.
All this points to activity by the conscious mind. And this is what
makes the psychological interpretation of Don Bosco's dream texts problematic.
Generally speaking, Don Bosco's dream narratives are transparent, logical and
comprehensible. Therefore, if there has been a dream experience, it has undergone
a process of transformation, a secondary reworking.
21 A discussion of the matter is found in A. D'Acquino, Psicologia di Don
Bosco, p. 274-286. See also the brief comments in F. Desramaut, Etudes vm
(Cahiers), p. 110-113.

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We may suppose that with the passing of hours, days, sometimes many
years, from the dream experience, the illogical and absurd elements of the dream
were discounted, and a rational construct was superimposed. Or we may suppose
that special concerns of the educator and of the founder resulted in a "tendentious"
narrative interpretation of the original images. Thereby the dream narrative
acquired unity and logical coordination. The greater the extent in which this
occurs, the more difficult it becomes to get to the latent content, that is, to the
true psychological significance of the dream.
As will be discussed below, this situation is made more complex by
later (post-Bosconian) editorial activity, such as reflected in the texts given in the
Biographical Memoirs. Hence, the first task should be that of establishing a
"critical text." This means going back to Don Bosco's narration, which may be
recoverable either through an autograph or through firsthand reports. After this is
done, one may further inquire into the character of individual dream narratives,
and perhaps seek to separate the conscious overlays (by which the narrator
interpreted the dream's manifest content) from the manifest content itself (the
original dream images). Obviously, such judgments can only be tentative.
Finally, one may inquire into the latent content, or true psychological
significance of the dream. In the case of Don Bosco's dreams, as has already been
indicated, this last-mentioned operation may no longer be possible, or may be
beset with great difficulty even for the expert. It would, in any case, have to be
carried out with the aid of such dream theories as those proposed by Sigmund
Freud, Carl Jung, and other more recent scholars.22
pij Possible Interpretative Avenues
In spite of these drawbacks, however, some lines of interpretation are still
open.23
First, we may suppose that through the imagery of the dreams'
manifest content Don Bosco was unconsciously expressing his deep need for
what he lacked in actuality. In other words, from the psychological point of
view, it was Don Bosco's own unconscious that created the dream for the
hallucinatory fulfillment of a desire. Don Bosco's dreams, then, were the
expression of a continuing unconscious wish, but one that at times coincided
with conscious desires and expectations-that is, a latent, repressed wish, which
endured over a long period of time and that occasionally surfaced.
A second suggestion for interpretation has to do with cyclical dreams,
that is, dreams showing the same recurring content. Through these Don Bosco
subconsciously projected the deep, continuing desire to help those that were in
the same situation of affective, emotional frustration as he had been. This was an
22 Cf., e. g., Sigmund Freud, The /nterpretalion of Dreams. New York: The
Modem Library, 1950; Maria Mahoney, The Meaning of Dreams and Dreaming. New
York: The Citadel Press, 1970 (a guide to Carl Jung's interpretation).
23 Cf. D'Acquino, op. ciJ., p. 282-284, with a Freudian slant.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
unconscious wish and need; even though at the conscious level this self-giving
impulse found rational expression in the idea of "saving souls". This applies
also to dreams in which Don Bosco dreamt that his boys were in a state of sin.
In such cases we probably have an instance of a painful situation indirectly
stimulating the expression of a totally opposite unconscious desire-to save
souls. And since the dream often also expresses conscious concerns, the dream
scene often contains elements consciously experienced or thought about
previously in the waking state. Such conscious daytime survivals are taken over
and utilized in the dream activity of the unconscious.
Thirdly, it should be noted that, in Don Bosco's case, dreams occurred
in moments of uncertainty or of crisis experienced by himself personally or by
the Salesian Society. One may then suppose that he managed or healed his inner
tensions through the manifest content of his dreams. An example may be seen in
the vocation dream, where Christ and the Blessed Virgin Mary appear
anthropomorphically as reassuring parental figures. These representations are
figments of childhood religiosity which remain active also in the adult
unconscious. With the passing of years, Don Bosco realized the staggering
proportions of the work he was carrying forward, and he at times felt
overwhelmed and frightened by the magnitude of God's purpose for him and for
the Salesian Society. Hence the dreams became a source of comfort and strength
in moments of crisis. Examples come to mind: the Dream of 1844;24 the Dream
of the Roses and Thoms (occurring at a time when his helpers were defecting);25
The Second, Third, Fourth and Fifth Missionary Dreams can also be so regarded.
It might well be affirmed that Don Bosco's optimism, his self-reliance and his
certainties sprang from his very unconscious.
From a "more Jungian" perspective, dreams are not merely about the
past and the present as enclosed in the individual unconscious; they are also open
to the future. Rightly interpreted, they may truly suggest where a solution to
actual problems lies. They may also indicate the potentialities inherent in
particular situations, and thus establish a psychological basis for sure
expectations, for premonitive and predictive statements. This is especially true in
the case of cyclical dreams, which have the effect of strengthening or
illuminating the perception of such potentialities. The missionary dreams which
(though not cyclical in the strict sense) possess cyclical elements, certainly had
this effect.
[iii] lmp:>rtance and Utility of Narrative Interpretation
Don Bosco's narrative expansions of the manifest content of dreams, regrettable
as they may be from the standpoint of a psychological interpretation, may
nonetheless represent his instinctive perception of where the dream pointed. The
24 Cf. MO-En, 209f.
25 This dream first took place in 1847 [?] and subsequently recurred
cyclically. It was narrated in 1864 [cf. EBM m, 25ff.].

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UUll DU~\\;U ~ IVll~~IUll ur .,i:llll
same may be said of the convictions expressed by Don Bosco after narrating the
dream. Thus we cannot overestimate the role that Don Bosco's dreams fulfilled
in animating and expanding the Salesian Congregation. And we may then
understand why Don Bosco himself placed great importance on his dreams and
was guided by them. Don Bosco's co-workers and spiritual sons also took his
dreams seriously. They would trustfully and anxiously await the fulfillment of
their predictions, and they would derive from them reassurance and comfort in
their vocation.
Ill. The Revelatory Character of Don Bosco's Dreams
We have noted that, in contrast to the illogical and symbolically compressed
character of true dreams, Don Bosco's dream narratives generally evince a logical
and expansive development; and this fact points to activity by the conscious
mind. The conclusion would have to be that, if there was a dream experience, it
had undergone a process of transformation, a conscious secondary reworking. E.
Ceria cites the logical character of Don Bosco's dreams as one of the proofs of
their divine origin or inspiration-in other words, that they were revelations. He
writes:
For an appreciation of the supernatural character of those dreams, one
should note their logical and purpose-oriented plan and development.
This is hardly ever the case in common dreams. The latter are usually
composed of an haphazard sequence of images following one upon the
other without rhyme or reason [...]. In Don Bosco's dreams, on the
contrary, one always notices a serious and basic order in the dream
sequences [...], without any of the irrationalities prevalent in common
dreams.26
The same author also sees the divine origin of many of Don Bosco's dreams in
the fact that they made predictions which were subsequently verified. And he sees
a further proof in the fact that, although Don Bosco publicly discouraged any
supernatural interpretation of his dreams, privately he seems gradually to have
believed that they were divine communications. In reference to a dream he had
had on successive nights in January 1861, he stated that he was at first skeptical;
but on making inquiries among the boys he realized that what he had seen in the
dream (that some boys were in the state of sin) was true.27 Fr. Joseph Cafasso,
Don Bosco's spiritual director and confessor, apparently gave him reassurance in
the matter.
In confessing to Fr. Cafasso, I sometimes accused myself of having
spoken perhaps rashly [by narrating dreams that made predictions]. The
26 IBM XVII, p. 11.
27 Cf. EBM VI, 486-490 (quoting the Ruffino and Bonetti chronicles).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
saintly priest would listen to me, think the matter over, and then say:
"Since your predictions come true, you need not worry. You may
continue to make them." It was only a few years later, though, that I
firmly came to believe that those dreams came from God. That was
when the young boy [Bernard] Casalegno died and-exactly as I had
seen in my dream-his coffin was placed on two chairs under the
portico, notwithstanding Father Cagliero's efforts to have it moved to
the usual place.28
Fr. Lemoyne testifies that Don Bosco himself in his later years agreed that some
of his dreams might be "visions." Don Bosco begins his written narration of the
Dream of the Handmaid of the Lord (January 3 and 4, 1887) with the words:
"Whether I was awake or sleeping I cannot tell; nor was I able to figure out
where I was [...]." He goes on to relate that on two successive nights the
"Handmaid of the Lord" (speaking in Latin) came to assure him of young
seminarian Louis Olive's recovery, and to give him advice regarding the
Congregation. The morning of January 5, Don Bosco asked Fr. Lemoyne
whether he thought that the Olive family should be told. A dialogue ensued in
which (according to Lemoyne) Don Bosco admitted that some of his dreams
might be interpreted as "visions."29
The traditional understanding of a "revelation through dreams" is that
God directly or through some angelic intermediary communicates knowledge
during an individual's sleep "from the beyond" and in a pattern which defies the
laws of dreaming. But the revelatory character of dreams need not be understood
in such a bald way. This is not to say that revelation does not occur, but rather
to say that in dreams it occurs not "from out there," but "from in here," with the
28 EBM V, 242f. Don Bosco is referring to the Dream of the Specter and the
Casket, related in EBM VII, 76-83. The boy's name was Victor Maestro, not Bernard
Casalegno.
29 IBM XVIII, 253-255.
Actually, "the most significant difference between a dream and a vision is
that the dream occurs while we are sleeping and the vision appears while we are
awake" [M. Kelsey, Dreams: A Way, cit., p. 34]. But there is also a phenomenon
which is referred to as a "dream vision". The psychologist would understand 'dream
visions' as hypnagogic images, that is, images that arise in the half-waking state, or
during the introductory phase of sleep. During this phase, as the conscious mind
gradually merges into sleep, images may arise that resemble dream images. These
occur especially when the subject goes to sleep in a state of tension due to worrying
thoughts and concerns. Hypnagogic images are concrete representations of those
thoughts and concerns. They take shape through a more or less conscious activity of
the mind. And in this respect they differ from dream images. For, once truly dreaming,
the subject no longer has any control or influence on the contents of the dream"
[D'Acquino, op. cit., p. 285f.].

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individual unconscious acting as its intennediary.30 In psychology, as in other
areas of human science and experience, God's creative action should not be
understood in a dualistic fashion.
Dreams are revelatory in various ways because of their very multi-
faceted nature. A dream may deal with happenings from yesterday, imaging a
particular aspect that illuminates the happening in a new way. It may deal with
forgotten elements, imaged in such a way that allows us to get in touch with
that part of ourselves. It may image other people, but really be about an aspect
of ourselves that is like them. It may deal with archetypes, that is, image not
aspects of our individual psyche, but the evolutionary, deep structure of the
psyche. Dreams may symbolically mediate extrasensory perceptions. There are
clear dreams, that is, dreams in which visual or auditory phenomena are
completely understandable. There are numinous dreams, that is, dreams which
indicate a divine presence or in which an individual is confronted by something
from the outer spiritual world. Kelsey states that "the extrasensory-perception
dreams and the clear dreams are the most unusual. We may have numinous
dreams once or twice in our entire life."31 Perhaps Don Bosco is an exception to
this rule.
IV. Typology of Don Bosco's Dream Narratives, with
Speclal Reference to the Missionary Dreams.
Don Bosco's dream narratives may be classified ("typed") on the basis of definite
criteria. Thus, for instance, one may obtain such a typology on the basis of
content (moralistic dreams, predictive dreams, etc.); on the basis of setting or
images (dreams with country, pastoral setting, urban setting, etc); on the basis
of textual tradition (dream narratives authenticated by Don Bosco, produced by
direct witnesses, etc.); on the basis of their origin or inspiration, assuming that
this could be ascertained (common dreams, revelatory dreams); and the like.
The "typing" criterion suggested here for Don Bosco's dream narratives
is that of their function-in-society. This criterion responds to two questions
jointly: Whom is the dream addressing? What is its aim? The adoption of this
criterion for classifying the narratives may appear to question their nature as true
dreams (for as creations of the unconscious, of themselves dreams address only
the dreamer), or to preempt the question of a conscious narrative interpretation
having occurred. This "typing" criterion merely recognizes the fact that Don
Bosco's dream narratives, as they have come down to us, appear to have been
30 The concept of the revelatory character of dreams described here is
discussed at length by such authors as Morton Kelsey and John Sanford, and is based
on a non-dualistic understanding of the spiritual world, and of the action of God in it
through the Spirit [cf. M. Kelsey, God, Dreams and Revelation. Minneapolis:
Augsburg Press, 1974; J. Sanford, Dreams, God's Forgotten Language. Philadelphia:
Lippincott, 1968].
31 M. Kelsey, Dreams: A Way, cit., p. 45.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
intended for a certain function-in-society. If such a phenomenon raises questions
as to the true nature of the dream, then it would have to be separately addressed.
When classified by this criterion, Don Bosco's dreams can in many
instances be related to specific concerns arising out of specific historical
situations in which Don Bosco found himself. Hence, the various types of
dreams enjoy periods of greater intensity, reflecting perhaps Don Bosco's
predominant concerns at that time. It seems indeed that the application of this
criterion ties the dream narratives to historical situations in Don Bosco's life,
thus providing a "context" for them-one that may reveal the likely provenance
of subsumed motifs.
The principal types may be described as follows:
(1) Dream na"atives addressing Don Bosco (and the Salesian Society) in
their essential vocation and apostolate to the young.- Such are principally the
vocation dream narratives of the years 1825-1845. Typically, in them Don
Bosco's (and the Salesian Society's) vocation and apostolate are symbolized
through pastoral images, animals, youngsters, buildings, churches, etc.
(2) Dream narratives addressing Don Bosco' s young charges and
concerned with their spiritual welfare.- This is the largest category, and the late
1850s and the1860s, the period of Don Bosco's closest personal involvement in
the education of young people, is their period of greatest intensity. These dream
narratives reflect the concerns and problems of the educator and of the priest in
care of souls. Moral and religious in character, they emphasize the virtues and
practices of the Christian life, and the last things. They also contain clairvoyant
and premonitory elements, with frequent predictions of deaths.
(3) Dream narratives addressing political or religious persons and
events.-This smaller category reflects Don Bosco's concern during the period of
the liberal revolution, the unification of Italy, the taking of Rome, and the
situation arising therefrom. They are scattered over the years1854-1874, in times
of confrontation between Church and State. Their visionary imaging of the
struggle of good against evil and their prophetic announcement of divine
judgments confer on them an almost "apocalyptic" character.
(4) Dream narratives addressing the Salesian Society for its worldwide
vocation and apostolate.- This fairly large category reflects Don Bosco's hopes
and projects for the future of the Salesian Society. Among these, the five
missionary dreams stand out prominently. Characteristic of these dreams are
journeyings through strange lands and utopian envisioning of the Salesian work
throughout the world. Logically, they may be regarded as forming a second
vocation dream cycle.
Naturally enough, after the approval of the Salesian Society in 1869,
and in the context of a great resurgence of missionary activity in the Church, the
1870s and '80s were bound to be the period of greatest incidence of these

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'37
dreams. But they occur in earlier periods as well, for Don Bosco foresaw great
developments early on in his career.32
(5) Dreams addressing the Salesian Society for its perseverance.-These
dreams, frequent also in the 1870s and '80s, generally speaking reflect Don
Bosco's concern and fears for the Salesian Society. They form a kind of diptych
to the fourth category, not only because they refer to the Salesian Society, but
also because they place those utopian hopes under strong prophetic cautions.
The classification suggested above allows us to situate the missionary
dreams in the category of the vocation-mission dream. This type of dream is a
well-documented religious phenomenon needing no apology and no
demonstration. The authors already cited (M. Kelsey and J. Sanford) and others
who have surveyed the phenomenon of dreams and dreaming in Christian
history, and (more generally) in the history of religions, have provided ample
documentation.33 Don Bosco regarded the Salesian missions as the proper
continuation by the Salesian Society of his own original apostolate. Hence, the
missionary dreams, in as much as they project the worldwide extension of this
apostolate, should be understood as standing in continuity with the earlier
vocation dreams. It is significant that the last missionary dream (the Barcelona
Dream of 1886) has the same setting and evokes the same pastoral images as the
original vocation dream, referring to it specifically.
Don Bosco took these dreams seriously, and regarded them as divine
invitations, if not outright revelations. No wonder then that in his efforts to
interpret the images they presented, and in his more or less extensive narrations
and commentaries, he voiced his premonitions, and even made predictions
regarding the development of the Salesian work-generally or for particular
areas. We shall likewise treat these dreams with the importance they deserve.
The five missionary dreams are ranged over a 15-year period (1871/2-1886). In
reality, however, the last four occurred in quick succession in 1883, 1885 and
1886, at a distance of some 12 years from the first. This simple observation
points up the special position of the First Missionary Dream. It climaxed the
development of Don Bosco's missionary awareness, and it indicated that his
resolve to launch the Society into the missionary field had solidified. In itself, it
32 Early examples are, for instance, the Dream of the Rose Bower and the
Dream of the Mountain (difficulties, defections, success- 1847 and ca. 1862); the
Dream of the Wheel of Fortune (five decades of expansion-ca. 1856); the Dream of
the Machine and Transparent Wheel, Part 3 (five decades of expansion- 1861).
33 E. Ceria writes: ''Throughout history, from the well known Passio of St.
Perpetua (203 C.E.) to the life story of a number of religious founders and
foundresses, and of illustrious converts, many are the instances in which dreams
figure as supernatural agents sent to warn, strengthen, inspire, and confront. A saint
whose life bears a marked resemblance to that of our Founder, for the role which
dreams played in directing and defining his mission, is St. Ansgar, the great ninth-
century "Apostle of the North" [IBM XVII, p. 9).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
imaged not so much the South American missions, as the missions simply-
although, as it turned out, his decision was for Argentina.
The Second and Third Missionary Dreams, on the other hand, clearly
and in similar ways project the development of the Salesian work in South
America. Even the basic dream images are more related than it would appear at
first reading. Both dreams feature "fantastic journeys" to view the Salesian
apostolic field down the length and across the breadth of that sub-continent. They
also feature " halls" in counter-balance-the former, a hall at the beginning
preparatory to the mission; the latter, a hall at the end crowning the mission.
Hence, the two dreams may be regarded as forming a diptych and as expressing,
through premonition, the same basic "program."
The last two dreams had a worldwide scope, and indicated that Don
Bosco's hopes for the expansion of the Salesian apostolate had taken an even
bolder leap.
This threefold typology of Don Bosco's missionary dreams determines
the organization of the treatment that follows-with the understanding that the
third category (comprising the Fourth and Pith Missionary Dreams) will be dealt
with in the next installment.
Part Two: The First Missionary Dream
(1871/1872) -Don Bosco's Resolve and
Option for the Missions
I. Don Bosco's Missionary Vocation-Development
of His Missionary Awareness Leading to the First
Missionary Dream
Dreams do not happen in a psychological or in a social vacuum. They are
expressions of deep-seated wishes or needs, and in that respect they are very
personal. But those wishes and needs are created by the development of the
person within a social matrix. Hence, on the one hand dreams, even at the most
personal level, contain a social significance; on the other hand, the actual dream
occurrence is often motivated or stimulated by the person's social concerns. The
social significance of dreams, as already stated above, provides one level of
interpretation, often the most apparent. It is because of this that, in the telling,
the dream narrative is often shaped by the person's social concerns.
All this is true also of Don Bosco's dreams and of his missionary
dreams in particular. These dreams, and the needs, wishes and possibilities which
they express, must have occurred within a context determined by situations in
his society. And it is this context that needs to be explored. Don Bosco's
missionary awareness and concerns have deep roots, even if these cannot be
traced to their ultimate fibers; and they climaxed at a point when developments

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in Church and society made participation in missionary activity by the Salesian
Society a must.34
1. Don Bosco Early Missionary Awareness
As far back as 1844, after completing his course in moral and pastoral theology,
and as he was about to leave the Convitto Ecclesiastico, Don Bosco was
considering joining the Oblates of the Virgin Mary and going to the missions.35
The Memoirs of the Oratory make no mention of this "vocation crisis," but the
Biographical Memoirs give it considerable space. It was Fr. Cafasso, Don
Bosco's spiritual director, that decided the issue and set his mind at rest.36
Don Bosco's growing missionary awareness is documented by the
biographer. As a young priest he read the "Annals" and the "Edifying Letters."31
At recreation, Don Bosco would stir up the youngsters' enthusiasm, as well as
their imagination, with stories of the missions and the adventures of
missionaries derived from these and similar publications.38 He would talk about
sending missionaries to evangelize distant regions, singling out Patagonia and
Tierra del Fuego for special attention, according to Lemoyne, as early as 1848.
One of the Oratory boys, James Bellia, would bring copies of the Annals from
home and would read to Don Bosco during the noonday meal. Once Don Bosco
interjected: "Oh, if only I had lots of priests and seminarians! I would send them
to preach the Gospel in Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego! Do you know why those
places, my dear Bellia? Guess!" "Perhaps because that's where they are most
34 In this brief survey I avail myself of the following essays: A Favale, "Le
missioni cattoliche nei primordi della Congregazione Salesiana," in Missioni
Salesiane 1875-1975. Studi in occasione del Centenario, a cura di P. Scotti
(Pubblicazioni del CSSMS, Studi e Ricerche 3. Roma, LAS, 1977), p. 13-48 ; and A.
Martfn G., Origen de las misiones salesianas. La Evangelizaci6n de las gentes segWi
el pensamiento de San Juan Bosco. Estudios hist6ricos con aportaci{m de documentos
ineditos (Publicaciones del Instituto Teol6gico Salesiano, Colecci6n Hist6rica.
Guatemala, Instituto Teol6gico Salesiano [Escuela Grafica Salesiana, Barcelona-
Sarria], 1978), esp. p. 47-8 1.
35 The Congregation of the Oblates of Mary was founded by Fr. Pio
Brunone Lanteri (1 759-1830) in association with other priests, and received Church
approval in 1825 and 1826. In 1834 the Oblates were established at the Church of the
Consolata in Turin. Among other ministries they undertook missions in Burma,
where a Vicariate Apostolic was established in 1842. It was natural that Don Bosco
should have come under Oblate influence during his Convitto years (1841-1844).
36 Cf. EBM I, p. 246f., 379f.; II, p. 152.
37 The Annals and the Edifying Letters were publications of the Society for
ther Propagation of the Faith and of the Pontifical Association of Holy Childhood
founded in Lyons-the former by Pauline Jaricot (1799-1862) with Bishop Charles
de Forbin-Janson (1785-1844) in 1822; the latter by the same Forbin-Janson in
1842 [cf. New Catholic Encyclopedia VII, p. 857f. and V, p. lOOlf.].
38 Cf. EBM VI, p. 240f. (for the 1860s).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
needed," Bellia would venture. "Right! Those people are the most forsaken!"39
In 1854 Don Bosco had a premonition of young Cagliero's missionary vocation,
when he saw a dove descend over the lad's head as he lay in his sickbed which
was surrounded b a group of natives.40
His friendship with local clergy deeply involved in promoting the
missions, and his contacts with religious congregations of both men and women
that were engaged in missionary activity, kept his missionary interest alive and
growing, and helped strengthen his missionary resolve. Such events in the
pontificate of Pius IX as the canonization of the first Japanese martyrs on June
8, 1862, and the beatification of another group of 205 on June 29, 1867, in
connection with the celebration of the eighteenth centenary of St. Peter's
martyrdom, served as occasions for promoting the missionary spirit at the
Oratory.
2. Don Bosco's Missionary Awareness In the Context
of the Resurgence of Missionary Activity In the
Church of the Nineteenth Century
Don Bosco's missionary awareness and concern should be understood in the
context of a general resurgence of missionary interest and activity in the Church
at this time. After the setback of the French revolution and as a reaction to it,
Europe experienced a profound and widespread spiritual revival, favored also by
Romantic ideals. Even as the liberal, anticlerical spirit was taking root especially
among the growing middle class, the Church succeeded in reorganizing structures
for the pastoral care of the faithful, reopening seminaries, bolstering and
nourishing the faith of the people through preaching, religious instruction and
the press, bringing back to the fold those that had strayed, and even converting
unbelievers. The revived Christian spirit with its powerful missionary
inspiration invaded all strata of Church and society, from the upper echelons of
the clergy and the intelligentsia to the lower clergy and the common folk. It
expressed itself in the learned as well as in the popular press, and in practical,
grassroot support. In this respect, one must recognize the contribution of
religious orders and congregations both of men and of women, and of both active
and contemplative life. This contribution was in the form of a missionary
spirituality which may well be the characteristic spirituality of the century, and
then of a missionary awareness and fervor that bore practical fruit in the growing
number of individuals swelling the ranks of the missionaries already in the field.
Such a revival within the Catholic Church would obviously not have
been possible without the initiative having been taken at the highest level by the
Popes of the post-Napoleonic and following periods. Within the nineteenth
century, the most decisive steps were taken under the pontificate of Pope Leo
39 EBM III, p. 257. For similar utterances, cf. EBM IV, p. 294 (for the
1850s) e EBM VI, p. 465 (for 1860).
40 Cf. EBM V, p. 68.

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41
XIII (1878-1903). But the missionary movement had already made significant
progress under Popes Gregory XVI (1831-1846) and Pius IX (1846-1878).41
Among other achievements, Gregory XVI acted firmly to bring about a
transition from the old missionary structure of the patronato to a new system of
local churches and missions. He denounced slavery and actively promoted its
abolition. He gave new mandates to the Congregation for the PropagaJion ofthe
Faith for the governance of the missions, for the organization of local churches,
for the recruiting of missionaries, and for the foundation of apposite
seminaries.42
In a less systematic way, Pius IX continued his predecessor's programs,
adding his unwavering support of all missionary initiatives. The official
structuring of the Church in missionary countries in his pontificate bore
enduring fruit. In non-Christian countries alone, this Pope created 33 Apostolic
Vicariates, 15 Prefectures and 3 Delegations.43
3. Rellglous Communities and the Missions
One of the most amazing manifestations of missionary resurgence in the Church
during the nineteenth century was the new missionary orientation taken by
religious orders and congregations, old and new. Established religious
communities, such as the Priests of the Foreign Missions of Paris, The Priests
of the Mission (Vincentians), the Society of Jesus newly reestablished,
Mendicant Orders and Clerks Regular-these and others (some 55 in all) returned
to, or undertook missionary work with renewed vigor.
However, during the first three quarters of the nineteenth century, it was
the new religious congregations that made all the difference. The following
statistics, though probably incomplete, give some idea of the phenomenon.
There appeared some 90 new congregations of men, of which about two-thirds
were clerical and one-third lay, with the missionary apostolate either as their
principal or secondary purpose. At least four times as many new religious
41 The summary description that follows of official initiatives in the
Church is based on, besides the works already cited [cf. note 34 above), the New
Catholic Encyclopedia, under entries of the Popes, countries, religious
congregations, and founders concerned.
42 The Pope's official statements are to be found in such documents as: the
encyclical, Sollicitudo omnium Ecclesiarum, of September 18, 1835; the brief,
Commissi nobis, of August 4, 1835; the apostolic letter, In supremo apostolatus
fastigio, of December 3, 1839; the instruction to Propaganda Fide, Neminem
profecto, of November 23, 1845.
43 Pius IX also acted to reorganize the Church in "non-Catholic" countries,
considered missionary jurisdictions at the time. In the United States he erected 38 new
dioceses and 11 ecclesiastical provinces. In Australia he established an ecclesiastical
province and 9 dioceses. In 1850 he established the Catholic hierarchy in England,
with one archbishop and 12 suffragan bishops.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
congregations of women of apostolic life, whether dependent on, or independent
from congregations of men, were founded in the same period.
Among the congregations that would have most influenced Don
Bosco's thinking and decisions concerning the missions, the following might be
mentioned:
The Priests and Sisters of the Sacred Hearts (Picpus), founded in
1792/1817 and 1797/1817 respectively by Pierre Marie Joseph Coudrin, (1768-
1837) with the cooperation of Henriette Aymer de la Chevalerie (1767-1837).
The Oblates of Mary Immaculate, founded in 1817/1826 by Charles
Eugene Mazenod (1772-1861).
The Society of the Immaculate Heart of Mary, founded by Frarn;ois
Marie Paul Libermann (1802-1852) in 1839/40, joined in 1848 with the Priests
Missionaries of the Holy Spirit.
The Institute for the Foreign Missions of Milan, founded in 1850 and
joined in 1871 to the Pontifical Seminary of Saints Peter and Paul for the
Foreign Missions, from which then sprang the Pontifical Institute for the
Foreign Missions (PIME, 1926).
The Society for the African Missions, founded in 1856 by [Bp.]
Melchior Marie Joseph de Marion-Bresillac (1813-1859).
The Congregation of the Immaculate Heart of Mary (Scheut), founded
in 1862 by Theophile Verbist (1823-1868)
The Missionary Priests and the Missionary Sisters of Verona, founded
in 1867 by [Bp.] Daniele Comboni (1831-1881).
The Society of Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) and the
Missionary Sisters of Our Lady ofAfrica (White Sisters), founded in 1868 and
1869 respectively by [Card.] Charles Martial Allemand Lavigerie (1825-1892).
When one considers the formidable array of missionary-oriented
congregtions, one understands why Don Bosco decided to launch his own Society
into missionary work. Apart from being germane to the charism of the founder,
and a natural extension of his specific apostolate, for a nineteenth-century
religious congregation to engage in missionary activity was "the thing to do."
4. Determining Influences
The last two religious groups mentioned were perhaps the most innovative of
the new forces in the mission field (Africa); and their founders, Bishop Comboni
and Cardinal Lavigerie, were indubitably the most eminent missionaries of the
century.44 They were also the ones that most directly inspired Don Bosco's own
missionary option, even through this was not to be for Africa.
44 Daniele Comboni (1831-1881) studied languages, medicine and
theology with the aim of working for the evangelization of Africa. Once ordained a
priest, he became a missionary on the White Nile (1857), and for this mission he
founded the Missionary Fathers and Sisters of Verona (1867). Missions were
established in Sudan, and a seminary for the training of native clergy, in Cairo, Egypt

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Don Bosco's Mission Dream
43
On December 4, 1864, Fr. Daniele Comboni visited the Oratory to
confer with Don Bosco on the missions. He had just been to Rome, where he
had presented to the Pope a plan for the evangelization of Africa embodying the
principle that Africa was to be evangelized by Africans. No doubt their
conversation during that visit must have been concerned with the plan, and the
two must have exchanged views on missionary strategy, for Don Bosco would
later lay down a similar strategy for his missions-a strategy, however, in which
young people would figure prominently. Fr. Comboni was asked to speak to the
boys on the missions, and he did so with great success.45 In letters of
September 1869 and July 1870, Fr. Comboni laid before Don Bosco a bold
scheme for establishing the Salesian work in Africa.46 The second letter
indicates that indeed they had discussed strategy. Their thinking agreed on many
points, even though on a later occasion Don Bosco was critical of the
Combonian missionary style. 47
Charles Lavigerie was likewise well acquainted with Don Bosco and his
work. In the years 1868-1870 he repeatedly asked Don Bosco for Salesian
missionaries to help in North Africa and Sudan where he was Apostolic
Delegate-a request that Don Bosco could not at the time comply with. He also
asked Don Bosco to accept a number of Algerian Khabili orphans-which Don
Bosco was happy to do.48 The Cardinal and Don Bosco met again in Paris in
1883. On that occasion, in a brief address, he referred to Don Bosco as the "St.
Vincent de Paul of Italy."49 Card. Lavigerie visited the Oratory again in 1885,
with another request for Salesian missionaries for Africa. But even this request
could not be met.50
(1867). He was named Pro-Vicar Apostolic of Central Africa (1872), and later was
appointed Vicar (1877). He pioneered new methods of evangelization, and wrote
against slavery, actively working for its abolition. As a linguist, geographer and
ethnologist, he did scientific work in the field of African languages and cultures.
Charles Lavigerie (1825-1892), was named to the chair of Church History at
the Sorbonne in 1857, and became auditor at the Roman Rota in 1861. In 1863 he
was appointed bishop of Nancy, and in 1867 bishop of Algiers. After being
appointed Apostolic Delegate of the Western Sahara and the Sudan in 1868, he
founded his two missionary congregations for Africa. In 1882 he was named Cardinal
Archbishop of Carthage. From this position he became a powerful force in
implementing Pope Leo XIIl's missionary directives, especially with respect to
fostering the development of native peoples, with particular emphasis on the
protection of the black population and the abolition of slavery.
45 Cf. EBM VII, 488.
46 Cf. EBM IX, 33lf. and 430f.
47 Cf. EBM XII, p. 199f.
48 Cf. EBM IX, p. 216, 347f., 369, and 452.
49 Cf. IBM XVI, p. 252-254.
50 Cf. IBM XVII, p. 472f.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
5. The Missionary Atmosphere Surrounding Vatican I
In spite of the fact that Pius IX did not take any new bold steps in missionary
strategy, but faithfully continued his predecessor's policies, the missionary
movement had gained great momentum by the time of the First Vatican Council
(1869-1870). The Council therefore was bound to address this important
question. During its preparation, the participation by Vicars Apostolic was
debated, and finally allowed, if only because otherwise Africa, Asia and Oceania
would have remained unrepresented. But beyond such juridical matters, the
missionary vocation of the Church and its theological basis called for a
reexamination. "Petitions" (proposals) by missionary bishops were submitted.
Bishop Comboni, in line with his plan for evangelization, submitted a proposal
for the defense and promotion of black peoples in his mission area, which was
circulated in June 1870 and was signed by 70 Council fathers. It was after this
action, that he wrote the second of the above-mentioned letters to Don Bosco.
True, the Schema constitutionis super Missionibus Apostolicis that
resulted, failed in many ways to address the urgent theological and strategic
questions concerning the missions.51 But the many missionary bishops who
took part (some 180 of them), by their very presence, did much to advance the
missionary cause. They reinforced missionary awareness in both clergy and laity;
they mobilized spiritual and financial support; they recruited personnel
(particularly from religious congregations).
During the Council and after its adjournment, Don Bosco had occasion
to meet a number of missionary bishops and to hear their requests. At the time
of his soujoum in Rome between January 24 and February 22, during which he
actively campaigned for papal infallibility, Don Bosco spoke to some bishops
who had heard the Salesian Society praised on the Council floor. After the
5l For a brief, yet detailed presentation of how Vatican I addressed the
missionary question, and for a discussion of the Schema and its contents, cf. A.
Favale, op cit., p. 29-44.
The Schema never came up for discussion because of the Council's untimely
adjournment due to the occupation of Rome by the Italian army. Read today, it
appears retrograde in regard to both missiology and strategy, especially in its
negative attitude toward the formation of native clergies.

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Council, a few bishops visited the Oratory (two from China) to ask for Salesian
missionaries.52 Requests began pouring in from various parts of the world.53
Don Bosco's First Missionary Dream was a consequence of all these experiences.
Contacts with missionaries and requests by missionary bishops brought a
sustained and ever growing missionary awareness to near fever-pitch in
connection with Vatican I and its aftennath.
II. Textual History and Text of the First Missionary
Dream
When discussing in general terms above the question of the textual tradition of
the dream narratives in the Biographical Memoirs, we stressed the importance of
recovering, in so far as it is possible from archival documents, the text
authenticated by Don Bosco or produced through first-hand reports. This is what
we shall attempt to do in case of this and subsequent dreams.
According to Don Bosco's own statement as reported in the sources, this dream
(commonly called Dream of the Patagonian Missions) took place in 1871 or
1872. We are also told that he tried to find out what people and what land he had
seen in the dream, but was able to do so only after he had received the offer from
Argentina (1874). In February-March 1875 Don Bosco was in Rome and was
received by Pius IX. On that occasion he may have discussed the Argentine
mission with the Pope (though there is no record that he did so); in any case he
did not speak of his dream.54 He related the dream for the first time to Pius IX
the following year, in March 1876-hence, at least four years after its
occurrence, and a few months after the first sending of missionaries to Argentina.
Later he related the dream to some of his men.
1. Textual History
[Barberis Report]
The primary source for the text of the dream narrative is a first-hand
report by Fr. Julius Barberis (designated here as the Barberis Report).
52 Cf. EBM IX. p. 432f.
It was at that time that Bishop Joseph Alemany of San Francisco requested
Salesians to staff St. Vincent's Orphan Asylum in San Rafael, CA. This he did in a
letter from Rome dated July 20, 1870, and a little later on his visiting Turin. Don
Bosco accepted, but subsequent negotiations bore no practical results. For details, cf.
M . Ribotta, "The Road Not Ta.ken," Journal of Salesian Studies 1:2 (1990) 45-67,
esp. p. 54-60.
53 Cf. P. Stella, Don Bosco, [vol. I:] Life and Work. New Rochelle: Don
Bosco Publications, 1985, p. 180f.
54 Cf. EBM XI, p. 98-128.

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46
Journal of Salesian Studies
The Barberis Report consists of nearly four pages of neat script in a
single column. It is neither in Barberis' nor in Lemoyne's hand, but appears to
be a calligraphic copy made from Barberis' original draft and placed in
Lemoyne's file. Marginal corrections in Lemoyne's hand appear opposite the
first and second paragraph only. Thereafter, Lemoyne merely inserted editor's
slashes at places where he planned to do editorial work. The Barberis Report is
the primary source, and was so regarded by Lemoyne.55
[Lemoyne Report]
Fr. Lemoyne also claims (in Documentl) to have drafted a first-hand
report from a separate narration made to him by Don Bosco on some unspecified
occasion (designated here as the Lemoyne Report).
The Lemoyne Report consists of nearly four pages of neat script in
Lemoyne's own handwriting. The only marginal addition (also in Lemoyne's
hand) is near the beginning. Editor's slashes at various points in the text indicate
corresponding places in the Barberis Report where editorial work would be done
to produce the unified text for Docwnenti.56
Unlike Barberis's text, Lemoyne's has no introduction, and it does not
claim to be a first-hand report. It is styled in the third person.57
[Documenti and Biographical Memoirs]
Finally, Fr. Lemoyne, following his accustomed method, edited the two
reports into one narrative, with adjustments, in Documenti. And this is the text
that Fr. Angelo Amadei transcribes, with some secondary editing, in the
Biographical Memoirs.58
2. Text of the First Missionary Dream
55 The Barberis Report is in ASC 111 : Sogni, Lemoyne, "31 Luglio 1876,
Sogno," FDBM 1314 Dl-4.
Barberis' autograph could not be traced; it is not where one would expect to
find it, namely, in ASC 110: Cronachette, Barberis, Quademo 8, where the pages are
missing, though the dream is listed in the Table of Contents [cf. FDBM 843 E9 e 844
A3 and 5).
56 The Lemoyne Report is in ASC 111: Sogni, Lemoyne, "1874? Le
missioni: sogno," FDBM 1314 A8-ll.
57 It is only in Documenti that Lemoyne claims to have heard the dream,
too, and to have written a first-hand report. Toward the end of Barberis' introduction
(which he transcribes), he inserts the words: "Fr. Lemoyne was also made privy to
this secret; he and Fr. Barberis drafted separate reports of this dream." He concludes
by adapting Barberis' closing words: "Don Bosco said that we were the first to be told
of this 'sort-of-vision"' [Documenti XIV, p. 140; FDBM 1,024 B8].
58 Documenti XIV [c. 28], p. 140-143 is in ASC 110: Cronachette,
Lemoyne, FDBM 1,024 B8-ll.
The text of the Biographical Memoirs is edited by A. Amadei in IBM X, p.
54s. (dream text ) and 1267-1270 (description of Don Bosco's attempts to identify
the people and the region). These pages correspond to EBM X, p. 46-48 and 543-548.

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The text of the dream will be given first according to the Barberis and Lemoyne
Reports separately, and then according to the compilation of Documenti. It will
be given in English translation, but a translation that will attempt to reflect the
originals as closely as possible.59
Pl Text of the First Missionary Dream According to the Barberis
Report
(Marginal notes are inserted into the main text in italics.)
July 31, 1379
Don Bosco's Dream of the Missions in Patagonia
R0pert ey Fr. Julius 1faroori&
[Reporter Barberis' Introduction]
Here is the dream on account of which Don Bosco was later to decide to give
some thought to the missions of Patagonia. He first related it to the Pope on the
last trip he took to Rome I (before July 31, 1876). Subsequently [he related it]
to some of us. On July 30, [he told it] to Fr. Bodratto.60 From him I heard it
too on the evening of the same day at Lanzo, where for some twenty days I had
been vacationing with half of the clerical novices' class. Three days later, back in
Turin, Don Bosco related it to me, as we paced to and fro in the library. I took
care not to mention that I had already heard it, because Don Bosco usually omits
one detail or another [in a first narration]; and also because, heard from his own
lips, it would make a stronger impression on me. He told us we were the first to
hear it: 61
59 For this reason, I opted for near-literal rendering, in these and subsequent
English translations of dream narratives.
Furthermore, it should be noted that, where the source reads "selvaggi" I
translate "savages"; where it reads "indigeni'' I translate "natives"; where it reads
"barbari" I translate "barbarians". These terms, especially the term "savages", should
be understood in the sense given to them in Romantic and post-Romantic literature,
especially in the missionary journals of the day.
Titles and divisions in the text are introduced to facilitate reading.
60 Francis Bodrato (1823-1880), a school teacher at Momese, met Don
Bosco in 1864 and became a Salesian in 1865. Economer of the Society at this time
(July 1876), he would lead the second band of 22 missionaries to Buenos Aires in
November 1876, and would be appointed head of the Salesian work there in 1877.
61 Fr. B arberis was alone with Don Bosco. But Don Bosco's reported
statement may include Fr. Bodrato, and perhaps Fr. Lemoyne; or it may simply mean
that Don Bosco had decided to tell the dream to some of his men.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
[Dream Setting]
I seemed to find myself in a region, wild and completely unknown [to me], I It
was an immense, totally uncultivated plain on which neither hills nor mountains
could be seen. At its farthest boundary, beyond the ken of human eye, it was
wholly encircled by jagged mountains that fonned a crown on either side of it.
On this plain I saw twa ~ands throngs of men /roaming about. They were
nearly naked, of extraordinary height and build, fierce-looking, with shaggy, I
long hair, bronzed and dark-complected, and clalhed wilh their only garments
being long cloaks draping down from their shoulders and made ofanimal hides.
For weapons they carried a kind of long spear and a sling. I
[Scene I]
Just then a great number of individuals came into view whose way of acting
showed them to be missionaries belonging to various [religious] orders. They
approached [the natives] in order to preach the faith of J.C. [to them]. But [the
natives] with diabolical fury and with hellish glee slaughtered them all, hacking
their flesh to pieces, and impaling it on their long, pointed spears. From time to
time bloody fighting would break out among them; and between them and
neighboring peoples. I
[Scene m
After observing these horrible slaughters for some time, I asked myself, "How
can one convert such brutal people?" At that moment I saw a small group of
missionaries, different from the fonner, advancing with cheerful mien toward
them, preceded by a band of youngsters. I trembled at the mere thought that they
were going to get killed. I walked up I to them; I did not recognize any of them,
but I could tell that they were Salesian missionaries, our very own. "How can
this be?" [I asked myself.] I did not want them to advance any farther, and was
about to stop them and force them back, when I realized that their arrival was
causing widespread joy among that throng of barbarians. They lowered their
weapons, ceased their savage behavior, and received our missionaries most
courteously.
[Scene Im
In utter amazement I mused: "Let's see how things will turn out." I then saw
that [the natives] were being taught by our missionaries, and they were paying
willing attention and were learning. [The missionaries] were admonishing them,
and they were putting their admonitions into practice. I I watched them for a

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49
while, and then I realized that they were reciting the rosary, missionaries and
savages, peaceably together. I
[Conclusion of Dream Narrative]
After a while one of the missionaries intoned the [hymn], "Praise Mary, Ye
Faithful Tongues;"62 and all those men with one voice took up the song. They
sang it through in such unison and with such power that I woke up with a start.
[Conclusion of Don Bosco's Narration and Comments]
I had this dream four or five years ago, I but I did not make much of it [at the
time], especially as I was unable to learn what people might be indicated by the
characteristics I had observed in those savages. At first I thought they might be
Africans I from the region of Mgr. Comboni's mission.63 Then, as I was at the
time negotiating with Mgr. Raimondi for missions in Hong Kong, I I thought
they might be those islanders; but upon investigation I learnt that neither the
area nor its inhabitants matched what I had seen [in the dream] . Some time later
we had a visit from Archbishop Quin of Australia [sic].64 and I made inquiries
about the condition and character of the savages there; but again what he told me
did not tally with what I had seen. And yet the impression the dream had made
on me, and the intimations it had left with me, were such that it could not be
disregarded; especially since, as past experience had taught me, what I had seen
might well come to pass. Meanwhile, we began to talk about the Argentine
Republic, and [to discuss] proposals for [foundations in] Buenos Aires and San
Nicolas made to us through the Argentine consul.65 I gathered data, made
inquiries, sought information, and soon reached the certain conclusion that the
people I had seen were the Patagonian natives dwelling in the southern regions
of that republic. From then on I entertained no further doubt as to where my
concern and my efforts should be directed.
62 "Lodale Maria, o /ingue fedeli," was a popular hymn at the time. Don
Bosco included it in his collection of hymns appended to the first edition of the
Giovane ProvveduJo (1847).
63 Cf. note 44 above and related texL
64 Matthew Quinn, Archbishop of Sydney, Australia [cf. EBM X, p. 544f]
65 John Baptist Gazzolo (1827-1895), a Genoese navy captain who had
migrated to Argentina, was appointed Argentine Consul at Savona in 1870. He met
Don Bosco almost immediately after his appointment (1871-1872) on visits to the
Salesian schools of Alassio and Varazze [cf. Jesus Borrego, "Primer proyecto
patag6nico de Don Bosco," Ricerche Storiche Salesiane 5 (1986) [21-72], p. 48, note
147].
For the story of the Argentine proposal, cf. EBM X, 552-558.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
pi] Text of the First Missionary Dream According to the Lemoyne
Report
(The sole marginal note is inserted into the text in italics)
1874? The missions: a dream
Don Bosco dreamt-
[Dream Setting]
He seemed to be standing in an immense plain on which neither hills nor
mountains could be seen. It was uncultivated. Throngs of men wandered about
[that plain]. They were nearly naked; their hair was long, and long cloaks made
of animal hides hung from their shoulders. They were armed with lances. I
These widely scattered groups of men presented various scenes to the
onlooker: some were hunting wild beasts; some [others] were walking about
with bleeding chunks of meat impaled on the point of their lances; others were
fighting among themselves; [still] others were engaged in combat against
soldiers who were dressed in the European manner; the ground was littered with
corpses.
[Scene I]
Don Bosco shuddered at the sight-when suddenly some missionaries appeared at
the far end of the plain. I He looked intently at them, but did not recognize
anyone. They walked over to the savages; but no sooner had those barbarians
caught sight of them that they pounced on them and killed them by cruelly
tearing them to pieces. Then the fighting resumed as before. I
[Scene II]
Just then other missionaries appeared in the far distance. Don Bosco looked at
them closely and recognized them. They were priests and seminarians of our
Congregation. Those in front were known to him; but many others, obviously
Salesians, who followed were wholly unknown to Don Bosco. They advanced
toward those hordes of savages. Don Bosco was frightened. He wanted to stop
them. He feared that at any moment they would meet with the same fate as the
fonner missionaries. I Praying the Rosary of Mary Most Holy in a loud voice,
the Salesians advanced through the crowd of savages. The savages, meanwhile,
had gathered around from all directions, making room for the missionaries as
they passed through. I

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[Scene III]
The Salesians came and stood in the midst of the surrounding throng, and knelt
down. The savages laid their weapons at the feet of the missionaries, and knelt
down, too. Then savages and missionaries joined in the sacred song, "Praise
Mary, Ye Faithful Tongues."
[Narrator's or Reporter's Conclusion]
This dream made a deep impression on Don Bosco, and he regarded it as a
message from heaven. True, its specific meaning eluded him; but he understood
that it had something to do with the foreign missions, which indeed had been all
along his dearest wish. I He had, however, taken no decision in this regard
because, when broaching the subject to Pius IX, the Pope of the Immaculate
Conception had replied: "Not yet. See that your work is firmly established in
Italy first; When the time is right for you, I'll let you know."
In the wake of this dream, Don Bosco felt the old yearning of his heart
stirring back to life. The missions are now a priority in his thinking.66
[iii] Comments On the Barberis and Lemoyne Reports
Although the two reports are in general agreement, the difference in detail is
considerable. Barberis is more ample and offers significant variants: (1) the
region was "wholly encircled by jagged mountains;" (2) the natives were people
"of extraordinary height and build;" (3) as weapons they carried both spear and
sling (Lemoyne: only the lance); (4) the Salesian missionaries were "preceded by
a band of youngsters" (not so in Lemoyne); (5) the evangelizing actions of the
missionaries are described (not so in Lemoyne).
Lemoyne, on the other hand dwells at greater length on the activities of
the natives, adding that "some were engaged in combat against soldiers dressed in
the Europeans manner." He states that Don Bosco took the dream to be "a
message from heaven," and that only Pius IX's advice (on some unspecified
occasion) had delayed his decision to act in regard to the missions.
[iv] Lemoyne's Compilation in Documenti
66 There follows immediately [cf. FDBM 1314 AlOf.] a fairly lengthy
comment in Lemoyne's hand (over one thickly written page in two columns)
describing Don Bosco's attempts to identify the people and the region of the dream.
For this he takes over and expands what the Barberis Report says on the same subject
(Conclusion of Don Bosco's narration). This material underwent further editing in
Documenti and in the Biographical MeTMirs [cf. Documenti XIV, p. 141-143, FDBM
1024 B9-11 ; EBM X, 543-545].

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Journal of Salesian Studies
ChapterXVIlI
Don Bosco's Dream on the Missions of Patagonia
[Reporters' Introduction]
Here is the dream on account of which Don Bosco decided for the Missions of
Patagonia He first related it to the Pope on a trip he made to Rome (in 1876).
Subsequently [he related it] to some of his priests. On July 30, 1876, [he told it]
to Fr. Bodrato. From him Fr. Julius Barberis heard it the evening of the same
day at Lanzo, where for some twenty days he had been vacationing with half of
the clerical novices' class. Three days later, back in Turin, Fr. Barberis heard the
same dream from Don Bosco's own lips, as they paced to and fro in the library.
Fr. Barberis took care not to mention that he had already heard it, because some
times Don Bosco adds details omitted in earlier narrations. Fr. Lemoyne, too,
was made privy to this secret; and he and Fr. Barberis drafted separate reports of
this dream. Don Bosco said that we were the first to be told of this "sort-of-
vision." We report his words almost to the letter.
[Dream Setting]
I seemed to find myself in a region, wild and completely unknown [to me]. It
was an immense, totally uncultivated plain on which neither hills nor mountains
could be seen. At its farthest boundary, however, it was wholly surrounded by
jagged mountains that formed a crown on either side of it. Roaming about on
this plain I saw throngs of men. They were nearly naked, of extraordinary height
and build, fierce-looking, with shaggy long hair, bronzed and dark-complected,
their only garments being long cloaks made of animal hides and draping down
from their shoulders. For weapons they carried a kind of long lance and the sling
(bolos) .
These widely scattered throngs of men presented various scenes to the
spectator. Some were running about hunting wild beasts, while others were
walking around with bleeding chunks of meat stuck on the point of their lances.
Some were fighting among themselves on one side, while on the other side
others were engaged in hand-to-hand combat with soldiers who were dressed in
the European manner; the ground was littered with corpses.
[Scene I]
I shuddered at the sight-when, at the far end of the plain, numerous persons
came into view whose dress and way of acting showed them to be missionaries
belonging to various [religious] orders. They were approaching those barbarians
in order to preach the religion of Jesus Christ [to them]. I looked intently at
them, but did not recognize anyone. They walked up to the savages; but no
sooner had the barbarians caught sight of them that they pounced on them with
diabolical fury and with hellish glee, and killed them all. They slaughtered them

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Don Bosco's Mission Dream
53
ferociously, hacking them to pieces and spearing up chunks of flesh with their
long, pointed spears. Then at intervals they would resume fighting among
themselves and with neighboring peoples.
[Scenell]
After observing these horrible slaughters for some time, I asked myself, " How
can one convert such brutal people?" At that moment in the distance I saw a
small group of missionaries, different from the fonner, advancing with cheerful
mien toward the savages, preceded by a band of youngsters. I shuddered, as I
thought, "They are going to get killed." I walked up to them. They were
seminarians and priests. I looked at them intently and recognii.ed them as our
Salesians. Those in front were known to me; and although I did not recognize
the many who followed, I realized that they, too, were Salesian missionaries, our
very own. "How can this be?" I asked myself. I did not want them to advance
any farther, and was about to stop them. I feared that at any moment they would
meet with the same fate as the former missionaries. I intended to force them
back, when I realized that their arrival was causing widespread joy among those
throngs of barbarians. They lowered their weapons, ceased their savage behavior,
and received our missionaries most courteously.
[Scene Ill]
In utter amazement I mused: "Let's see how things will turn out." I then saw
that our missionaries were advancing toward those hordes of savages. [The
natives] were being taught [by our missionaries], and they were paying willing
attention and were learning diligently. [The missionaries] were admonishing
them, and they accepted their admonitions and put them into practice. I watched
them, and soon realized that the missionaries were praying the holy Rosary. The
savages, meanwhile, had gathered around from all directions, making room for
the missionaries as they passed through, and were responding nicely together to
the prayer.
[Conclusion of the Dream Narrative]
After a while the Salesians came and stood in the midst of the surrounding
throng, and knelt down. The savages laid their weapons at the feet of the
missionaries, and knelt also. Of a sudden, one of the Salesians intoned [the
hymn], "Praise Mary, Ye Faithful Tongues;" and all those throngs with one
voice took up the song, singing it through in such unison and with such power
that I woke up with a start.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
[Conclusion of Don Bosco's Narration with Comments]
I had this dream four or five years ago (he spoke these words in 1876), and it
made a deep impression on me, for I regarded it as a message from heaven . True,
its specific meaning eluded me, but I understood that it had something to do with
the foreign missions, a project which all along had been my fondest wish.
In the wake of this dream, I felt the old yearning of my heart stirring
back to life again. But I could not possibly do much with it, especially since I
was unable to learn what people were indicated by the characteristics I had
observed in those savages.
[v] Comments on the Documenti Text of the Dream and on Its Final Editing in
the Biographical Memoirs
As in the Lemoyne Report, so also in Documenti, there follows immediately a
lengthy description (in the first person) of Don Bosco's attempts to identify the
people and region imaged in the dream. Don Bosco, so we are told, after
receiving the Argentine proposal and researching the matter in that light, came to
the conclusion that it was the country of Patagonia and its inhabitants that he
had seen.67
The Documenti text of the dream, tessellated as it is with all the bits
and pieces offered by the Barberis and Lemoyne Reports, is a good example of
Lemoyne's method of compilation. He scrupulously interlaces, with appropriate
editing, all available elements from his two sources, trying, not quite
successfully, to achieve a "complete" and coherent narrative. Complete it may be
in the sense that it uses all that the sources have to offer, but it is not coherent.
For instance, there is the anomaly that the missionaries' work of evangelization
is described before the latter have gained a foothold among the natives.
Otherwise, Lemoyne's editorial work in Documenti is restricted to the minimum
necessary of fitting the sources together. Beyond that, he interprets the "sling"
(one of the weapons carried by the natives, according to the Barberis Report) as
the "bolos"-which obviously assumes the decision for Argentina.
As for the Biographical Memoirs, A. Amadei transcribes the text of
Documenti almost literally, and his editing is limited to punctuation and a few
spellings. But he rewrites the description of the distant mountains encircling the
plain, perhaps because the original description is obscure, or perhaps because it
did not seem to fit the topography of Patagonia. Also he re-interprets the
original "sling" (and the "bolos" ofDocumenti) as the " /azo", again in the light
of subsequent events.
67 Cf. notes 65 above, and 70 below, with related text.

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3. Aftermath of the Dream
The story of the Argentine proposal and its acceptance by Don Bosco is too well
known to need rehearsing here.68 We may, however, note that Don Bosco did
not wait to be told by Pope Pius IX that the time had come. "The missions in
South America that he had already accepted and others that the Holy See had
proposed to him" were part the "business of a spiritual nature" that brought Don
Bosco to Rome in February 1875.69 There is no detailed record of what was
discussed in the audiences he had with Pius IX on Feb 22 and on March 12,
1875; but presumably the missions, to which Don Bosco had already committed
himself, were on the agenda.
Furthermore, it is not clear at what point, after receiving the Argentine
proposal and the pertinent data and information, Don Bosco interpreted his dream
as referring to Patagonia. Apparently, besides providing verbal descriptions,
Consul Gazzolo also showed Don Bosco some sketches of the Patagonian
natives. But the natives described in the dream narrative do not really resemble
any of the Patagonian types.70 In any case, the identification was an ex-post-
facto conclusion.
Part Three: The Two South American Dreams
I. The Second Missionary Dream (August 30, 1883)
1. The Struggle for the Establishment of the
Patagonian Missions as Context of the Second
Missionary Dream
[i] Don Bosco' s Missionary Aims
68 Cf. EBM X, p. 552-558; XI, p. 129-142.
69 EBM XI, p. 98.
70 In making this identification Don Bosco "was working out an
instinctive and providential interpretation. We do not know what kind of drawings
[of the natives] Gazzolo submitted to Don Bosco. But the savages described by Don
Bosco resemble the images derived from encyclopedias a lot more than they resemble
any real Patagonian type [...]. On the other hand, it is psychologically certain that
dream images, always blurred, are interpreted only through elements of the dreamer's
inner world. Besides, it can easily be ascertained that the pictures of Patagonian
natives circulating at the time were really poor representations [...]. And furthermore,
it can be shown that Don Bosco's geographical [missionary] dreams, like so many of
his dreams, even at their origin, are rooted in daily-life experiences, heightened by
the missionary fervor that possssed him." These are J. Belza's "appropriate
comments," as quoted by J. Borrego, Proyecto, p. 47, note 157).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
The official Argentine proposal was made and accepted without any reference to
the evangelization of the native tribes of Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego. As a
consequence of Consul Gazzolo's initiative, offers were made by Archbishop
Frederick Aneyros (through his secretary Msgr. Mariano Espinosa) and by Fr.
Peter Ceccarelli. But these offers concerned only the Italian church of Our Lady
of Mercy in Buenos Aires and, some 160 miles northwest, a school in San
NicolAs de los Arroyos. Don Bosco, however, was quick to see the specifically
missionary possibilities of the proposal which responded to the missionary plans
he had been forming and to the suggestions of his dream. Thus, in his exchanges
with the Argentine parties he spoke only of the typical Salesian work for youth
in parish, school and oratory, etc.71 On the contrary, in addressing the Salesians
or the Holy See, he emphasized the missions proper. For instance, in a circular
letter inviting Salesians to volunteer he writes:
Among the many proposals received for the establishment of a foreign
mission, the one submitted by the Argentine Republic seemed
preferable. In Argentina, beyond the regions already civilized, there are
immense territories inhabited by savage populations. It is among these
that, by the grace of God, the Salesians are called to exercise their
zeaI.72
A plan for the evangelization of the native tribes is outlined in a memorandum
to Card. Alexander Franchi, Prefect of the Congregation for the Propagation of
the Faith, in which Don Bosco speaks of the school of San Nicolas as a
"seminary" and staging area for the mission:
The strategy that appeared to be most likely to succeed was to establish
shelters, schools, hostels and educational institutes on the borderlands
of the savages. Once contact was made with the children, it would be an
easy step to contact their families, and so gain a foothold among the
tribes of the savages. This city [San Nicolas] is situated a mere 60
miles from where the savages live. From this [vantage point] the
Salesians would be able to study the language, the history and the
customs of those peoples. It might even be possible to develop native
missionary vocations from among the pupils. [...] It is called San
NicolAs school, in order not to offend national sensibilities. But it is
actually a seminary, that is, a school where missionary vocations are
trained for work among the savages.73
71 So, e.g., in letters to Fr. Ceccarelli of December 25, 1874 [Ceria-Ep II,
p. 429], and to Archbishop Aneyros of November 15, 1875 [Ceria-Ep II, 519].
72 Circular letter of February 5, 1875, Ceria-Ep II. p. 451].
73 ASC 131.01: Lettere Originali, Franchi, FDBM 23 A3-6 (autograph) and
A7-10 (copy), Ceria-Ep ill, p. 68-61.

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[ii] Don Bosco's Complex Utopian Project
As far as Don Bosco was concerned the Argentinian proposal offered
opportunities that went beyond the church in Buenos Aires and the school in San
Nicolas. In the first place, the church and the school would provide a base for a
great development of the Salesian work in Argentina and the whole of South
America. Secondly, the taking over of a church serving a large community of
Italian immigrants in Buenos Aires might be just a starting point in addressing
that very problem, immigration, in a more radical way. Thirdly, from the San
Nicolas base his missionaries could make contact with the native tribes without
delay and begin the work of evangelization. Fourthly, he felt that this
missionary engagement would earn the Church's official recognition of the
Salesians as "apostolic missionaries," through the creation of Vicariates of
Prefectures. These possibilities set Don Bosco's imagination whirring. He began
to make plans that expressed these ideas and concerns.
In spite of his many commitments and of all he had on his mind at this
time (mounting opposition from Archbishop Gastaldi, plans for the Sons of
Mary and the Salesian Cooperators, etc.), Don Bosco became obsessed with his
"Patagonian projects," and devoted much time and energy to articulate them for
himself and for the authorities. To Fr. Cagliero he wrote that he was working on
"a series of projects that would appear a madman's dreams to the eyes of the
world."74
A few days before that letter, in April of 1876, he had presented to the
Italian Foreign Secretary a plan for the establishment of a colony of Italian
immigrants. This colony would welcome Italian immigrants from Argentina,
Chile, Uruguay and Paraguay, and would be established in the coastal area
somewhere between the Rio Negro and the Straits of Magellan-a region that
was (so he thought) a kind of no-man's-land.75 A little later, at the request of
the Prefect of the Roman Congregation, a substantial essay on "Patagonia and
the Southernmost Regions of the American Continent" was authored by Fr.
Barberis and signed by Don Bosco with the date of August 20, 1876.76 The
conclusion of the work details new projects for the evangelization of Patagonia,
based on suggestions received by Fr. Cagliero in Argentina. Each proposal
would provide a base for the mission. The Archbishop of Buenos Aires was
offering to the Salesians the parish of Carmen de Patagones at the mouth of the
Rio Negro. Fr. Cagliero and two Salesians had received the invitation to go and
74 Don Bosco' s letter to Fr. Cagliero of April 27, 1876, Ceria-Ep ill, p. 52.
For a discussion of these "projects" and of Don Bosco's geographical
knowledge of the regions of southern Argentina as of 1876, cf. Borrego, Proyecto.
75 Memorandum of April 16, 1876, Ceria-Ep ill, p. 44f; IBM XII, p. 623f.,
omitted in EBM.
76 Of this work we now have a critical edition: La Patagonia e le Terre
Australi del Continente Americano, Introducci6n y texto crftico por Jesus Borrego
(Piccola Biblioteca dell'Istituto Storico Salesiano, 11). Roma: LAS, 1988.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
live with two native tribes in Chubut. The Argentinian government, about to
found a colony in Santa Cruz, was inviting the Salesians to provide religious
service there. Don Bosco did not hesitate to give publicity to these plans in
Catholic newspapers and in other ways. But these plans unfortunately came to
nought. It would take three more years before the Salesians could establish a
base at Carmen de Patagones in 1880, and initiate systematic missionary
activity.77
[iii] Playing for Time and Making Contact
Don Bosco's utopian projects had per force to come to terms with the harsh
reality encountered by the missionaries in place. His missionary fervor and
impatience had to be tempered likewise by the painful process involved in laying
foundations and gaining entry. The missionaries, following Archbishop
Aneyros' advice, concentrated first on securing a solid foothold in Buenos Aires,
and then in organizing the Salesian work and the Salesian cadres in the Plata
triangle (Buenos Aires, Montevideo, San Nicolas). They put into action the
Salesian pastoral strategies and the educational system of Don Bosco in parish
and school, while awaiting the call.
The call came in April 1879 in the form of a military expedition
mounted by the War Ministry, the purpose of which was to stem once and for all
the natives' incursions, and to extend the frontiers southward so as to secure the
whole of Patagonia for Argentina against Chilean claims. Msgr. Mariano
Espinosa, Vicar General of Buenos Aires, Fr. James Costamagna and Salesian
seminarian Louis Botta, accompanied the expedition as chaplains. They met the
natives at Carhue (Alsina) and at Choele-Choel, the "gateway to Patagonia."
Carefully kept abreast of events, Don Bosco wrote to the Holy See, not without
a note of triumph:
On this very day, April 20, 1879, three Salesian missionaries,
accompanying an expedition led by the Minister of War, are headed for
the territory of the Pampas Indios. Their purpose is to rescue the
greatest possible number of those children who appear doomed to
slaughter by the policies of the Argentine govemment."78
Contact with the natives was made at Choele-Choel; and the trip ended at
Carmen de Patagones and Viedma at the mouth of the Rfo Negro, where Fr.
Costamagna preached a mission. By a letter of August 15, 1879, the Vincentians
having resigned from Patagones, Archbishop Aneyros entrusted that parish and
mission to the Salesians. On February 2, 1880, Fr. Fagnano was installed as
77 Cf. Borrego, Proyecto, p. 61-67.
78 Don Bosco's letter of April 20, 1879, Ceria-Ep ill, p. 470f.

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pastor of Patagones, and a few months later, Fr. Emil Rizzo was assigned to Our
Lady of Mercy in Viedma, the future seat of the Vicariate.79
[iv] Seeking Official Recognition and the Establishment of Vicariates I
Prefectures
Having realized this first stage of the "project," Don Bosco set himself to the
task of obtaining from the Holy See official recognition of the missionary
activity of the Society. This would mean obtaining the erection of Vicariates or
Prefectures, which action by the Holy See would confer "apostolic" status on the
Salesian work in Patagonia. Don Bosco attached the utmost importance to this
official stamp of approval, to the point that this further aspect of the "project"
became an all-engrossing preoccupation. He practically came to regard its
successful completion as a vindication of the Salesian Society and its
m i ssion .S O
Between 1876 and 1883 numerous exchanges and negotiations took
place to that effect. In the above-quoted memorandum to Card. Franchi, after
laying out his strategy for the evangelization of the native tribes out of San
Nicolas, Don Bosco adds:
I humbly ask your Eminence: [...] 3° to create a Prefecture Apostolic
which might exercise ecclesiastical authority over the natives of the
Pampas and of Patagonia, who up to now have not been subject to any
diocesan Ordinary nor to any civilized govemement81
In a subsequent memorandum to the same Prefect, Don Bosco suggested the
erection of a Prefecture Apostolic at Carhue and of a Vicariate at Santa Cruz.82
79 Cf. J. Borrego, "11 primo iter missionario nel progetto di Don Bosco e
nell'esperienza concreta di Don Cagliero," in Missioni Salesiane 1875-1975, a cura
di Pietro Scotti. Roma: LAS, 1977, p. 78-85.
80 Don Bosco wrote to Fr. Costamagna, who had meanwhile succeeded the
deceased Fr. Bodrato as provincial: "Obtaining the erection of a Prefecture or of a
Vicariate Apostolic in Patagonia is of the utmost importance. The Holy Father wants
it and is urging it. It is also advantageous to us; for without this [official
commissioning] we shall not have the support of the Congregation of the
Propagation of the Faith in Rome, nor that of the Society of the Propagation of the
Faith in Lyons, nor that of the Holy Childhood. It seems that neither Fr. Bodrato nor
you yourself have been aware of the importance of this project" [Letter of January 31,
1881, Ceria-Ep IV, p. 7].
Likewise to Fr. Fagnano: 'The mission of Patagonia is our Congregation's
greatest undertaking. You will be told everything in due time. But I must warn you at
once that great responsibilities are being placed on you. God's help, however, will
not be wanting" [Letter of January 31, 1881, Ceria-Ep IV, p. 14.].
81 Cf. note 73 above.
82 Cf. letter of December 31, 1877, Ceria-Ep ill, p. 256-261.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
On the other hand, in a letter to Cardinal John Simeoni, newly appointed Prefect
of the Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith, Don Bosco proposed the
creation of a Vicariate or of a Prefecture at Patagones, "where two well known
chiefs are asking for our missionaries, with assurances of help and protection."83
Cardinal Gaetano Alimonda, the Archbishop of Turin, and Mgr. Dominic
Jacobini were delegated to study the proposal. Of this phase of the negotiations
Don Bosco wrote to Pope Leo XIII:
In obedience to Your Holiness' command, I have had a long conference
with His Eminence Card. Alimonda and with the Most Reverend Msgr.
Jacobini. [...] It was a common point of agreement that a Vicariate
Apostolic should be erected for the colonies [missions] established on
the Rio Negro, and that a seminary to train evangelical workers should
be founded in Europe.84
Don Bosco's "definitive" proposal was made, after further consultations and
negotiations, in a laboriously worded memorandum to Cardinal Simeoni, on
July 29, 1883. This proposal was for three Vicariates and/or Prefectures. Don
Bosco suggested the immediate erection of a Vicariate for northern Patagonia
with seat at Patagones, and a Prefecture for southern Patagonia. Central
Patagonia, still undeveloped and "wholly under Protestant control," would be
under the patronage of the northern Vicariate, until a separate Vicariate could be
established there. Similarly, the southern Prefecture would remain under the
general patronage of the northern Vicariate, unless the Holy Father decided to
make it an independent Vicariate. Requested to nominate candidates for these
posts, Don Bosco submitted the names of Fr. Cagliero or Fr. Costamagna for
the northern (and central) Vicariate, and Fr. Fagnano, for southern Patagonia.
Don Bosco commended the three as "strong, hard-working men, good preachers,
inured to toil, and of unimpeachable moral character." Fr. Fagnano, was further
commended as particularly suitable for southern Patagonia-"a man of powerful
physique and defiant of toil and danger."85
83 Letter of March 1878, Ceria-Ep III, p. 320f.
In this letter Don Bosco also declares his willingness to prepare
missionaries "for the Vicariate of Mangalor, India, or some other mission."
84 Letter of April 13, 1880, Ceria-Ep ill, p. 567f.
In the detailed "Memorandum on the Salesian Missions" attached to this
letter, Don Bosco pointed out that the Argentine government had just created the
Province of Patagonia, and suggested that the Vicariate might well take the same
name and cover the same territory, and include all the lands to the east of the
mountains, "until another Vicariate is erected at Santa Cruz" [Ceria-Ep III, p. 472f.].
85 Cf. Ceria-Ep IV, p. 225-227.
John Cagliero (1838-1926), one of the early followers of Don Bosco, was
ordained a priest in 1862, and led the first band of 10 Salesian missionaries to South
America, where as Don Bosco's vicar from the start, he headed the Salesian work and
guided its development through the length and breadth of the continent. He was

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The above took place at the end of July 1883. A few days before, the
Salesian work had been established in Niter6i (Brazil).86 One month later, the
Third General Chapter convened and held its preparatory spiritual retreat at San
Benigno. "The missions" were represented by Fr. Cagliero and Fr.
Costamagna,87 and must have been a lively topic of conversation. The two
missionaries must have created a stir by their reports; and Don Bosco himself
doubtlessly fanned the flames by expatiating on the great project and on his
future plans. In this climate, as he, anxiously and with high hopes, awaited the
impending fateful decision of the Holy See, on the last day of the retreat he had a
dream-the Second Missionary Dream.
2. Textual Tradition and Text of the Second Missionary
Dream
The second Mission Dream took place at San Benigno, at the end of the spiritual
retreat preparatory to the Third General Chapter, on the night preceding the feast
of St. Rose of Lima, hence on the night of August 30, 1883.88 It was narrated
by Don Bosco to the members of the Third General Chapter, meeting at
Valsalice, five days later, during the morning session of September 4. In some
appointed Vicar of Northern Patagonia in October, and ordained bishop on December
7, 1884. He was made a cardinal by Pope Benedict XV in 1915.
James Costamagna (1846-1921) was ordained a priest in 1868 and served as
local director of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians from 1875-1877. He led
the third missionary party in 1877, and was among the three missionaries who
accompanied General Roca's military expedition in 1879 and made contact with the
Araucan natives on the Rfo Negro. In 1880 he succeeded the deceased Fr. Bodrato as
director of the San Carlos school in Buenos Aires, and as provincial he founded the
Salesian work in Chile in 1887. Nominated Vicar Apostolic of Mendes y Gualaquiza
(Ecuador), he was ordained bishop on May 23, 1895. While awaiting the opportunity
to enter his Vicariate, he acted as Fr. Rua's representative for the Salesian works on
the Pacific side. He was permitted to visit Ecuador briefly in 1902, and then allowed
to enter his Vicariate permanently in 1912.
Joseph Fagnano (1844-1916) was ordained in 1868 and was a last-hour
substitute member of the first missionary group in 1875. He served as director of the
school of San Nicolas, and in 1879 he was named pastor of the parish of Patagones,
whence his true missionary career was launched. In November 1883 he was appointed
Prefect Apostolic of southern Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego. Having established a
base at Punta Arenas in mid-1887, the indomitable Fr. Fagnano set about
evangelizing the natives and founded missions in Tierra del Fuego.
86 Cf. Annali I, p. 457-460.
87 Cf. ASC 04: Capitoli Generali presieduti da D. Bosco, FDBM 1,863 E7-
where the official list of participants (35 in number) is given.
88 The feast of St. Rose of Lima fell on August 31. The memorial is now
kept on August 23.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
of the manuscripts, it bears the title, The American Missions or The Great
Gathering at the EquaJor.
This lengthy dream narrative tells of a gathering at a great hall located
in the equatorial region of South America, and following this, of a train journey
southward down the length of South America to the Straits of Magellan, along
the eastern slope of the Andes, in which Don Bosco, accompanied by an
interpreter, is shown "the harvest entrusted to the Salesians." This is followed,
in one tradition of the text, by a journey northward, by another route, back to the
point of departure.
[i] Textual History
A number of archival documents, namely, Viglietti's chronicle, the minutes of
the Third General Chapter, and Lemoyne's reports (one of them reviewed by Don
Bosco) allow us to reconstruct the textual history of this dream. In the present
archival situation, Lemoyne remains our principal source.
[Vig/ietti' s AllegedDraft]
In a short biographical introduction to the good copy of his transcribed
chronicle, Charles Viglietti, states that on the morning of August 31, in San
Benigno, Don Bosco called him to his room and had him put this dream down in
writing under dictation, so that he might "read it" to the members of the General
Chapter.89 This report is not found in the archives; and one wonders what may
have happened to it and whether Don Bosco actually read the dream as reported in
Viglietti's script. If so, did Lemoyne obtain and use that script for his own
report? We have no way of telling.
89 Carlo Maria Viglietti (1864-1915) served as Don Bosco's secretary from
1884 up to the Saint's death. He was ordained on December 18, 1886. At Fr.
Lemoyne's request, he kept a chronicle beginning with May 20, 1884. He produced a
first draft chronicle, which he later transcribed into good copy.
In a three-page introduction to his transcribed chronicle, Viglietti recounts
how Don Bosco, in August 1882, chose him, still a novice, as an errand boy. He then
goes on to describe how, in November 1883, Don Bosco asked him (still a student of
philosophy, although already perpetually professed) to be his secretary and serve him
as the "baculus senectulis meae" (the support of my old age).
In his introduction, Viglietti writes on the subject of this dream: "One
morning in 1883, the [feast] day of St. Rose of Lima, Don Bosco, no sooner out of
bed, called me to his room and dictated to me a beautiful dream which he had had that
night and which concerned our missions in [South] America. That dream was read a
few days later at the General Chapter, meeting at Valsalice" [ASC 110: Chronachette,
Viglieui, "Memorie", FDBM 1,232 C6].

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[Lemoyne A]
In the present archival situation, our primary source for the text of this
dream is Fr. Lemoyne, who was a member of the Third General Chapter.90
Presumably, he heard the narration and drafted a first-hand report (here referred to
as Lemoyne A). Lemoyne A is a 12-page narrative in Lemoyne's hand, with
marginal notes by the same. It tells of the gathering in the great hall, and relates
the journey southward ending at Punta Arenas (with a conclusion of the dream
and the awakening); but it does not speak of a return journey back to the starting
point.91
[Lemoyne BJ
Subsequently, Lemoyne (on the basis of Lemoyne A) drafted a second
report which he submitted to Don Bosco for his revision and corrections (here
designated as Lemoyne B-Main Narration). We have here also a 12-page
narrative, in Lemoyne's hand, relating the scene in the great hall and the train
journey southward ending at Punta Arenas, with a conclusion of the dream and
the awakening but again without a reference to the return journey. A number of
marginal additions and interlinear corrections in Don Bosco's hand appear
through the first part of this draft One large marginal addition of over 250 words
near the beginning reports a conversation heard by Don Bosco in the hall. There
are also further marginal notes by Lemoyne. These notes, at times mere jottings,
should be regarded as later additions, probably written in at the same time as
Appendix X (to be discussed below) and bearing no sign of Don Bosco's
revision.
Lemoyne B -Main Narration is followed immediately by an 4-page
appendix in Lemoyne's hand, with his own marginal notes, but none by Don
Bosco (here designated as Lemoyne B-Appendix X). This appendix is marked
with an X, which corresponds to an earlier X placed at the end of the Main
Narration, before the conclusion.92
Obviously, Lemoyne B-Main Narration, having been authenticated by
Don Bosco, should be regarded as the representative text of the dream.93 The
status of Lemoyne B-Appendix Xis uncertain. Clearly it was not part of Don
Bosco's original narration to the General Chapter; and it gives no indication of
having come under Don Bosco's scrutiny. Therefore it stands only on Lemoyne' s
authority, just as do Lemoyne's above-mentioned marginal notes. It is
90 Fr. Lemoyne's name appears among the 35 members of the Third General
Chapter listed in the minutes [cf. ASC 04: Capitoli Generali presieduti da Don Bosco,
FDBM 1,863 E7].
91 Lemoyne A is in ASC 132: Autografi-Sogni, FDBM 1,347 B10-C9.
92 Lemoyne B-Main Narration is in ASC 132: Autografi-Sogni, FDBM
1,347 A6-B5; followed immediately by Lemoyne B-Appendix X, FDBM 1,347 B6-9.
93 In a letter to Fr. Costamagna dated November 12, 1883 (hence, some two
months after the narration) Don Bosco writes: "Fr. Lemoyne's [narrative of the]
dream still needs some corrections, but you shall [eventually] get it" [Ceria-Ep IV, p.
241).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
conceivable that, upon inquiry by Lemoyne, Don Bosco spoke of a return
journey, indicating how the narrative should be completed, and that he also may
have supplied the further details incorporated in the marginal notes.94 This is
essentially Cecilia Romero's judgment. In her "critical" edition she transcribes
Lemoyne B-Main Narration and Appendix X in the sequence given in the
archival document. Further, she incorporates all of Don Bosco's additions and
corrections. But she leaves Lemoyne's notes in the margin, also because in most
cases they are are not grammatically and logically tied to specific points in the
text.95 We will do the same.
[Lemoyne C and Derivatives]
At a further editorial stage, Lemoyne then proceeded to compile a
"definitive" text. He edited Lemoyne B, by bringing Appendix X into its logical
sequence with the Main Narration, and by integrating all marginal notes into the
text. Thus a "complete and coherent" narrative, with some editing, was achieved
(here designated as Lemoyne C).96
Lemoyne C, with superficial editing, is the text transcribed by
Lemoyne in Documenti. The Documenti text then is brought into the
Biographical Memoirs with some further editing by E. Ceria.97
[GC 3 Minutes]
We have described the line of textual tradition as based totally, failing
the above-mentioned Viglietti draft, on the Lemoyne Reports and Lemoyne's
editorial work. And we have also indicated that Lemoyne B, as reviewed by Don
Bosco, should be regarded as the chief source text But a further question arises.
Do not the minutes of the Third General Chapter carry a record of Don Bosco's
dream as he told it at the morning session of September 4? Indeed they do. But
the account (here designated as GC 3 Minutes) is sketchy and spotty, a mere two
pages ofjottings and hasty notes. Yet it does clearly reveal the structure and the
shape of the original narration, and it helps answer some of the questions raised
by later editorial work.98
94 E. Ceria states that all additions and modifications were authorized by
Don Bosco [cf. IBM XVI, p. 383]. It seems best, however, not to apply this principle
indiscriminately; in our case, at least, we should recognize the different degrees of
authentication.
95 Romero, Sogni, p.81-93.
It is to be noted that Romero does not refer to Viglietti's claim, nor does she
comment on the GC 3 Minuies report, to be discussed below.
96 Lemoyne C is inASC 111: Sogni, FDBM 1,318 D7-E12+1 ,319 Al-9.
97 Documenti XXVI [c. 37], p. 525-534, in ASC 110: Cronachette,
Lemoyne-Doc, FDBM 1,089 Ellf+l,090 Al-8. IBM XVI, p. 385-394.
98 GC 3 Minutes report is in ASC 04: Capitoli Generali presieduti da Don
Bosco, ill Cap. Gen. (1883), FDBM 1,863 E12+1,864 Al.
It should be borne in mind that at the time of GC 3 (September 1-7, 1883)
Fr. Lemoyne, though present at the Chapter, had not yet been appointed general
secretary. The minutes, such as they are, were compiled by Fr. John Marenco [cf. IBM

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[ii] Text of the Second Missionary Dream
In view of this, before presenting the text of the dream according to Lemoyne B,
I give here also that of GC 3 Minutes in literal translation. My editing will be
limited to supplementing the total lack of punctuation, the omission of speaker
designations in dialogue, faulty sentence structure, and similar deficiencies-for
the sake of obtaining a readable text
The few additions occurring in the margin of the narrative and at its
conclusion are inserted into the main text in italics.
(1) The Text of the Dream According the GC 3 Minutes
September 4 - Morning Session
At 9 o'clock we all gathered in the chapter room. Don Bosco opened the
conference with the usual prayers.
[He told us] that he had a dream to relate.
[Dream Setting]
On the night preceding the feast of St. Rose of Lima, he dreamt that he was
running and felt exhausted. [After a while] he seemed to be in a reception hall.
[Act I: In the Reception Hall]
[There were people there,] and the conversation turned to the subject of
Congregation. I inquired [of one in particular] where I was and with whom I was
speaking. (He was a layperson.)
He said: "Speak with all freedom and confidence. I am a friend of yours
and of your Salesians.
[Scene 1: The Allegory of the Rope]
Then he went on: "I would like to give you a little task to perform. Come to
this table, and pull on this rope."
I began to pull; and I saw that the N2 0 marked the tip of the rope. I
pulled some more, and out came the number 1.
"Pull all of it out," he told me, "and roll it into a big ball as you pull."
XVI, p . 412] . As a whole the archival copy of the minutes appears to be a
transcription of the original notes. But the dream narrative itself (in a different
handwriting?) is too poor to be a transcription, and exhibits all the characteristics of
an original, unedited draft.

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[I pulled some more, and out came) the number 20. "Is this enough?" I
asked.
"No, keep on pulling." I pulled and got as far as the number 47, where I
met with a large knot. Beyond it, the rope continued, but as small strands.
Then he said: "47 + 3 + 5 = 55. In there any more?"
"No, it's the end"
'Then, turn around, and pull the rope in the opposite direction."
I pulled until I reached the number 10.
"Keep on pulling," he told me.
"It's the end of the rope. There is water, but beyond that there is
nothing."
"Now," he concluded, "if you add together 55 and 10, you get 65. You
must line up all the segments into one single rope."
[Then he continued: "Look about you. What do you see?") "I see
mountains to the west," I replied.
"Those mountains serve as a barrier," he said. "As far as that lies the
harvest destined for the Salesians. The people who await the Salesians are not
few; they number in the thousands and in the millions."
[Scene 2: The Allegory of the Figs)
Meanwhile Fr. Lago came on the scene, carrying a basket full of small,
green figs.99
"What are you bringing me?" I asked. "These figs are not ripe."
The first [Interpreter) took the figs and said: "Here is a gift for you.
These figs are not ripe, but they belong nevertheless to the fig tree of life. You
must try to bring them to maturity.
"But how?" I asked.
"You have to try to reattach them to the parent tree." [He reflected:)
"With difficulty will the people of the present [generation] learn the Christian
way of life. Not so their children. They will come [to be evangelized] with the
best of dispositions.
"But this will take a long time!" I objected.
But he replied: "It will be accomplished before the end of the second
generation."
"How long is this from now?" I asked.
He explained: "Beginning not with this generation, but with the next."
"But how long must one allow for one generation?"
"Sixty years," he said.
99 Angelo Lago (1834-1914), a pharmacist from Peveragno (Cuneo, Italy)
became a Salesian and was ordained in 1877. He worked in Fr. Rua's office practically
until his death.

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[Act II: The Train Journey Southward]
Then he took me [to a railway station] to catch a train.
[Scene 1: First Stage of the Journey]
"Where are we going?" I asked.
"[South] along the Cordilleras," he replied. [And as we were traveling
he said:]. From here [eastward] to the sea [is also your mission field]" He showed
me to one side the diocese of Cartagena." But I could not understand what he was
telling me.
At a certain point [the train came to a stop; passengers] got off, and
some of them crossed the Cordilleras [over to the western side].
[Scene 2: to the Land of Magellan]
Then, on again till we got to the land of Magellan.
"And now," [I inquired looking at what was going on about me]. "Tell
me what all this means?"
"What you see here," he explained "is now only at the development
stage." Then he mused: "The savages will become so tractable as to come of
their own account to receive instruction. The [...]"
"Now take me to see our Salesians," I said.
"Yes, [come]." We went. The Salesians were numerous, but there was
not one that I knew.
[When asked if they knew me, they replied] "Ah yes! Don Bosco. We
have seen your pictures."
"Where are Fr. Costamagna and Fr. [...],"I insisted?
"Ah!," they answered. "Those were the first Salesians to come to these
parts."
[Conclusion]
[I was thinking] "Is this a dream or what?"
At that point Quirino woke him up by ringing the bells.
[Additional Notes: Words of the Narrator]
We travelled along the banks of the Uruguay, which is a very long
river.
The small strands represent the chains of small islands and the
settlements beyond the Straits [of Magellan] which are to be part of the one
single rope.
(2) Comments on GC 3 Minutes
With regard to this sparing and unedited account, taken directly from the
narration, the following should be noted: (1) While giving a substantial, though

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Journal of Salesian Studies
fairly brief, description of the two allegorical episodes of the rope and of the figs
in the reception hall, it gives no details at all of the conversation heard, merely
noting that it was on "the subject of the Congregation." (2) The Interpreter is
not named and is described only as a layperson. (3) The train journey to the
south is in two stages only, with one stop to let passengers off. (4) No reference
is made to the geographical features, to the mineral riches, and to the
populations of the Andes. (5) The scene at the Straits of Magellan (given in
briefest fashion) closes the narrative; no return journey is described.
(3) The Text of the Dream According to Lemoyne B (Main Narration and
Appendix X)]lOO
(The notes and corrections in Don Bosco's hand are inserted in italics into the
main body of the text The Lemoyne notes are left in the margin at the place
where they occur in the Ms.)
[Introduction by the Narrator]
On the night preceding the feast of St. Rose of Lime (August 30) I had a dream.
Somehow I was conscious of being asleep. At the same time I seemed to be
running hard, which exhausted me to the point that I was unable to speak, write,
and work at my usual occupations.
[Dream Setting: In the Reception Hall]
As I was considering whether this was dream or reality, I seemed to be entering a
reception hall where many people were conversing on various subjects.101
A prolonged conversation ensued on the fact that a great number of
savages in Australia, in India, in China, in Africa, and particularly in America,
are still shrouded in the shadow ofdeath. One speaker remarked:
"Europe, Christian Europe, the great teacher of civilized living and of
the Catholic faith, seems to have grown apathetic with regard to the Foreign
Missions. Few have the courage to brave long voyages or unknown [lands] to
save the souls of those millions ofsouls [sic] that were nonetheless redeemed by
the Son of God, Jesus Christ."
100 This is a translation of Lemoyne B as edited in Romero, Sogni.
101 The portion of text in italics that follows is Don Bosco' s long
marginal addition, already mentioned.
In dreams " auditions" and conversations are not unusual; but this
conversation is very unusual for its length and logical complexity.
All other marginal and interlinear corrections or additions by Don Bosco
deal with small detail. The important consideration is that Don Bosco reviewed this
text.

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Another speaker added:
"How many idol-worshippers lead unhappy lives outside the Church,
deprived of the knowledge of the Gospel in America alone! People think (and
geographers make the same mistake) that the American Cordilleras are like a
wall that divides that part of the world in two. But it is not so. Those long and
high mountain ranges are crossed by valleys that are more than one thousand
kilometers long. Within them are forests as yet unexplored; [rare] plants,
animals, and [precious] stones [so rare] that [they] are scarce [even] there [sic].
Coal, petroleum, lead, copper, iron, silver and gold lie buried in those
mountains, where the Creator's almighty hand placed them for people's benefit.
Oh cordillera, Cordilleras, [sic] how rich are your eastern slopes!"
At that moment I felt the urge to seek an explanation on a number of
subjects, and to find out who those people were, and where I was. But I thought:
"Before opening my mouth I ought to see what kind of people these are!" And so
I looked around to investigate, but I recognized no one. Meanwhile, as if they
had only noticed me at that very moment, they invited me to join them, and they
received me kindly.
Then I inquired: "Where are we? Are we in Turin, London, Madrid or
Paris? And who are you?" But the gentlemen dodged my questions and continued
their discourse on the Missions.
[Act I: Allegorical Actions in the Reception Hall]
At that moment a young man of ravishing beauty, radiating light brighter than
the sun, who appeared to be about sixteen years of age, came up to me. His
clothes were splendidly embroidered; he wore a crown-like adornment on his head
which was set with sparkling jewels. He looked at me kindly, and seemed to be
interested in me in a special way. His smile expressed ineffable love. He spoke
my name, took me by the hand, and began to speak about the Salesian
Congregation.
At a certain point I interjected: "Whom have I the honor of speaking
with? Please tell me your name."
The young man replied: "Have no fear! Speak freely, for you are with a
friend."
"But what is your name?"
I would gladly tell you my name, but it isn't necessary. You should
know who I am."
Then I looked more intently at that radiant face. How beautiful it was!
Immediately I recognized him as the son of Count Colle, the illustrious
benefactor of all our houses, and especially of our [South] American
missions.102 "Oh, it's you," I said, speaking his name. "And who are all these
gentlemen?"
102 In a number of dreams Don Bosco is guided by an Interpreter. For
example, Dominic Savio fills this role in the Lanzo Dream of 1876. Here the

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Journal of Salesian Studies
"These are friends of the Salesians; and I, as a friend of yours and of
your Salesians, and in God's name, would like to give you a small task to
perform."
[Scene 1: Acted Allegory: The Numbered Rope]
"What kind of task? What's this all about?"
"Come up to this table, and pull down on this rope." There was a table
in the middle of the great hall, and on this table was a rope coiled up into a ball.
I observed that this rope was scored with lines like a ruler. Later I realized that
the hall was located in South America, right at the equator, and that the numbers
on the rope represented the degrees ofthe earth's latitude. So, I grasped the end of
the rope, and as I looked at it I saw the number 0 marked on it. I began to laugh.
Interpreter is Louis Colle, the son of Count Louis Antoine Fleury Colle of Toulon,
France. In March 1885, Don Bosco visited the young man as he lay dying of
consumption. He died on April 3 at the age of 17. Don Bosco thought so highly of
Louis, (and of his great benefactors, the Count and Countess Colle) that a short time
later, with the help of Fr. de Barruel, he wrote and published a biography dedicated "A
a Monsieur et Madame Colle": Biographie du jeune Louis Fleury Antoine Colle [sic]
par Jean Bosco pretre. Turin: typ. de l'Oratoire, 1882 [Cf. EBM XV, p. 57-59]. Was
Louis to be the new Dominic Savio?
Be that as it may, the identity of the Interpreter-Guide, as presented in the
sources of this dream, is problematic. In the GCJ Minutes he is simply a "layperson."
In Lemoyne A (up to page 4 of the main text), the Interpreter is described as "a
gentleman" (un personaggio), "a man" (un uomo), "that man" (quel/'uomo). But
Lemoyne's later marginal notes from page 2 on, already specify that he was a young
man (un giovane), subsequently identified as "the son of the Counts Colli" [sic]. Then
from page 4 on, Lemoyne systematically deletes the original designations (such as
"that man") replacing them with expressions like, "that young man", "that dear
young man." It appears, therefore, that in the original narration Don Bosco had not
identified the Interpreter as young Louis Colle. In Lemoyne B, which (as mentioned
above) is a re-working of the text by Lemoyne reviewed by Don Bosco, the
Interpreter is identified as young Louis Colle from the start
In this respect, it is significant that Don Bosco on other occasions spoke of
Louis Colle's appearing to him in the missionary dreams and in other contexts [cf.
EBM XV, 59-70]. Specifically, with reference to this Second Missionary Dream, in a
letter to Count Colle dated February 11, 1884, he speaks of Louis as his guide: 'The
trip I took in our dear Louis' company is becoming clearer day by day" [Ceria-Ep IV,
p. 501]. He does the same with reference to the Fourth Missionary Dream in letters to
Count and Countess Colle dated August 10, 1885 and January 15, 1886 [Ceria-Ep IV,
516 and 521], where he mentions a "stroll" he took with Louis to Central Africa and
China. It should be noted, however, that, as our documents stand, in the Fourth
Mission Dream Louis Colle merely appears among those who urge Don Bosco on, not
as an interpreter-guide. In the Third Missionary Dream, there is an unidentified
Interpreter; but Louis Colle appears only toward the end among the blessed.

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"This is no laughing matter," the angelic youth said to me. "Observe,
and tell me what you see written on the rope."
"The number O."
"Pull on the rope a bit." I pulled, and out came the number I.
"Pull some more, and coil the rope as you pull." I pulled, and out came
the numbers 2, 3, 4, up to 20.
"Is this enough?" I asked him.
"No," the young man replied. "Pull farther. Pull till you find a knot." I
pulled till I reached the number 47 and, after it, a large knot The rope extended
beyond that point, but divided into many smaller cords which radiated out toward
the east, the west, and the south.
"Is this enough?" I asked him.
"What is the number?" he inquired in turn.
"The number is 47."
"And what does 47 plus 3 make?"
"50!"
"And 50 plus 5?"
"55!"
"Watch carefully: fifty-five," he said, and added: "Pull some more!'
"I have rea::hed the end!
"Well, then, turn around, and pull the rope in the opposite direction." I
pulled on the rope in that direction till I reached the number IO.
"Pull some more," said the young man.
'There is no more!"
"So, there is no more. Then, look farther. What do you see?
"It's water," I replied. At that moment I had an experience so strange as
to defy all explanation. I was standing in that room, was pulling on that rope,
and yet at the same time I had a bird's eye view of a vast panorama which was
unfolding before my very eyes, and which stretched out along the full extent of
the rope.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
From the first number 0 to number 47
there stretched a limitless land which
was bounded at its end by straits of
It seems that the point 47 represents the ocean and then broke up into hundreds
starting place of the Salesian center of islands, of which one was much
from which to reach out to the Falkland larger than the others. To these islands
Islands and the Tierra del Fuego, and
other islands of those farthest lands [sic]
in [South] America. 103
apparently pointed the little cords that
radiated from the large knot. Each
little cord ended at an island. Some of
these were inhabited by natives in
fairly large numbers; other islands
appeared sterile, stark, rocky, and
uninhabitated; yet others were entirely
capped with ice. To the west [were]
numerous clusters of islands inhabited
by savages in large numbers.
At the opposite end, that is, from
number 0 to number 10, stretched
I saw in concentration all that I later saw more of the same country: and it ended
in detail. The degrees on the rope where in that [body of] water seen last of all.
the clues that helped me memorize
successive points visited on the
journey.
That [body of] water was (so it
appeared) the sea of the Antilles.
There it lay before my eyes in a
manner I find totally inexplicable. 104
After my reply, "It's water!" the young man continued: "Now add 55
and 10. What does that add up to?"
I replied: "It adds up to 65."
"Now put everything together, and you have one [unbroken stretch of]
rope.
"What happens now?"
"What do you see on this side?"
"To the west I see very high mountains; and to the east, the ocean."
"Excellent! These mountains constitute a bank, a boundary. From the
mountains to the ocean lies the harvest entrusted to the Salesians. These
103 This Lemoyne note locates a Salesian center at the 47th degree of
latitude south. Actually there is no Salesian center at that location. Santa Cruz, which
may historically be regarded as the staging base of Msgr. Fagnano's future mission,
is located at about the 50th degree of latitude south. Ushuaia, the future southermost
Salesian foundation, is located at about the 55th.
104 In a (later) note at the end of the dream narrative, Lemoyne states that
the bishop of San Jose, Costa Rica, had requested the Salesians by letter of September
15, 1883. This city is located at the 10th degree of latitude north. (The Salesian work
in San Jose began in 1933.)

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Don Bosco's Mission Dream
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thousands and millions of people are waiting for your help, waiting for the
faith." Those mountains were the Cordilleras of South America.
[Scene 2: The Allegory of Unripe Figs]
"But how are we to do this?" I rejoined.
"How? Look." Immediately Fr. Lago appeared on the scene carrying a
basket of small, green figs.
"Here, Don Bosco, talce this," he said to me.
"What have you got there?"
"[Figs.] I was told to bring them to you."
"But these figs are not fit to eat. They are not yet ripe."
Then the young man took up the basket, which was wide but not very
deep. He offered it to me with the words, "This is the present he is giving you."
"And what am I to do with these figs?"
"These figs are not ripe yet, but they are nonetheless the fruit of the
great fig tree of life. It is up to you to bring them to maturity."
"How? If they were larger, they could be made to ripen on straw like
other of fruit. But these are so small, so green! That would be impossible."
"There is more to it than that. You should know that for these figs to
ripen you have to re-attach them to the tree."
"How? That's impossible."
"Then watch. Saying this, the young man took a fig and dipped it first
in a small bowl of blood, and next in a little bowl of water. Then he explained:
"By sweat and by blood will the savages be returned to the tree and be made
pleasing to the Lord of life."
I was thinking to myself: This will require a lot of time. Instead I
turned to the dear young man I said: "I just don't know what to say."
The youth replied: "All this will be accomplished before the end of the
second generation."
"What second generation?"
"Not counting the present generation-two generations from now."
I was thoroughly confused, and could only stammer: "How many years
to each of these generations?"
"Sixty years."
"And after that, what?"
"Do you want to know what lies in the future? Come and see."
[Act II: The Railway Journey Southward]
Without knowing how, I found myself at a railway station, where a lot of people
had gathered. We boarded a train. I wanted to know where we were.
The young man replied: "Look and pay close attention. We are going to
travel along the Cordilleras. But the road is open to you also to the east, as far as
the ocean. It is another gift from the Lord."

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Journal of Salesian Studies
"And when shall we go to Boston? They are awaiting us there."105
"In its own good time." And so saying he took out a map.
"What is that?" I asked. He answered by unfolding the map. On it the
diocese of Cartagena was shown on a large scale and in high relief. (Was that to
be our starting point?)106
[Scene 1: First Stage of the Journey]
As I looked at the map, I heard the train whistle and observed that the train had
started. During the trip my friend did most of the talking, but I was unable to
follow him very well because of the noise the train was making. Nevertheless, I
learnt new and wonderful things pertaining to astronomy and navigation; and
about the mineral resources, the fauna and flora of those lands. On these subjects
he spoke with eloquence and precision. From the very beginning he held my
hand and continued to hold it in friendly manner until the end of the dream.
Occasionally I would lay my [free] hand on his, but it seemed to vanish under
my touch, so that my left hand would only find my right. The young man only
smiled at this futile attempt of mine.107
I kept looking out the window and watched the ever-changing and
amazing landscape filing by: forests, mountains, plains, very large and majestic
rivers, which even so far upstream were far larger than I had thought. We traveled
along the edge of a virgin forest, as yet unexplored, for over a thousand miles.
My power to see was intensified in such a marvelous manner, that it seemed able
to penetrate those regions at will. It could not only peer into the Cordilleras, but
it could also see through the isolated mountain ranges rising above those
interminable plains (Brazil?).
105 A proposal to establish a Salesian presence in Boston had been
received, through intermediaries, toward the end of 1882. The first Salesian work in
Boston (the Don Bosco Technical High School) was established in 1945.
106 The city of Cartagena (Colombia), like San Jose (Costa Rica), is
located at about the 10th degree of latitude north. But at the beginning of the dream
narrative the reception hall is said to be located at the equator [cf. p. 48 above].
107 A similar experience of the insubstantial nature of heavenly
apparitions is described, with additional elaborate explanations, in the Lanzo Dream
of 1876, with respect to Dominic Savio [cf. EBM XII, p. 439f.].

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The incomparable [mineral] riches of
the soil still awaiting discovery were
revealed to my gaze. I saw numerous
Between the 15th and 20th degree there mines of precious metals,
lay a very long and wide basin (seno)
that began at a point forming a lake.
Then a voice spoke and said repeatedly:
inexhaustible coal pits, petroleum
deposits more abundant than existed
"When mines will be dug in the depths anywhere. And this is not all. At
of these mountains (of that valley), then many points the Cordilleras opened up
the promised land flowing with milk and on regions the existence of which is
honey will be revealed here, and there totally unknown to our geographers.
will be inconceivable wealth. 108
They [mistakenly] imagine that in
those regions mountain ranges form a
kind of sheer wall. In those basins, in
those valleys, which may be as long
as one thousand kilometers, live dense
populations which have had as yet no
contact with Europeans, nations
which are as yet completely
unknown. 109
The train meanwhile kept rolling on and on, turning here, turning there. Finally
it came to a stop. At this point a great number of passengers got off and crossed
under the Cordillera over to the west. [Don Bosco made reference to Bolivia The
station may have been La Paz, where a tunnel may provide a passage to the
Pacific coast, and may connect Brazil with Lima by another railway line.]l 10
108 This marginal note in Lemoyne's hand has been interpreted as
pinpointing geographically the future capital of Brazil, Brasilia, even though no
mention is made of any city. A comment on the matter will be made in the next
installment.
109 These ideas were ridiculed in Rome. Lemoyne reporting Don Bosco's
words writes: "In Rome I made a full presentation to Card. BarnabO [Prefect of
Propaganda Fide]; but he ridiculed the project as childish fantasy, especially my
statement that in South America there were large populations yet to be discovered.
Therefore, he refused to speak to the Pope about it. Don Bosco himself then spoke to
the Pope, who at once took the matter seriously and asked Card. Franchi [the next
Prefect of the Congregation] to make a report. His Eminence was putting it off,
however; and when Pius IX insisted, he would reply: 'These are delusions of a sick
mind!' But Pius IX gave the order, got the report, and fully backed the new mission"
[Documenti XIV, p. 143, ASC 110: Cronachette Lemoyne-Doc, FDBM 1,024 C4].
It should be noted that Pius IX had served as auditor in the apostolic
delegations of Chile and Peru from 1823 to 1825
110 This is a comment by reporter Lemoyne.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
[Scene 2: Second Stage of the JourneyJ
The train continued on its journey.
We rode along the banks of the
Uruguay. I had thought it was a short
river; instead it is very long. At a
certain point I saw the river+
+ The name of the river should be noted which flows close to the ++
(the ParanA, I think).
++ D.B. should also put the river's name
here (Uruguay)
both of them, rivers of great length.
Then they separate and form a wide
loop.
Meanwhile the train kept on rolling
and as before it runs over bridges, south, turning first one way, then
through tunnels, by lakes, rivers, another; after a long haul it came to a
forests .
second stop. Here again a lot of
people got off and crossed under the
Cordillera over to the west. [Don
Bosco made reference to the province
of Mendoza in the Argentine
Republic. Hence (he believes) the
station may have been Mendoza, and
the tunnel, that which gives access to
Santiago or Valparaiso, the capital of
Chile.] 111
[Scene 3: Third Stage of the JourneyJ
The train continued on its run through the Pampas and Patagonia. Fields under
cultivation and scattered homesteads were an indication that civilization was
making inroads into those deserts.
Huge heaps of metal partly in ore form
and partly refined.
Finally we arrived at the Straits of
Magellan. I was looking on. We got
off. Puntarenas lay before me. The
ground for miles around was strewn
with stores of coal, planks, beams and
lumber. Freight cars were parked in
long rows on the tracks.
My young friend drew my attention to all these things. So, I asked him, "What
are you trying to tell me by all this?"
"That at present," he replied, "this is all at the planning stage. But these
savages will one day become so docile that they will freely come to be taught
111 This is a comment by reporter Lemoyne.

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religion, civilized living, and commerce. Here [the development] that has caused
people elsewhere to marvel will be so astounding as to surpass that of all other
peoples [sic].
"I have seen enough [of this], I said
ending the conversation. "Now take
It took but a moment. I got off the train me to see my Salesians of Patagonia."
and saw them at once. There were more
churches, schools, many houses with
large numbers of people in them, many
He did, and I saw them.
There were many of them, but they
hospices, apprentices in trade and were unknown to me; and not one of
agricultural schools, young people and my old sons was among them. They
adults together guided by stared at me in utter amazement. And
missionaries- Daughters [of Mary Help when I demanded, "Don't you know
of Christians?] were working at various me? Don't you know Don Bosco?"
domestic tasks. I mingled with them. "Don Bosco? Ay, yes, we know him
They looked at me as though I were a alright; but ony from pictures, not
stranger.
personally," [was their reply].
"And where are Fr. Fagnano,
Fr. Lasagna, Fr. Costamagna?" 112
"We have never known them personally. They are the pioneers of old, the first
Salesians to come to these lands from Europe. But they have been dead these
many years!"
On hearing this amazing reply, I began to ask myself: "Is this dream or
reality?" I clapped my hands, felt my arms, and shook myself. I had a distinct
perception of the sound of the clapping and of the feel of my body.
[X]
[Conclusion and Awakening]
In this troubled state, I thought I heard Quirino ring the morning Angelus; but
upon awakening, I recognized the ringing of the bells of the parish church of St.
Benignus.113
112 Louis Lasagna (1850-1895), ordained in 1873, left for the missions
with the second group in 1876. As director and then as provincial he developed the
Salesian work in Uruguay and initiated scientific and cultural projects. He established
theSalesian work in Brazil. He was ordained bishop in 1893 and charged by Leo XIII
with the mission of protecting and evangelizing the natives there. But he died in a
tragic train collision shortly thereafter.
113 Don Bosco was at San Benigno Canavese (a novitiate at this time) for
the spiritual retreat with the members of the Third General Chapter, and was awakened
by the Angelus bells of the local church of St. Benignus. In his half-waking state he
had first thought that it was the Angelus bell rung by [?] Quirino, "that saintly
brother-mathematician, polyglot and bell ringer" [IBM XVI, p. 394, note 1).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
The dream had lasted all night long.114
[Moral Conclusion of the Narrator]
Don Bosco concluded with these words:
"With the gentleness of St Francis de Sales will the Salesians succeed
in drawing the peoples of [South] America to Jesus Christ. At first the
task of converting the savages to Christian morals will be a most
difficult one; but their children will most willingly accept the teachings
of the missionaries. Through them colonies [missions] will be founded;
civilization will replace barbarism; and a great number of savages will
join the fold of Jesus Christ."
[Note by Reporter]
N.B. The Bishop of San Jose, the capital of Costa Rica, in a letter dated
September 15, 1883, asked Don Bosco for a few Salesian missionaries. This city
is located right at the 10th degree [of latitude north], as indicated in Don Bosco's
dream.
Appendix X
[Act ill of the Dream: Return Journey Northward by a Different Route]
Throughout my brief stay at that place I was amazed at the progress made by the
Catholic Church, by our Congregation, and by civilization in those regions. I
thanked divine Providence for deigning to make use of me as an instrument for
God's glory and the salvation of souls.
[Scene 1: First Stage of the Northward Journey: Cannibals]
Meanwhile young Colle indicated that
As this was the southern end of it was time to leave and start back.
Patagonia, [the river we saw] seemed to So, I bade goodbye to my Salesians,
be a branch of the Colorado or the
Chubut. I could not see in what direction
it flowed, whether toward or away from
the Cordillera. I could not get my
and we walked back to the station,
where the train stood ready. We got
on, the whistle blew, and off we were
bearings.
toward the north.
114 Dreams do not last all night, though they may appear to do so. They
last only some fifteen minutes in real time during REM sleep toward the end of a sleep
cycle.

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I noticed one thing, which was new and surprising to me. The region of
Patagonia, in the part lying closest to the Straits of Magellan and between the
Cordilleras and the Atlantic Ocean, was narrower than commonly believed. The
train kept on speeding northward, as I thought, through the provinces of the
Argentine Republic already civilized.
Traveling further, we entered a very extensive, boundless virgin forest.
At one point the train stopped, and a
gruesome spectacle took place before
Their faces were misshapen. Their our eyes. A very large crowd of
clothes seemed to be made of animal savages was assembled in a clearing in
skins .
the middle of the forest. They
encircled a man who was seated on a
rock and had been tied up. He was very fat, for the savages had fattened him for
their purpose. The unlucky man had been taken prisoner. He seemed to be a
foreigner, if one could judge from the smoothness of his features. The savages
were questioning him, and in reply to their questions he was relating the many
adventures encountered in his travels.
Suddenly one of the savages jumped up, advanced toward the prisoner,
wielding a large steel weapon which though unlike a sword was razor-sharp
nonetheless. With one blow he lopped off his head. The passengers who were
standing at the doors and windows of the train, were horrified. Young Colle
himself was speechless. Upon being struck, the victim let out a fearsome cry and
fell dead in a pool of blood. The cannibals rushed upon the corpse and hacked it
to pieces. They roasted the flesh, still warm and writhing, upon a fire, and
devoured it.
[Scene 2: Second Stage of the Northward Jomey: Field of Salesian Work]
After that pitiful cry, the train started
moving again, and gradually regained
Lake shores, river banks, plains, hills, its headlong cruising speed. It ran
foothills, slopes [?] of escarpments, of alongside a very wide river,
hills.
sometimes on the right bank,
sometimes on the left Although I
kept looking out the window, I did not notice the bridges which we were
constantly traversing.
[First Moment: Savages]
At intervals large tribes of savages appeared on the river banks; and at
each appearance the young man would point out: 'There's the harvest, there's the
harvest entrusted to the Salesians."

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[Second Moment: Wild Beasts and Poisonous Reptiles]
Tigers, hyenas, lions, but with a Then we came to a region which was
different shape; they looked to me like full of wild beasts and poisonous
dogs, pot-belli~. with ~ings-~ey had reptiles. Here also my guide turned to
pens full of pigs, but different m form me and, pointing to those beasts,
from ou~s-and huge toads; the toads explained: "The Salesians will tame
were eatmg frogs-they growled as they th ,,
snapped at each other.
em.
[Third Moment: End of the Journey]
The train was now nearing the original point of departure, and arrival
was imminent. The young man at this point pulled out a magnificent map and
asked: "Do you wish to plot the journey you've just made, and see the regions
you've travelled through?"
"I certainly would!" replied Don Bosco.
The young man then unfolded the map. It revealed with marvelous
exactness the whole of [South] America. On it was represented everything that
ever was, that is, and that will in the future be in existence in those regions; but
without any clutter, and with such clarity that everything could be distinguished
at a glance. I saw and understood everything then; but because of the very
complexity of the situation, that clarity was of short duration. Now everything
is a jumble in my mind.
While examining the map, I was also awaiting a word of explanation
from the young man. But, as I was wrestling with the thought of all that lay
before my eyes, I thought I heard ring the morning Angelus, etc. etc.
[See Conclusion and Awakening above.]
No remarks follow the dream narrative in the archival sources. In the
Biographical Memoirs, on the other hand, Ceria has extensive comments on the
revelatory character of this dream, and on the accuracy of its predictions, apart
from and beyond the prophetic envisaging of the future for the Salesian work. He
states that Don Bosco's knowledge expressed in the dream relating to Andean
geography, to the future railway development, to the mineral riches of the
Cordilleras, and to the geography and demography of Tierra del Fuego, could not
have been derived from human sources.115 Obviously, the question is-what
information was available to Don Bosco, both accurate and inaccurate, from
general sources and from his own special research? What deductions, therefore,
could be drawn, and what forecasts could be made on that basis?
115 Cf. IBM XVI, p. 395-398.
The question of the predictive character of these dreams will be addressed in
the second installment.

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81
II. The Third Missionary Dream (January 31, 1885)
1. The Church's Official Approval of Salesian Missionary
Activity and the Ordination of John Cagliero as Bishop-Vicar
Apostolic as Context for the Third Missionary Dream
Fr. Cagliero and Fr. Costamagna attended the Third General Chapter and the
preparatory retreat. The latter had made first contact with the Araucan natives
during the expedition of 1879 and had celebrated a memorable Mass in their
presence at Choele-Choel. The theme of the missions was not on the Chapter's
agenda, but it must have been a lively topic of conversation.116 The two
protagonists must have had plenty of adventures to recount. Besides, they were
the very persons whom Don Bosco had nominated for the post of Vicar
Apostolic in his proposal to the Holy See. Perhaps this was not yet public
knowledge; but Don Bosco must have opened his heart to them, and the three
must have shared their successes, disappointments, and future projects, as they
awaited a decision by the Holy See.
Fr. Costamagna was already on the high seas bound for the missions at
the head of a band of 20 Salesians and 10 Salesian Sisters, when the
Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith came to a decision. 117 But
disappointingly, by the briefs of November 16 and 20, 1883, it only erected a
pro-Vicariate for northern Patagonia, and a Prefecture for southern Patagonia and
Tierra del Fuego, naming Fr. Cagliero and Fr. Fagnano for those posts
respectively. This arrangement granted less than what Don Bosco had hoped for,
since neither Fr. Fagnano as Prefect nor Fr. Cagliero as pro-Vicar were to be
appointed bishops.
At a meeting of the General Council held at Alassio on April 5, 1884,
and presided over by Don Bosco, the question of the Patagonian Vicariate had
been discussed, and its importance for the Salesian Society stressed. But it was
pointed out that the Apostolic Delegate in Argentina (Bishop Aloisia Matera)
even opposed the erection of a pro-Vicariate, for political as well as ecclesiastical
considerations. Don Bosco remarked that "the nomination of a pro-Vicar could
not be offensive to Argentina." He himself had "already written to the
116 Neither Don Bosco's letter of convocation of June 20, 1883, nor the
eight themes published on the same date, nor the minutes of the Chapter, nor the
proceedings published together with those of the Fourth General Chapter in 1887,
show that the missions were up for discussion [cf. Ceria-Ep, IV, p. 221f; Annali I, p.
468f.; ASC 04: Capitolo Generali [...], FDBM 1,863 E7 = 1,864 B6; Opere Edite
XXXVI, p. 249-280).
117 Cf. Don Bosco's letter to Fr. Costamagna of November 12, 1883,
Ceria-Ep, p. 240f., and IBM XVI, 384 and 587f.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Archbishop [of Buenos Aires] and to the President of the Republic, submitting
the plan for their consideration."118
From Alassio Don Bosco went on to Rome, where he meant primarily
to petition Leo XIII personally for the privileges, but possibly also to discuss
the Vicariate. His Roman sojourn lasted from April 14 to May 14, and it was a
time of apprehension and pain. When he was finally granted an audience on May
9, the Pope assured the ailing venerable old man that the privileges would be
granted, and that he loved him, yes, him and the Salesians! It appears, however,
that the question of the Vicariate was not raised in the audience.119
In any case, back in Turin, Don Bosco sought Archbishop Cajetan
Alimonda's mediation. This great friend of the Salesians also happened to
believe that, in view of the great development of the missions on the Rio Negro,
it would have been more appropriate to have a full Vicariate established there,
with a bishop at the helm. Consequently on September 26, 1884, he submitted a
petition to Pope Leo XIII to that effect. Leo was not unaware of the situation in
Argentina, and of that of the Salesian missions in particular. In the above-
mentioned memorandum of April 13, 1880, and then again in a detailed report
directly from the missions presented in early 1883, Don Bosco had kept him
informed about what had been achieved and of what was in progress or being
planned.120 Hence, he granted the request, and by decree of October 30, 1884, he
upgraded Patagonia to a Vicariate and made Fr. Cagliero vicar and bishop.
Southern Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego, with Fr. Fagnano in charge, retained
their status as a Prefecture.
It was a great victory, as well as a great physical and moral boost, for
Don Bosco personally. But, more significantly, it was the seal of the Church's
approval, the validation of the Salesian Society's great project, and a sure sign of
the Pope's personal benevolence. Rightly Ceria writes:
118 These letters of Don Bosco to the Archbishop and to the President bear
the date of July 29 and October 31, 1883 respectively and concerned, therefore, the
proposals for the erection of the missionary jurisdictions. Why Don Bosco, and not
the Roman Congregation, acted to inform the authorities remains unexplained. The
Archbishop had all along been gracious and supportive. There is no record of any
reply from President Julius Roca. The President is known to have opposed the
erection of missionary jurisdictions, and Archbishop Ameyros was aware of that fact
[cf. note 139 below]. On the other hand, in 1883 and 1884 Argentine authorities were
asking Fr. Costamagna for Salesians to serve as chaplains or missionaries in various
settlements in the southern territories, a fact which bespeaks a favorable attitude on
the part of some of the authorities.
For the story of the Apostolic Delegate's opposition to the "project", its
reasons, and ultimate outcome, cf. IBM XVI, p. 377-380.
119 Cf. Desramaut, Etudes vm (Cahiers), p. 49-56. The privileges were
finally granted by decree of June 28, 1884. For a discussion, from primary sources, of
the events of this Roman sojourn, of Don Bosco's health, of of the appointment of a
successor, cf. Ibid. p.47-73 and 16-19.
120 Cf note 84 above, and Annali I, p. 501.

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83
The raising of this son of Don Bosco to the episcopacy was, for the
whole Salesian family, an event of unparalled significance. Later
Salesian generations cannot even imagine the triumphant jubilation of
the confreres at the time. Who would have dared entertain such a hope?
For the Cooperators, too, it was a time to rejoice; for in that elevation
they recognized the Church's anointing of the Salesian apostolate.121
Fr. Cagliero was ordained bishop, with the title of ~gida, by Cardinal
Alimonda on December 7, 1884. On February 1, 1885 the bishop was ready to
leave for his mission at the head of a band of 18 Salesians and 6 Salesian
Sisters. Don Bosco had spent the previous days in a painful, almost anguished
state of mind. He was, moreover, confined to his room by illness. Cagliero, his
beloved son, was leaving him. He might never see him again. It was in this
context and in this frame of mind that on the night preceding the departure of the
missionaries, January 31, 1885, he had a dream-the Third Missionary Dream
on South America.
2. Textual Tradition and Text of the Third Mission Dream
[i] Textual Tradition of the Third Missionary Dream
"Don Bosco accompanies the missionaries to [South] America." This is the title
given to the dream by Lemoyne in his second draft and in Documenti. Finding
himself in a great plain, Don Bosco sees all the Salesian works connected by a
network of fantastic highways. Then (after a "flight" back to Turin, and again to
South America) he sees the plain tranformed into a splendid hall in which are
gathered, glory-bound, the missionaries and all the people saved through them.
F. Desramaut notes that the dream narrative was "unfortunately
elaborated by Fr. Lemoyne."122 Indeed it comes to us totally on Lemoyne's
authority. As he himself writes in his original draft, "Here is how Don Bosco
himself related the dream to me." E. Ceria, in speaking of this dream, states that
Don Bosco "narrated it almost immediately, and later reviewed it (lo rivide),
when Fr. Lemoyne submitted it to him in writing."123 As far as is known,
there are no drafts of this dream in the archives with corrections in Don Bosco's
hand.
[Lemoyne A]
Lemoyne's first draft (here designated as Lemoyne A) is a rough copy of
ten pages of text with some corrections and with many additional marginal notes
clearly referred to the main text by a variety of signs.124
121 Annali I, p. 504f.
122 Desramaut, Etudes VIII (Cahiers), p. 120, note 66.
l23 Annali L p. 505.
124 Lemoyne A is inASC 111: Sogni, Lemoyne, FDBM 1,321 Cll-D8.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
[Lemoyne BJ
Lemoyne next produced a good copy of the narrative (some 16 pages
long), integrating all marginal notes into a unified text with additional editorial
work (here designated as Lemoyne B).125 Apart from stylistic improvements,
Lemoyne adds numerous descriptive details at various points. A long paragraph
expatiating on the marvelous and indescribable complexity of the scene is
inserted about midway. Two later small marginal notes in the second section of
the dream narrative describe, one the aromas, the other the music, that filled the
hall of glory.
[Docwnenti and Biographical Memoirs]
In Documenti, Lemoyne merely transcribes Lemoyne B, integrating the
two marginal notes, with some stylistic editing. Likewise, the Biographical
Memoirs transcribe the text of Documenti, with some changes relating to style,
punctuation, orthography, and vocabulary.126
A comparison shows that the dream narrative is already substantially
complete in Lemoyne A, which also best represents Don Bosco's narration as
gathered by Lemoyne. Hence this is the text given in the translation that
follows. In it the marginal additions are brought into the main text (in italics)
with the help of the reference signs found in the Ms. and of Lemoyne B.
[ii) Text of the Third Missionary Dream
(I) The Text of the Third Mission Dream According to Lemoyne A
[No title)
[Reporter's Introduction)
On the night of January 31-February 1, Don Bosco had a dream. He had
passed the entire preceding day thinking of the [impending] departure of Bishop
Cagliero and the missionaries with anguished emotion. On the following day, in
the evening, his sons would be traveling to Marseilles by way of Sanpierdarena.
His tender fatherly love was the cause of the concern that weighed heavily upon
him. Following is the dream as Don Bosco himself related it to me.
The additional marginal material may have been obtained from Don Bosco
upon inquiry. Some jottings in Lemoyne's hand at the end of the narrative seem to
reflect questions which Lemoyne intended to put to Don Bosco: "The flowers, were
they scented? The angels, their appearance? Louis Colle, what did he say?" [not clear]
125 umoyne Bis inASC 111: Sogni, Lemoyne, FDBM 1,321 B7-C10.
126 Documenti XXIX [c. 5), p. 43-48, in ASC 110: Cronachette, Lemoyne-
Doc, FDBM 1,106 D12-E5; IBM xvn. p. 299-305.

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[Dream Setting: Don Bosco Accompanies the Missionaries]
I seemed to be accompanying the missionaries on their trip. Before leaving we
exchanged a few words. They stood around me, asking for words of advice. I was
telling them: "Not with worldly wisdom, not with good health (sanita [sic]), nor
with wealth, but with zeal and piety, will you be able to do much good, and to
further the glory of God and the salvation of souls." 127
[Act I: The Future Salesian Works in the Vast Plain]
One moment we were at the Oratory; the next moment, without knowing how
and by what means, we found ourselves almost instantly in [South] America.
[Scene 1: Fantastic Highways Connecting the Salesian Works]
At the end of the trip, I found myself alone on a vast plain situated between
Chile and the Argentine Republic. My dear missionaries were already scattered
here and there in that limitless place. I was amazed to see how few in number
they appeared to be, even after so many missionary expeditions. But on second
thought, I realized that their number seemed small because they had spread out to
so many different places, like seedlings that need to be transplanted so that that
they may grow and multiply elsewhere.
Very long and numerous roads could be seen [on that plain]; scattered
along [those roads] stood numerous houses. These roads were unlike those on
earth, nor did the houses resemble those in this world. They were mysterious,
almost spiritual objects. Along those roads ran vehicles, or transportation
devices, which on moving along acquired a thousand fantastic aspects and a
thousand diverse shapes, but all so amazing and marvelous to behold, that I
cannot even begin to describe them. I was amazed to see that these vehicles on
reaching groups of houses, villages or cities, would soar high over the roofs, so
that the passenger could see the house tops far below. Although the houses were
very tall, yet they lay far below those roads; for, while the roads ran flat on the
ground in the desert, when they neared a population center they soared into the
air.forming, as it were, a magical bridge. From that height, the passenger could
observe people in their houses, courtyards, and streets, as well as those working
in the fields. Each one of those roads ended at one of our missions.
[The Road out of Chile Ending at a Formation Center] At the end of
one very long road that stretched all the way from Chile I could see a [Salesian]
house in which many Salesian confreres were engaged in study and prayer, and in
various trades and agriculture.
[View of Salesian Works 1) To the south lay Patagonia. In the opposite
direction, I could see at one glance all our houses in the Argentine Republic; and
127 In later drafts this was re-phrased: "Not with worldly wisdom, but with
holiness (santita); not with wealth, but with zeal and prayer [...]."

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Journal of Salesian Studies
further, in Uruguay, Paysandu, Las Piedras, Villa Col6n; in Brazil the school of
Nicteroy and many of our other houses scattered throughout the empire of Brazil.
[The Road Westward to the Unknown Country, and the Interpreter]
Another very long road ran westward, crossed rivers, seas and lakes, and ended in
a country unknown [to me]. I saw but few Salesians in that country; in fact, I
looked carefully but could see only two of them. At that moment there stood by
me a gentleman ofnoble and attractive mien, chubby, ofrather pale complexion,
beardless like a youth, and yet mature like a grown man. He wore a white
garment under a rose-colored cloak woven with gold threads, and shining with
light. I recognized my Interpreter.128
"What country is this?" I asked him.
'This is Mesopotamia," answered the Interpreter.
"You must be wrong," I rejoined. "This is Patagonia!"
"I am telling you," he replied, "that this is Mesopotamia."
"Perhaps, but I can't believe it."
''That is so; it's Me-so-po-ta-mia," said the Interpreter with finality,
stressing every syllable so that it would make an impression.
"But why are there so few Salesians here?" I asked.
"What now is not, in the future shall be," said the Interpreter, ending
our discussion.129
[View of Salesian Works 2) Meanwhile , still standing in the middle of
that plain, with the eye I traveled those endless roads and had the clearest view of
our mission centers present and future . So many wonderful things did I see. I
saw each and everyone of our schools. [Focused] in one point, I saw the past, the
present and the future of our Missions. But since I saw everything together at a
glance, it is very difficult, in fact impossible, to give even a faint and partial idea
of that spectacle. A large volume would not suffice to give even a summary
description of what I saw in that plain alone, of Chile, Paraguay, Brazil, and
Argentina. On that vast plain I also observed a great number of savages scattered
throughout the Pacific [region] down to the Gulf of Ancud, on the Straits of
Magellan, at Cape Hom, in the Diego [Ramirez] and in the Falkland Islands.130
All this was destined to be the harvest reserved for the Salesians.
128 This may mean that Don Bosco recognized that this person was to be
his Interpreter (as in other dreams); or that he recognized who the Interpreter was. No
name is given. He cannot have been Louis Colle, because young Colle appears later
among the blessed [cf. note 102 above].
129 This unknown country, identified by the Interpreter as Mesopotamia, is
reached by a westward highway that crosses rivers, seas and lakes. Therefore
"Mesopotamia" cannot refer to some area of South America lying between two rivers
(as Ceria, Annali I, p. 506, note 2, speculates), nor more specifically to the province
of Entre Rios y Corrientes in northern Argentina.
Mesopotamia, that is, the country lying between the Tigris and the
Euphrates (modem Iraq), is mentioned also in the Fourth Missionary Dream.
130 The Gulf of Ancud, so named from the city of Ancud on Chilo~ Island in
southern Chile, is located at about the 42nd degree of latitude south.

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87
[Epilogue to Scene 1: Missionary Reflections] I realized that the
Salesians are now just sowing the seed. Those who will come after us will
gather in the harvest. Men and women will join our ranks and will become
preachers themselves. Their very children, whom it now seems impossible to
convert to the faith, will become the evangelizers of their families and friends.
The Salesians will succeed in bringing this about through humility, work and
temperance.
The things I witnessed at that moment and subsequently, all dealt with
the Salesians-their permanent settlement in those countries, their marvelous
increase, and [through them] the conversion of the many natives and of the
Europeans settlers established in those lands. Europe will descend upon [South]
America. From the moment that churches began to be plundered in Europe in
1854? [sic], from that moment commerce began to decline and will continue to
decline. As a consequence, workers and their families, driven by dire necessity,
will seek a new home in those hospitable lands.
[Scene 2: The ''Flight" back to Turin, the Procession of Missionaries, and the
Return to the Plain]
After having seen the field which the Lord has assigned to us, and the future of
the Salesian Congregation, I seemed to be getting ready for my return trip to
Italy. [As I travelled] I was moving at very great speed over a strange and very
high road, so that in a flash I arrived over the Oratory. The whole of the city of
Turin lay at my feet, and its houses, spires and palaces looked like small huts
[from that height]. I could see our youngsters moving about at the farther end of
the Oratory like so many little mice. But their number was enormous. Priests,
seminarians, students, and shop masters filled the entire area. Many were
departing as in procession, while others were replacing them. It was a never-
ending flow. All those people were now assembled in that vast plain which lay
between Chile and Argentina, and to which I had meanwhile returned in a flash . I
stood there watching them. Then a young priest who resembled our Fr. Pavia
(but only looked like him) came toward me. He had handsome good looks and a
youthful complexion. He approached me, and with an amiable and courteous
gesture said: "These are the souls and these the lands assigned to the sons of St.
Francis de Sales."131
In all probability the " Diego Islands" are the Diego Ram(rez Islands-a
couple of small, barren Chilean islands south of Tierra de! Fuego--not the Diego
Garcia Islands in the Indian Ocean, nor the Diego de Almagro Island in southern
Chile. These "Diego Islands" also appear in the itinerary of the Fourth Missionary
Dream, to be discussed in the next installment.
131 Fr. Joseph Pavia (1852-1915), was ordained in 1876. In 1884 Don
Bosco named him director of the daily oratory at Yaldocco, in which capacity he
served until his death [Dizionario Biografico (1969), p. 215). Both description and
message cast this person in the role of a secondary interpreter.

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Then to my amazement I realized that the great throng that had gathered
there had disappeared in a flash, and I could barely tell by [some movement in]
the distance in which direction they had vanished.
At that point Bishop Cag/iero appeared at my side. Some missionaries
stood at some distance. Many others gathered around me, as did a good number
ofSalesian cooperators. Among them I recognized Mgr. Espinosa, Dr. Torrero,
Dr. Caranza [sic]and the Vicar General ofChile.132
[Act II: The Hall of Glory]
[Setting for Act II]
As I was talking with Bishop Cagliero and others present, and we were trying to
sort out the meaning of what was happening, my faithful Interpreter approached
and said to me in the most courteous manner: "Listen, and you will understand."
At that moment that vast plain was turned into a great hall. I cannot
even begin to describe it. I will onl y say that it was magnificent beyond human
imagining. Its vastness had no visible boundaries, and it seemed to have no
enclosing walls. Its height appeared beyond reach, and its domed ceiling rested on
immense and most resplendent arches which hung with no visible support. The
cupola, as well as the pavement of that great hall seemed woven of purest linen,
like some fantastic tapestry. There were no lights, no sun, no moon, no stars
within the hall; but a splendid light flooded every part of it. The very brightness
of the linen highlighted with delightful effect every part of the hall, its
ornaments, its windows and its gates.
[Scene I: Richly Set Tables with No Food]
Then an extraordinary thing took place. A great number of very long tables
suddenly appeared, set as for a banquet and extending in all directions from one
central point These were spread with elegant table cloths and with crystal vases
filled with a great variety of flowers.
Bishop Cagliero was the first to remark: ''The tables are set; but where
is the food?"
My friendly Interpreter explained: ''Those that enter here ~ ~
™ esurient amplius." 133
132 Mariano Espinosa was first Vicar General, later Archbishop of Buenos
Aires. Drs. [?] Torrero and Eduardo Carranza, were Salesian cooperators in the same
city; the latter was also president of the Conferences of St. Vincent de Paul. The
"Vicar General of Chile" may have been Msgr. Domingo Cruz, Vicar General of
Concepci6n, Chile [cf. Ceria, Annali I, p. 508; Ceria, Ep IV, 565).
133 "They will neither thirst nor hunger any more" [Rev 7: 16).

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[Scene 2: Entrance of Glory-Bound Groups of People]
No sooner were these words spoken, than people all dressed in white began to
file into the hall. They wore a simple, rose-colored, gold-embroidered band as a
scarf around their neck and shoulders. The first group was fairly small, just a few
people. As they came into the great hall, they would take a seat at a table
prepared for them and sing, "Bless the Lord!" These were followed by other,
larger groups, who sang as they came forward, "Bless the Lord for victory won!"
Then all kinds of people began to enter-tall and short and of all ages; differing
in color, features and appearance. Singing began to ring out on all sides. Those
who had already taken their place were singing, "Bless the Lord!" Those that
were coming in [responded]. Each group represented a country, or a region within
a country, that would be converted by the missionaries.
As I looked over those endless tables, I noticed also many of our sisters
and confreres among those who were seated and singing. But they did not have
any mark that distinguished them as priests or sisters; Like all the others they
too wore the white garment and the rose-colored stole. And my amazement grew,
as I noticed rough-looking people dressed in the same manner and singing the
same song as the rest: "Bless the Lord! Bless the Lord for victory won!" Then
our Interpreter explained: "Foreigners, savages who drank the milk of divine
teaching from their educators have themselves become proclaimers of the Word
of God."
I noticed also bands of strange-looking children among the throng. I
asked:
"Who are these children whose complexion is as rough as that of a toad,
and yet who appear so beautiful and resplendent? Who are they?"
"These," The Interpreter replied, "are the children of Ham who did not
renounce the inheritance of Levi.134 These are the reenforcements who will
guarantee the continuance of the reign of God which has been established also
among us. At first their number was small, but it increased as the children of
their children were added to it. Now you hear and see; but you will not be able to
understand the mysteries you will be shown." (Those young people were
Patagonians and southern Africans.)135
Meanwhile the number of those that were entering that extraordinary
hall that defied description had grown so large that every seat seemed taken.
Strange enough these seats had no set shape, but took on the shape desired by
134 The association of Ham with Levi is not Biblical, and the sentence is
obscure. It may mean "who have not been unfaithful to God," and it may refer to Dt
10: 8f.: "At that time the Lord set apart the tribe of Levi to carry the ark of the
covenant [...]. Therefore Levi has no portion or inheritance with his brothers; the
Lord is his inheritance."
The association of Patagonia with Ham is also anomalous.
135 Both South American dreams contain what might be called anomalous
references that go beyond South America-the Second Missionary Dream mentions
"Boston;" the present dream, "Mesopotamia" and now "southern Africa."

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Journal of Salesian Studies
those who occupied them. All were sa1is[ied with their allotted seats, and no one
envied another person's place.
Now, while the shouts of "Bless the Lord! Bless the Lord for victory
won!" echoed on all sides, a [final] great throng appeared and joined those
[already present], while singing: "Alleluia! Glory! Bless the Lord for victory
won!"
[Scene 3: The Glory]
[The First Silence and the Choirs] When the hall seemed filled to capacity, there
was a moment of complete silence. Then the assembled throngs began to sing as
different choirs.
First choir: "Appropjnguavjt in™ regnum Dei; laetemur ~ fil
~ tma; Dominus regnavit fil1m !!QS, allillilla."
Second Choir: "Yicerunb ~ ~ Domjnus .da1lli. ~ ~ lignQ ~ ~
rum esurient in aetemum: allillilia."
Third Choir: "Laudate Dominum ~ ~. laudate ~ ~
PQPlili." 13 6
[The Second Silence: the Choirs from on High join the Choirs Below] While
these and other anthems were being sung, all of a sudden there was another
moment of complete silence. Then voices from on high and from afar [were
heard singing]. The gist of the anthem, sung with indescribable and beautiful
harmony, was this: "SQ.Ii Th<Q. illmm: ~ gJ.Qria in~ saeculorum." And other
choirs, also high and far away, echoed in reply: "Semper gratiarum ~illimil
mu, ~. ~ venturus ~. Illi eucharistia, .illi .sQli b.QnQr sempiternus."137
Then those choirs descended and drew nearer. Among those celestial
singers was also Louis Colle. Those who were already in the hall joined [the
new arrivals] in the singing, and there arose a harmony of such range and beauty
that only heavenly musical instruments could produce. All sang as one choir,
united in that glorious music, with such inspiration, beauty and appeal to the
human senses, that I fell on my knees at Bishop Cagliero's feet and exclaimed:
"Ah! Cagliero, this must be heaven!"
"No," he replied, "this isn't heaven; it is only a pale imitation of what
heaven is like."
136 'The kingdom of God has come upon us" (after Mt 12:28 and Lk 11:20].
"Let the heaven be glad, and let the earth rejoice" [1 Chr 16:31]. 'The Lord has ·
reigned over us, alleluia" [after Mic 4: 7]. They conquered, and the Lord himself shall
give them to eat of the tree of life, and they shall never again be hungry, alleluia"
[after Rev 2: 7 and 7:16]. "Praise the Lord, all nations! Extol him, all peoples!" [Ps
117: 1].
137 ''To God alone be honor and glory forever" [1 Tim 1: 17]. "Unending
thanksgiving be forever to him who was, is, and is to come. To him be praise; to him
alone be honor unending" [after Rev. 4: 8 and 7: 12].

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Don Bosco's Mission Dream
91
Meanwhile all the voices joined together in singing with indescribable
harmony: "S!ili ~ h.QnQr fil glQria, fil triumphus. alleluia, in aeternum , in
aetemum!"138
[Conclusion of the Dream Narrative]
At this point I experienced such ecstatic joy that I lost track of what was
happening.
[Conclusion of the NarratorJ
When morning came, I found it difficult to get out of bed. Only when I went to
celebrate holy Mass, did I finally get a hold of myself.
The main thought this dream left me with, and the impression it made
on me, prompted me to give Bishop Cagliero and my dear missionaries this one
very important piece of advice affecting the future of our missions-that the
Salesians and the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians should make every effort
to promote priestly and religious vocations.
Denouement Missions de Facto and de Jure
When Bishop Cagliero and the missionaries arrived in Montevideo (Uruguay), a
crisis was brewing in Argentina. In the fust place, opposition to the Salesians
and their work on the Rfo Negro and elsewhere, already bitter through 1884, had
climaxed into a veritable persecution. The abettor was the Governor of the
Province of Rfo Negro, General Winter, who also commanded the military
detachments guarding the frontier. The accusations had been taken up and reedited
with success by a bitterly anticlerical press. Then, to complicate the situation,
General Roca's presidential term was coming to an end. This brought on turmoil
and unrest. It was feared that the new political forces vying for control would be
even more radical. Under these circumstances, whether bending to the prevailing
winds, or out of its own perverseness, the government was refusing to accept the
new Vicar on grounds that there had been no prior consultation regarding the
establishment of a Vicariate.139
Bishop Cagliero, after tarrying a while in Uruguay, took up residence in
the Salesian School of Almagro (Buenos Aires), awaiting the right moment to
make an official appearance, and hopefully to take possession of his See. The
chief target of the accusations by the Governor and in the press was Fr. Fagnano.
It was he who now acted in his own defense and that of the Salesians. While
138 To God alone be honor and glory and triumph, alleluia, forever and
ever" [after 1 Tim 1: 17 and 6: 16].
139 In a letter to Don Bosco dated January 2, 1885, Archbishop Aneyros
had clearly described the pique of the Government in having to face a fait accomplit in
the matter of the Vicariate [quoted in Ceria-Ep IV, p. 314, note 1].

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Journal of Salesian Studies
trying to pacify the Governor at Patagones, he broug ht his case before the
Archbishop with a detailed exposition of the facts. The Archbishop then took the
case to the Minister of the Interior, who apparently accepted the explanation, and
refrained from acting on the Governor's brief. With this development, and taking
advantage of a lull in the press, Bishop Cagliero asked to be received by
President Roca With Fr. Costamagna, who had accompanied the General on the
expedition of 1879, he presented his credentials to the President. The audience
started badly, but took a tum for the better, when Fr. Costamagna began to recall
events from the expedition, and Bishop Cagliero reassured the President that as a
Salesian and as Vicar he would work for the development of all the people in the
area. Thus pacified, the President gave him a letter of introduction to the
Governor. On July 9, 1885, Bishop Cagliero could finally obtain permission to
enter his See at Patagones.140 The Salesian Missions could now truly be said to
be established not only de facto, but also dejure.
At this time Don Bosco's health had taken a tum for the worse. He was loosing
his eyesight, a consequence of his rapidly degenerating bodily systems. It was a
foreboding of his approaching end. But his moral vigor and spiritual insight
seemed rather to be on the increase. He was sure now that the spread of the
Salesian work in South America and worldwide could not be stopped. Painfully
he wrote to his generals in the field. These letters are precious guidelines for
Salesian missionary strategy, as well as spiritual testaments.141 And he
continued to dream. But now his dreams transcended South America and had a
wider scope. They projected the worldwide expansion of the Salesian work.
The Fourth and Fifth Missionary Dreams will form the subject of the next
installment. That portion of our essay will deal with the context and with the
text of these subsequent dreams. Furthermore, we shall attempt an interpretation
that will comprise particular aspects as well as the total import of Don Bosco's
missionary dreams, dreams which truly reveal the dreamer's missionary heart and
will.
140 Cf. IBM XVII, p. 310-318.
141 Letters of August 6, 1885 to Bishop Cagliero (Vicar Apostolic); of
August 10 to Fr. Costarnagna (Provincial) and to Fr. Fagnano (Prefect Apostolic); of
August 14 to Fr. Tomatis (Director at San Nicol~); of September 30 to Fr. Lasagna
(Director at Villa Col6n and Provincial of Uruguay and Brazil)-cf. Ceria-Ep IV, p.
327-329, 332f., 334f., 336f., 340f.