1-A.-Lenti-Don-Boscos-Boswell-John-Baptist-Lemoyne-The-Man-and-His-Work%281990%29


1-A.-Lenti-Don-Boscos-Boswell-John-Baptist-Lemoyne-The-Man-and-His-Work%281990%29

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DON BOSCO'S "BOSWELL": JOHN BAPTIST
LEMOYNE--THE MAN AND HIS WORK
Arthur Lentl, SDB
As the author of a 45-volume collection of
documents preliminary to what turned out
to be a 19-volume biography of Don Bosco,
with a total of over 16,000 pages, Father
John Baptist Lemoyne rendered a unique
service to the Salesian Family--one that
successive generations of Salesians have
not ceased to acknowledge with awe and
gratitude.
INTRODUCTION
As Salesian studies on Don Bosco have taken on an increasingly more
scholarly and critical character in recent years, it was inevitable that Don
Bosco's great biographer, Father John Baptist Lemoyne, and his work should
also come under critical scrutiny. It is a Salesian truism that Father Lemoyne is
Don Bosco's biographer par excellence, and that his work (continued after his
death by Father Angelo Amadei and Father Eugene Ceria) is truly
monumental.1
1 Lemoyne, himself a chronicler of Don Bosco's words and deeds, collected the chronicles
and memoirs of early Salesians, testimonies from various sources and other documentation in a 45-
volume "scrap book" entitled, Documenti per scrivere la storia di D. Giovanni Bosco,
de/fOratorio di S. Francesco di Sales e de/la Congregazione Saf6siana. Printed for private
use at San Benigno Canavese or at Turin-Valdocco, 1885 ff. (Held in Archivio Salesiano
Centrale 110: Cronachette-Lemoyne-Doc; reproduced in FOB Microfiches 966 AB-1201
C12) [Cited as Doc]. This was the basis ol: Memorie Biogra/iche di Don Giovanni Bosco, San

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Yet questions are raised. Who and what kind of a man was he? Is the
monumental biographical work on Don Bosco, for which he is responsible as a
whole, and which he authored in part, based on reliable sources? How did he
work as a historian and a biographer? These and related questions have been
addressed at various times in both popular and scholarly writings.2 The present
Benigno Canavese and Turin: I-IX (1898-1 917 by Giovanni Battista Lemoyne); X (1939 by
Angelo Amadei); XI-XIX (1930-1939 by Eugenio Ceria) [Cited as /SAi).
English Edition: Tltt BiograpliiaJI Memoirs of Saint Jolin Bosco, tr. from the original
Italian, Diego Borgatello, Editor-in-Chief, vol. I-XV. New Rochelle, New York: Salesiana Publishers,
1965-1988. [Qted as EBM).
2 A critical, or at least a serious, biography of Lemoyne has not yet been written.
We have a brief, but valuable, biographical sketch in : Eugenio Ceria, "D.G.B. Lemoyne,"
in Profili dei upitol11ri Solesiiini morti dill 1865 111 1950. Colle Don Bosco (Asti): LDC,
1951, p. 382-400. [Qted as Ceri11-Pro]; likewise a handy notice in "Lemoyne sac. Giovanni
Battista, scrittore," Dizion11rio Biogr11fico dei S11ltsi11ni, ed. by Eugenio Valentini and
Amedeo Rodino. Torino: Ufficio Stampa Salesiano, 1969, p. 166f. [Cited as Diz].
On the historical reliability of Lemoyne's work, with an almost exclusively
apologetical interest, we have occasional pieces such as, E. Ceria, "Preface," IBM XV, 7-
12 [EBM XV, xiv-xix]; "Preface," IBM XVIII, 5-9; E. Ceria, Letter to the Director of the
Theological Studentate at Bollengo on the Historical Value of the Biographical
Memoirs, Turin, March 9, 1953. Tr. from the unpublished Italian typescript by M. Mend! (9
p.) [Cited as Ceria-Let). In the same category is the longer apologia by Guido Favini,
D.G.B. Lemoyne, 54lesumo di Don Bosco: Biografo onesto (Primo gr11nde biogr11fo di Don
Bosco). Torino: Scuola Grafica Salesiana (pro manuscripto), 1874. [63 pp.]. [Cited as
Favini].
A brief critical biographical sketch, with a delineation of the character of
Lemoyne, the man and the writer, as well as a scholarly and comprehensive treatment of
the questions may be found in Francis Desramaut, Les Mtmorie I de Giovanni B11ttista
Lemoyne. ~tudt d'un ouvr11ge fondament11l sur 111 jeunesst de saint fe11n Bosco (Etudes
Sal~iennes publi~ par le scolasticat des salesiens de Lyon). Lyon: Maison d'Etude
Saint-Jean-Bosco, 1862. (xii + 504 p.) [Qted as D~srortlllut-Mem I].
.
Specifically on Lemoyne's historical criteria and editorial method in the
Biogr11phiclll Memoirs is the recent essay by Francis Desramaut, "Come hanno lavorato
gli autori delle Memorie Biografiche," in Don Bosco ntll11 storill: Atti del 1' Congresso
Internazio1t11le di Studi su Don Bosco (UniTJersittl Pontifici11 S11lesian11, Rom11, 16-20
gennaio 1989) (Pubblicazioni de! Centro Studi Don Bosco, Studi storici 10), ed. Mario
Midali. Roma: LAS, 1990, p. 37-65. [Gted as Desr11m1111t-Aut). The planned English
language edition of this anthology is not yet available.
There is a scholarly, more restricted study on the same questions, serving as
introduction to a critical edition of the text of 20 letters, in Pietro Braido and Rogelio
Arena! Uata, "Don Giovanni Battista Lemoyne attraverso 20 lettere a don Michele Rua,"
Ricercht Storicht Slllesiane 7 (1988) 87-170. [Cited as Br11ido-Art11al]
A handy survey of these same questions: "Giovanni Battista Lemoyne," in
Sussidi 3: Per u1t11 ltttura di Don Bosco. Percorsi di storili slllesian11. Roma: Dicastero per
la Formazione (pro manuscripto), 1989, p. 99-124. [Cited as Suss 3)

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Lemoyne and His Work
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essay will present the results of such inquiries for English-speaking readers,
and will therefore address the very same questions. Part I will present a
biographical sketch of the man; Part II will deal with the sources and the
editorial history of the Biographical Memoirs; and Part III will inquire into the
historical criteria and into the method with which the author worked, for an
evaluation (by way of conclusion) of the historical character of the Biographical
Memoirs .
I. Fr. John Baptist Lemoyne (1839-1916)-A Biographical
Sketch
In 1864 a young Genoese priest, two years ordained, named John
Baptist Lemoyne, found himself struggling with vocational discernment: What
was the Lord calling him to, now that he was a priest? He himself has given us
an account of how the crisis was resolved through a fateful meeting with a saint.
In the present essay, whenever possible, reference will be made to documents
held in the Architlio Solesi11110 untrole , Via della Pisana 1111, Rome, Italy [cited as
ASC] of which the Fondo Don Bosco is available in 3230 microfiches [cited as FDBMicro).
Father Lemoyne's letters and personal papers held in ASC 272: Lemoyne, with
the exception of the 20 edited in Br11ido-Arenlll [d. above], have not been available to
me.
Desramaut's works [d. above] will for the most part supply reference to sources
not otherwise accessible.
Other works cited:
Memorie dell'Orotorio di Son Froncesco di Soles dill 1815 ol 1855, written by
Don Bosco between 1873 and 1975/76, in ASC 132: Autografi-Oratorio: Don Bosco's
autograph manuscript, FDBMicro 57, Al-60, A2; Father Berto's copy revised by Don
Bosco, FDBMicro 60, A3-63, E12. First published as [Eugenio Ceria], Son Giownni Bosco,
Memorie dell'OTlltorio di Son Froncesco di Soles dill 1815 111 1855. Torino: SEI, 1946 cited
as MO-Ce]. English edition: Memoirs of the 0Tlltory of Soint Froncis de Soles from 1815
to 1855. The AutobiogTllphy of Soint John Bosco, tr. by Daniel Lyons, SOB, with notes and
commentary by Eugenio Ceria, SOB, Lawrence Castelvecchi, SOB and Michael Mendl,
SOB. New Rochelle, New York: Don Bosco Publications, 1989 [cited as MO-En].
Francesco Motto, Giollllnni Bosco, Costituzioni dello Societti di S. Fr11nasco di
Soles (18581-1875: Testi critici. Roma: LAS, 1982 [cited as Motto-Cost).
Pietro Braido, Don Bosco -per i gioNni: l '<Orotorio>; Uno <Congreguione
degli Orotori>. Docummti (Piccola Biblioteca dell'Istituto Storico Salesiano 9). Roma:
LAS, 1988 [cited as BNido-DB).
Giotlonni Bosco, Opere Edite (Centro Studi Don Bosco, Universita Pontificia
Salesiana, Prima serie: libri e opuscoli), 37 vol. Roma: LAS, 1976-1977 [photo-mechanical
reproduction of the original editions] [cited as OE].
Epistolorio di S. Giollllnni Bosco, ed. D. Eugenio Ceria, Salesiano, 4 vol. Torino:
SEI, 1955, 1956, 1958, 1959 [cited as Ceriii-EpJ.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
In 1864 I was a diocesan priest 2-years ordained. I had a desire to join some
religious order but felt no attraction toward any of those with which I was
acquainted. Someone had spoken to me of Don Bosco as of a saint, but I had no
idea that he was in the process of establishing a religious society. In July 1864,
I traveled to Turin in order to meet him; but he happened to be out of town. So I
returned home to Genoa. On the last Sunday in September, I happened to be at
Belforte, a village in the vicinity of Ovada. I visited the chapel of Our Lady
there and prayed that God would manifest His will in my regard. On
awakening next morning a voice clearly sounded in my ear that said: "Go to
Lerma, and there you will meet Don Bosco." (Lerma is a village one hour's
walk from Belforte.) I wish to emphasize that I had no prior knowledge that
Don Bosco was to visit the area. The thought haunted me throughout the
celebration of Mass that morning. I was afraid, however, that it was only m y
imagination playing a trick on me. Nonetheless, I took young Marquis O\\arles
Cattaneo into my confidence, and asked him w hat he thought of it all. He
replied: "Dream or no dream, let us go to Lerma and ask the parish priest. So
we went, and learned to our great surprise that Don Bosco was due to arrive in a
couple of days. And arrive he did. I had a talk with him, and on his
invitation I visited him at the Oratory of Valdocco in Turin some time later.
From that day on until his death, I have lived with him in the Society.3
For the young priest this marked the beginning not only of his
Salesian vocation, but also of a life-long "love affair"- one marked by the
unstinted dedication of a son in love and obedience, requited by the father with
love, indeed with extraordinary affection. It is out of such love and
commitment to his beloved father Don Bosco that Father Lemoyne could
render the Salesian Family the unique service that succeeding generations of
Salesians have not ceased to acknowledge with awe and gratitude.
1. Early Years
John Baptist Lemoyne was born at Genoa, Italy, on February 2, 1839,
the eldest son of Louis, a physician of some standing, and of Countess Angela
Prasca. There were five other children.4 The family was originally from
Chalons-sur-Marne, France. They had fled their homeland two generations
3 ASC 161: Processo di Beatificazione e Canonizzazione-Deposizioni di testi-
Lemoyne, Ms copy A, FDBMicro 2179 B2f.; also ASC 163: Processo di Beatificazione e
Canonizzazione-Documenti ufficiali stampati-Summarium et Litterae Postulatoriae,
FDBMicro 2212 C9f.
4a. Suss 3, 104.

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earlier at the time of the Reign of Terror.5 In addition to a successful practice,
Louis Lemoyne held important medical posts, first for the city and then for the
whole Province of Genoa. Angela by her title brought him additional prestige.
The family was well off.
Not much is known about John's childhood and youth, nor about his
family life and early education. What little is known is derived chiefly from
letters from and to the family that have survived among his personal papers.6
He appears to have been close to his brothers, Vincent and Ignatius, and to
have been much devoted to his sister, Maria Bianca. But three persons in
particular appear to have exerted a major influence on his early life: a
grandmother, his mother and his father. This grandmother, whose name has
not been ascertained, was a strong person who provided John with guidance
and moral advice through childhood and young manhood, stressing the
importance of building a strong Christian character and of acquiring a solid
spiritual formation. Her letters also stress devotion to Our Lady.7 His mother,
on the other hand, was a deeply religious and very gentle person who was
totally devoted to her husband and to her children.8 Father Lemoyne
repeatedly acknowledges the fine religious upbringing received from her and
thanks her for fostering his priestly vocation.9 His father was also a major
5 Bul~tin SiUlsim (France) 38 (1916) 147 in Dtsramaut-Mtm I, 29. Ceria
assures us that Father Lemoyne pronounced his own name not as one would in modem
French (le.moan'), but as It.mo.en' (Ctria-Pro, 382]. Desramaut (ibid.) adds that this
reflects the old French pronunciation, le.moo.en'.
6 In ASC 272: Lemoyne. The most significant letters are: 4 letters from and 38 to
his father; 23 letters from and 87 to his mother; 10 letters from a grandmother who took a
deep interest in him (d. Dtsr11maut-Mtm I, 16).
7 This last concern, which reflects the type of devotion prevailing in the
Lemoyne family and which John took as his own, is clearly expressed in the
grandmother's letter of October 7, 1855: "Dear John, continue to be devoted to this good
mother. As a true devotee, however, you should not be satisfied with external practices
in her honor, but should imitate her virtues. She was pure, humble, obedient, charitable,
patient, etc. By imitating her virtues you will be happy in this life and in the next. True,
to acquire such virtues, one must do oneself violence; but if you pray to her and exert your
best effort, she will obtain them for you from her divine Son. Then she will really be
happy with the way you honor her [...]" (Desramaut-Mtm I, 30, note 11].
8 Cf. Desramaut-Mtm I, 30.
9 Letter of Cl\\ristmas 1879: 'The grateful memory of all you have done for me,
especially of the care you took in steering me toward the priesthood, shall ever remain
engraved in my heart and mind. For, after God, I owe my vocation to you" [Dtsramaut-
Mtm I, 31, note 13). Letter of 1880: "Whatever I am and have achieved in society and in

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influence. There was between father and son a close relationship, more in the
style of brotherly comradeship, as evidenced by the simple familiarity of their
exchanges.10
The cultured environment of the Lemoyne household provided
considerable stimulus to John through his primary and secondary studies. In
1856 and 1857, at the age of 17 and 18, he completed successfully the licenza
liceale and the magistero (roughly, the equivalent of a college degree and
teacher's "certificate" in the United States). He immediately took the clerical
habit and applied to enter the seminary at Genoa.
2. Seminary Formation and Priestly Ordination
The five-year theological course at the seminary (1857-1862) seems to
have been a mixed experience for John. Unlike the seminaries in Piedmont,
the Genoa seminary stood in the Alphonsian tradition as to theology and
pastoral practice; and therefore presumably John Lemoyne, unlike John Bosco,
had no serious rigorist handicap to overcome. Nevertheless, he seems to have
found seminary discipline unduly restrictive. In a diary for October 18, 1860 he
speaks of petty rules "promulgated" by the Rector.11 And when considering
various religious orders at the time of his vocational discernment as a young
priest he writes in a personal memoir: "Now that I have left the seminary and
regained my freedom (though I admit I spent some happy years there), do you
think I am going to shut myself up again within four walls?"12 However, the
the Church, I owe it to you. For it was your upbringing that permanently fired my heart
with the love of God and a hatred for sin" [Ibid.].
10 The Biogrllphical Memoirs record a reminiscence of Father Lemoyne's: "How
often as a young boy, I used to pass in front of St. Cajetan's Church and ask my father,
'Don't they ever open this church?' Then he would tell me its history. I learned how,
during Napoleon's reign, the classic paintings in the church had been removed to the
sacristy of St. Siro, another church which had been wrested from the Theatine Fathers.
He also told me about the 'the bell of Divine Providence' which rang at mealtime to
invite the faithful to bring food to the monks, and how the latter had never lacked for
anything, though they had nothing of their own" [EBM X, 179f.]. In 1872 the church and
convent of St. Cajetan were acquired and restored by Don Bosco for the establishment of
the Salesian work in Sanpierdarena (Genoa).
11 Archival document quoted in Desramaut-Mem I, 31, note 17.
12 ASC 110: Cronachette-1..emoyne, "Nell'autunno del 1864", p . 1, in FDBMicro
947 BS. By contrast, after he joined Don Bosco, his letters grow lyrical on the subject of the
life at the Oratory.

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"praise of the seminary" with which he later prefaced John Bosco's seminary
period in the Biographical Memoirs, mar truly reflect, at least in part, his own
personal experience and recollections.1
As a seminarian John was a model of diligence and piety, and he lived
the spiritual life deeply, albeit with certain peculiar emphases. The resolutions
taken before his ordination to the subdiaconate, March 16, 1861, testify to this.
Long live Mary! Dear Mother, I pray, bless these resolutions of mine: 1. I shall
remain chaste to my dying breath. 2. I shall pray the office pronouncing the
words clearly and distinctly. 3. I shall apply myself to study and shall not
waste my time in useless pursuits. 4. I shall fulfill faithfully all my duties as a
subdeacon. 5. I shall love Jesus as my closest friend 6. I shall do everything for
the greater glory of God. 7. I shall work hard in the [Lord's] TJineytird. 8. In the
way I dress, act, speak, and go about I shall give evidence of being in Jesus'
service. Mary, you have granted me so many graces; you have seen me through
so many battles! I trust that you will see me through these as well. If I could
only henceforth lead a holy life and never commit even a venial sin! Mary, I
pray, obtain this grace from God for me. I know you will, because you were
always a good mother to me. Long live Mary! Long live Jesus! Long live Pius
IX! Your humble son G.B. Lemoyne, about to be ordained a subdeacon, begging
you to obtain for him all necessary graces from God.14
Clearly these words reveal a deep spiritual life and commitment with
strong Marian orientation. Mary is even given priority: "Long live Mary! Long
live Jesus!" Even more remarkable is the reference to Pius IX, and therefore to
the papacy, as part of his spiritual program: "Long live Pius IX!"
This outburst of devotion to the Pope is particularly understandable in
the context of the unification of Italy (1861), achieved in part through the
invasion and the annexation of the Papal States, and through depriving the
Pope of his temporal power. More generally this reflects the conservative
mentality which John had acquired from family tradition and from education.
The Lemoyne household was a conservative one, and that is understandable in
view of the family's status and provenance. Furthermore, from childhood John
had lived through the experiences of the liberal revolution; and his strictly
conservative Catholic upbringing would have fostered in him feelings of
13 "The seminary is a sacred precinct where a young Levite hears more clearly
the Lord's voice calling him to serve at the altar; it is the holy place where his devotion
grows, where his zeal for the salvation of souls becomes more ardent [...). It is the garden
of God where the best flowers of the diocese are gathered [...]" [EBM I, 281).
14 Archival document quoted in Desrtimtiut-Mem I, 32, note 19.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
solidarity with the Pope, whom the liberals, especially the republicans, attacked
with particular viciousness. Besides his family upbringing, John's later
education was responsible for shaping his strongly conservative views. These
became only more deeply ingrained with the revolution's inexorable progress,
and eventually show up in his work as a biographer and historian. Referring to
the events of 1861 in the Biographical Memoirs, he would later write: 'Those
were very sad days for the Church."15 And he laments the government's attacks
on the Church and Cavour's demand that Rome should be made the capital of
Italy. In comments scattered through the volumes of the Biographical
Memoirs authored by him (Volumes I-IX) he repeatedly decries not only the
excesses, but the very fact of the liberal revolution and its program. Finally, the
outrage with which those "very sad days" are recalled betrays not merely the
biographer's conservative political views, but also a conservative theology and
ecclesiology in which the historical papacy and the Church are seen as one,
and in which Mary figures as the symbol of God's saving power in the Church
for the eventual defeat of the evil of liberalism and the restoration of the old
order. In this respect, John Lemoyne and John Bosco were as "two peas in a
pod".
Father Lemoyne's priestly ordination took place on June 14, 1862.
There is no record of how he spent the first two years as a priest before meeting
Don Bosco in late 1864. Normally newly ordained priests spent their first two
years of priesthood attending conferences in moral and pastoral theology in
order to prepare for the priestly ministry, especially that of hearing confessions,
while serving as assistants in some parish, or the like. There is no reason to
suppose that Father Lemoyne was any exception. But of greater significance,
is the fact that during this period he was considering entering some religious
order, but could not make up his mind. We have already seen from his own
testimony how the crisis was resolved, and how he met Don Bosco and cast his
lot with him.
3. Meeting with Don Bosco
Don Bosco was traveling through southern Piedmont and Liguria with
a large group of lads on what turned out to be the last of the fall outings. The
Biographical Memoirs give a detailed account of the various stages of the
15 EBM VI, 503.

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Lemoyne and His Work
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outing that took Don Bosco and his boys as far as Genoa.16 On their way back
from Genoa they stopped at Mornese, where Don Bosco had important
matters to discuss with Father Dominic Pestarino, and where he met the
Daughters of Mary Immaculate and Mary Mazzarello for the first time.17
Father Lemoyne describes the circumstances that brought about the
encounter in a second account in which he refers to himself in the third person
as "a young priest":
In the fall of 1864 a young priest was seeking to discern God's will in regard to
his future. One Sunday evening. while visiting the village of Belforte, he went
to pray the holy Rosary before Our Lady's altar in the local church. He prayed
to Our Lady that she would make known to him what his vocation should be.
On the day he received the sacred order of priesthood, a companion of the
deacon class, and a dose friend of his, had asked him confidentially, "Are you
really happy?"
"Very happy," answered the newly ordained priest.
"However, your heart is not completely satisfied, right?"
•And why not? How would you know what's on my mind?"
"I know only that you are not cut out to be a diocesan priest," replied
his friend.
"What on earth are you trying to say?"
"Be honest with yourself. Deep down you do feel that you should be a
religious, don't you?"
'That is true. But now that I have regained my freedom (although I
admit I spent some happy years in the seminary), do you think I am going to
shut myself up again within four walls? Then, to be perfectly frank with you,
there isn't a religious order that I like. I find the Capuchins disgusting; I have
no respect for the Friars Minors of the Observance; the Dominicans drive me out
of church by their preaching; I like and I think a lot of the Jesuits, but I don't
feel the calling. So, as you see, I will never become a religious."
16 For the fall outing of 1864 d. EBM VII, 445-462. For earlier ones, d. EBM V,
223; VI, 143; IV, 445 (1853); VI, 27 (1858); 140-154 (1859); 436-443 (1860); 608-614 (1861);
VII, 158-170 (1862); VII, 332-325 (186.3).
17 a. EBM VU, 450. Father Dominic Pestarino (1817-1874), had been born at
Momese, had received his priestly training at the diocesan seminary in Genoa, and had
returned to Momese in 1847 or 1848 for political reasons. There he was exercising the
priestly ministry with great success. He had met Don Bosco in 1862, and had become a
Salesian some time in 186.3 [d. Diz, 219; EBM VII, 452f.]. He was especially dedicated to
the spiritual direction of adolescents and young adults in the parish, with particular
attention to the Daughters of Mary Immaculate. They were a group of young women
devoted to the spiritual life and the apostolate, founded under Father Pestarino's
direction as a branch of the parent group founded in Genoa by Father Joseph Frassinetti
(1804-1868). Mary Mazzarello (1837-1881) was the youngest member of the group;
eventually she would become the Co-foundress with Don Bosco of the Daughters of Mary
Help of Olristians. Her first contact with Don Bosco would be decisive for her and for
the whole group.

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"Well! Our Lady loves you so much that if none of the present
religious orders appeals to you, she will come up with one just for you, one you
are bound to like. You11 see."
Two years had gone by since that conversation. And now, the morning
after praying the Rosary to obtain enlightenment from Our Lady, while not
quite awake, [that young priest] heard a voice whisper distinctly in his ear,
"Go to Lerma and there you will meet Don Bosco." When he became fully
awake, those words still echoed clearl~ in his mind. He had never heard
anyone speak of Don Bosco, except once.1 He did not know of any friend of Don
Bosco's in that part of the country. The Pope would have been a more likely
visitor than Don Bosco to those parts, so far did those villages lie off the
beaten path. Hence, he took three friends of his into his confidence and related
that strange experience to them. They told him, "Lerma is only one hour's walk
from here; you can easily indulge your fancy." So he went to Lerma with one of
his friends. But not daring to ask around for fear of being ridiculed, he called on
a priest, a friend of his, and asked him if he had heard anything recently that
concerned Don Bosco of Turin. That priest answered that he had not, but that
they could inquire of the pastor, who was personally in touch with the founder
of the Oratory. They called on the pastor, and to their surprise they learned
that Don Bosco was to visit Lerma in eight days. The young priest was fairly
jolted out of his seat on hearing the amazing news. He returned home [to
Belforte], where the other two friends were waiting in the high castle
courtyard. Laughing at what they thought had been a good joke, they shouted
from above, "So, is Don Bosco coming or not?" "Yes he is," rang the answer from
below. They ran down to meet their friends and could not believe that the
dream had really come true. The following Sunday Don Bosco a.rrived at
Momese. On the following day, after evening services, the pastor of Lerma,
Archpriest [Raymond] Olivieri, and the young priest, who had now been his
guest for some days, went to Momese. Father Pestarino asked them to stay for
supper. No sooner had Don Bosco set his eyes on that priest, that he looked at
him intently and demanded, "What is your name?"
The priest told him his name.
"Where are you from?"
He told him where he was from.
"Well," he added, "come with me to Turin!"
l8 In the first person aa:ount quoted above [cf. note 3) he states more generally,
"Someone had spoken to me of Don Bosco as of a saint, but I had no idea that he w as in the
process of establishing a religious society." He had very probably heard all about Don
Bosco from Father Francis Montebruno (1831-1895), the founder of the Oper1t degli
Artigi1tnelli in Genoa, whom Father Lemoyne had helped and on occasions even
substituted in the work during absences. Don Bosco and Father Montebruno had been in
touch since 1857 [d. Br1tido-An:1111l, 93, note 12 and text relating thereto].
Don Bosco thought so highly of Father Montebruno that he regarded him as a
Salesian, and his hospice-oratory as a Salesian work. In the Constitutions of 1864,
Purpose, art. 3, note (1), Don Bosco writes: 'The priest, Father Francis Montebruno, a
member of this Society, in 1855 opened a house in Genoa called the Optrll degli
Artiguinelli" [Motto-Cost, 76). Indeed in 1864 they were discussing a "merger" (cf. EBM
VII, 447f.).

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Lemoyne and His Work
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"I wouldn't mind," the young priest answered After some further
conversation they went in to supper.
The next day the whole company (Don Bosco and his boys) trooped
into Lerma, where Archpriest Olivieri had organized a splendid welcome for
Don Bosco.19 The young priest walked with Don Bosco, and at dinner Father
Olivieri seated him next to the man of God. Consequently he had an
opportunity to speak about his future and about the Turin Oratory, but without
coming to a practical understanding, because the conversation was about the
means of safeguarding young people.from the many dangers that beset them.
"I should be happy to return to Turin with you," the priest said to Don
"And what is your motive for wishing to join me?"
"To help you in whatever little way I can."
"No," Don Bosco answered firmly. "God's works need no help from
any man."
"I'll come and do whatever you will ask me to do."
"Come solely with the good of your soul in view."
"I will come on th09e terms," the priest replied.
On the way back to Momese that priest again walked alone with Don
Bosco the whole way. He was thus able to tell him all about his past life and
about what he had been doing and thinking up to that point. It was a most
satisfactory walk. The next day, in the middle of dinner, taking advantage of
a lull in the conversation, Don Bosco, speaking so that everyone could hear,
suddenly told that priest, ~rite to your father and your mother, and notify
them of your departure for Turin and of your decision to stay with Don Bosco."
"I must break the news to my father in person for propriety's sake. I
already know for sure that my mother will give her consent."
•
Don Bosco pursued the matter no further. But on Wednesday, before
departing for Capriata with his youngsters, he took leave of the young priest
and inquired, "When are you coming to Turin?"
"In a week's time. By next Wednesday I will be there," he replied.
And he kept his word.20
19 CI. EBM VII, 455.
20 ASC 110: Cronachette-Lemoyne, "Nell'autunno del 1864", in FBDMicro 947
B5&3 (pages are out of order), referred to above (d. note 12).
This printed, unpublished account, as may be seen, parallels (with greater
detail) the first-person testimony given at the Process, already quoted [d note 3 above
and text relating thereto). There is a third, shorter but touching, narrative of the event in
the Biographical Memoirs, also in the third person. Omitting the preliminaries, this
begins with the walk to Momese (after the meeting at Lerma):
Don Bosco again walked the long way back to Momese, accompanied
by a young priest who had been introduced to him there (at Lerma] by his
friend, the pastor. By a stroke of good fortune he found himself alone with Don
Bosco. Amiably Don Bosco again asked his name and birthplace and then
added, "How about coming to Turin with me?" "Why not?" the young priest
replied, as if charmed by Don Bosco's affability. At dinner in Lerma, the
pastor had seated the young priest at Don Bosco's side, and the latter had
given him desaiptions of the Oratory (...). Quite impressed by it all, the young
priest had remarked, "If it's alright with you, I'd very much like to come to

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12
Journal of Salesian Studies
On Tuesday, October 18, 1864 Father Lemoyne arrived at the Oratory
of Valdocco in Turin, and so began his Salesian life and his "love affair" with
Don Bosco.21
4. One Year with Don Bosco and Perpetual Profession
When Father Lemoyne entered the Oratory in October 1864, at the
age of 25, the Salesians numbered about 80-11 priests and a few brothers; the
remainder were "clerics" studying for ordination while engaged full time in
Salesian work.22 With the exception of Don Bosco, who was 49, and of Father
Victor Alasonatti, who was 52 and had joined ten years earlier,23 all of them
Turin with you." "Why?" "To help you in whatever little way I can." "No,"
Don Bosco had countered. "God's works do not need any man's help." "Then, I'll
just come and do whatever you ask me to do." "Come only with the intention of
doing your soul some good." 'Very well," the young priest answered. For an
hour and a half, while strolling along together, he confided to Don Bosco his
past life and plans for the future. The young priest never forgot that walk.
[Appiirently thllt night "the young priesr stiiyed iit Momese with Don Bosco llS
Fr. Pestiirino's guest.].
The following day, Tuesday, October 11, Don Bosco set out after lunch
with all his boys for Capriata [...]. ["The young priest " went lllong.] At a
certain point where the road forked toward Gavi and Montaldeo, the young
priest, who had to go to Serravalle Scrivia, took his leave of Don Bosco. "Will
you come to Turin then?" Don Bosco asked with a charming smile. "You don't
mind my addressing you in a familiar way (che le dill del tu)?" "I surely don't.
Count me in as one of your sons. Within a week I shall be with you" [EBM VTI,
455f.).
As may be seen, the three narratives differ as to length and details, especially
with respect to the place where Father Lemoyne and Don Bosco first met (Mornese or
Lerma). This, however, is less significant than the fact that the meeting was for Father
Lemoyne a charismatic experience that imparted a new direction and a new purpose to
his life.
2l "Tuesday, October 18. I arrive in Turin" [archival document cited in
Desriinizut-Mnn I, 24, note 28].
22 a . EBM VIII, 3.
23 Father Victor Alasonatti (1812-1865), a native of Avigliana (Turin) and a
"graduate" of the Pastoral Institute (ConTlitto Ecclesiastico) in Turin, was a teacher in
his home town. In 1854 Don Bosco asked Father Alasonatti to join him and "give him a
hand". He became a Salesian and served as administrator of the Oratory until his death
in 1865 [d. Di%, 1lf.).

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Lemoyne and His Work
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were under thirty. The Salesian Congregation (officially founded in 1859) had
already obtained the decretum laudis (July 1864) and had established its first
two schools outside of Turin: Mirabello (1863) and Lanzo (1864). At Valdocco,
the Church of Mary Help of Christians was rising from its foundations. Above
all Don Bosco had already become "a legend". The belief that he was endowed
with extraordinary powers was widespread, not only among his sons, but also
among people at large. This re-enforced Father Lemoyne's recent charismatic
experience. He was completely won over.
There was as yet no regular novitiate program in place. Father
Lemoyne made his apprenticeship by working full time like the others-"as a
Salesian". The so-called heroic decade had come to an end with the sixties, but
life at the Oratory was still ''heroic" in the highest degree. None of the diocesan
priests that joined Don Bosco from time to time could cope with the torrid pace
of life at the Oratory. Father Alasonatti had been the first, and now Father
Lemoyne would be the second notable exception. He immediately caught the
1 spirit of the motto, "work and temperance". He was happy and never looked
back.24
Don Bosco had ways of testing his new men, especially as the the date
for the profession of vows drew near. In a third-person, but transparent
account, derived from "the memoirs of a Salesian, who had been a late
vocation and who wa·s preparing himself for his religious profession this very
year [1865]," Father Lemoyne describes how Don Bosco sometimes tested the
character of candidates ''by feigning diminution of benevolence". The puzzling
story tells how Don Bosco suddenly and without apparent reason "turned off'
his customary show of affection, and how much the object of this feigned
disinterest suffered on that account. The person in question had composed
and read some verses in Don Bosco's honor on his name day, but he had not
received the slightest acknowledgment. The period of trial came to a head,
and to an end, on the occasion of a visit of Don Bosco to the print shop, where
this person (Father Lemoyne) was busily proofreading some copy for the
press.25
24 In a letter to his parents, December 24, 1864, he writes: "I feel increasingly
happier in my new situation [...). I am extremely busy and haven't got even one minute to
idle away; we work, and we work with all our might [...)" [Letter of December 24, 1864,
ASC 272: Lemoyne, quoted in Desramt1ut-Mmi I, 35, note 37).
25 Cf. EBM VIII, 124ff.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
A little more than a year after his entrance at the Oratory, on
November 10, 1865, Father Lemoyne was admitted to religious profession. He
was the first to take perpetual vows in the Congregation, five days ahead of
such notables as Fathers Michael Rua, John Cagliero, John Baptist Francesia,
Charles Ghivarello and John Bonetti.26
5. Director of the Salesian School at Lanzo (1865-1877)
The reason why Father Lemoyne professed ahead of the others must
be sought in the urgency of Don Bosco's need to fill the post of Director of the
Salesian school at Lanzo vacated by the untimely death of Father Dominic
Ruffino, its first Director.27 He held that post for twelve years until 1877. At first
he was the only priest in the school, his immediate staff consisting of half a
dozen able "clerics". By 1868 other priests became available. Under Father
Lemoyne the Lanzo school prospered. Beginning with primary grades and a
modest enrollment, the school program was expanded to the secondary level
in 1868, with growing attendance in succeeding years.28
It should be noted that thus far Father Lemoyne had spent only one
year with Don Bosco. But Lanzo was only a few miles from Turin. Father
Lemoyne would visit Don Bosco in Turin when necessary; and though by no
means afraid to take decisions on his own, he would consult Don Bosco
26 a. EBM VIII, 126f. Michael Rua (1837-1910), John Cagliero (1838-1926),
John Baptist Francesia (1838-1930), Charles Ghivarello (1835-1913) and John Bonetti
(1838-1891), Salesians of the first hour all, had been founding members of the Society in
1859 and part of the group of 22 that took temporary vows at the first official profession
in 1862 (d. EBM VII, 102).
27 The Biogriiphiclll Memoirs outline the circumstances of Father Lemoyne's
appointment to Lanzo instead of Mirabello, as Don Bosco had originally intended. Fr.
Bonetti's appointment, originally to Lanzo, was changed to Mirabello (d. EBM VIII, 128),
replacing Father Rua, who was leaving that post to fill the office of Prefect at the
Oratory, in tum vacated by Father Alasonatti's death (d. note 23 above) . For Father
Ruffino's death (July 6, 1865), d. EBM VIII, 72, 83, 86f. For Father Alasonatti's (October
8, 1865), d. EBM VIII, 103ff.
28 a. Don Bosco's Letter to the Chief School Administrator, September 28, 1868
in IBM IX, 360 (om. in EBM). Here the enrollment is given as 124 boarders and over 200
day students. According to Father Lemoyne's report to the Directors at the General
Conferences of St. Francis de Sales in 1875 the number of boarders was expected to exceed
200 [d. EBM XI, 14). In 1876 Father Lemoyne reports an enrollment of 220 boarders and 130
day students (0. EBM XII, 47).

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Lemoyne and His Work
15
whenever some problem arose.29 Don Bosco, on his part, kept a vigilant eye
over the school and the Salesian community, and was a frequent visitor there.
Thus Father Lemoyne could continue throughout his stay at Lanzo to record
first-hand words and deeds of Don Bosco -- an activity in which, in
collaboration with others at the Oratory, he had been involved from the start.
6. Local Spiritual Director of the Daughters of Mary Help of
Christians at Momese and Nizza (1877-1883)
Father James Costamagna had been for three years Local Spiritual
Director of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians at Momese.30 Since he
had requested to go to the missions, he asked Father Lemoyne if he would be
willing to take the job. Father Lemoyne replied that he was committed to his
children at Lanzo, and that he would go to Momese only if Don Bosco desired
it. But Don Bosco would not give the order. However, Father Costamagna
cajoled Father Lemoyne into writing a petition.31 It was thus that in 1877 Father
29 A new building on the verge of collapsing [d. EBM XIV, 271); slanderous
rumors and harassment [d. EBM X, 523f.); hosting anticlerical State authorities on the
occasion of the inauguration of the Turin-Lanzo railway [d. EBM XII, 300-309).
30 On January 29, 1872 twenty-seven Daughters of Mary Immaculate (soon to be
known as Daughters of Mary Help of Christians) [d. note 17 above), with Father
Pestarino presiding and with Don Bosco's instructions, elected Mary Mazzarello as
Superior. The institute of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians was officially
founded on August 5, 1872 when, in the presence of the newly elected Bishop Joseph
Sciandra of Acqui and of Don Bosco, the Sisters (Mary Mazzarello being the first) made
their temporary profession. Don Bosco confirmed Mary Mazzarello as Superior, but
acceded to her wish to be known merely as Vicaress.
At Father Pestarino's death in 1874, Don Bosco appointed Father Joseph
Cagliero (1847-1874) to succeed him as Spiritual Director of the Sister's mother house, but
he died two months later. Father James Costamagna (1846-1921) was appointed to
replace him and served in that capacity for three years (1874-18m. He was then called
to lead the third missionary expedition to South America, where he distinguished
himself as a missionary and Salesian Superior, and finally as Vicar Apostolic of Mendez
y Gualaquiza in Ecuador.
The office of Local Spiritual Director (actually, a Chaplain-Administrator) of
the Sisters should be distinguished from that of Spiritual Director General. This latter
office was held by Father Oater Bishop) John Cagliero, as Spiritual Director General of
the Salesian Society. The Salesians provided this double service to the Sisters until
their "separation", by decree of the Holy See, in 1906. Later the service was resumed
under different juridical forms.
3l a . G.B. Francesia, Suor M.iirili M.iiz:zzartllo. I due primi lustri dtllt Figlie di
Mario Ausiliotria. S. Benigno Canavese, 1906, quoted in Desra.ma.ut-M~ I, 38f, notes 55
and56.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Lemoyne was appointed to the Sisters' community at Mornese as Local
Spiritual Director, a post he held until 1883. His coming to Mornese was like a
breath of fresh air; for although the talented Father Costamagna did much to
consolidate the community, the Sisters, and Mother Mazzarello in particular,
had suffered greatly under his harsh rule. Great spiritual and institutional
progress was made under the more gentle Father Lemoyne. At the beginning
of 1879 he presided over the transfer of the mother house of the Daughters of
Mary Help of Christians to Nizza,32 and in 1881 he assisted Mother Mazzarello
in her last illness and death.33 But Father Lemoyne was not happy in this
appointment. He had become attached to the boys at Lanzo and loved the
active life of the school. Moreover, being awkward in the presence of women
by nature and upbringing, he found living in the Sisters' house without
interruption a severe trial. And further, he regarded himself as an exile from
Don Bosco and the Oratory, for bolh Momese and Nizza were a lot farther
from Turin than Lanzo. To that extent also Father Lemoyne's activity as a
chronicler suffered a setback.
7. Secretary to Don Bosco and to the Superior Chapter (1883-
1916)
In 1883 Father Louis Bussi was appointed Local Spiritual Director of
the Sisters at Nizza.34 Father Lemoyne, relieved in more ways than one,3.5 was
recalled to Valdocco as Editor-in-chief of the Bollettino Salesiano and as
Secretary to Don Bosco and to the Superior Chapter (General Council), holding
this last office also under Don Bosco's successors until his death in 1916. Now
he would spend over four years close to Don Bosco, as his confidant and
confessor. These were years of deep, unalloyed joy. Years of genuine interior
life and dedication to the service of others had brought about a remarkable
32 For the details of the transfer d . EBM XIII, 137-156.
33 For Mother Mazzarello's illness and death, d. EBM XV, 295-30l.
34 Father Louis Bussi (1848-1928) served as Local Spiritual Director at Nizza
from 1883 to 1886. He subsequently served as Director and Provincial till disabled by
illness [Diz, 61).
35 Father Lemoyne writes to his mother: "I am transferred to Turin.[...) Don
Bosco wishes me to be near him as his special helper and collaborator. The Lord could not
have appointed me to a more desirable post. 1shall also be in intimate daily contact
with Mary Help of Ctristians, whose secretary I shall also be [referring to the
publication of "graces") [...). As far as I am concerned, I could not be happier if they had
made me king [...]" [Letter of December 18, 1883 in ASC 272: Lemoyne, quoted in
Dt!sramaut-Nfem I, 40, note 65).

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Lemoyne and His Work
17
human and Christian maturity in the man, otherwise characterized by an
emotive-active personality and a certain superficiality. But these were the
years of Father Lemoyne's Salesian maturity. His sole concern was to serve the
Father and Master, and to gather for posterity everything that pertained to
him. His personal attachment to Don Bosco was legendary, even though its
external expression did not quite match that of his extraordinary young
collaborator, "Oeric" (then Father) Charles Viglietti, who served Don Bosco in
the capacity of personal and traveling secretary from 1884 till the Saint's death
in 1888. It was in this capacity that, at Father Lemoyne's request, he also
chronicled Don Bosco's last years.
Don Bosco appreciated Father Lemoyne's devotion and confidence,
and responded in kind. Ceria records Don Bosco's words to Father Lemoyne
when the latter returned to the Oratory in 1883:
"How long do you intend to remain with Don Bosco at the Oratory?" Don Bosco
asked. "Till the end of time," Father Lemoyne replied. "Very well then, I
entrust my poor self to you. Deal kindly with me, especially by hearing me out.
I shall keep no secrets from you, neither those of my heart nor those of the
Congregation. When my last hour comes, I shall be in need of an intimate friend
to whom I may speak a last word in confidence."36
Father Lemoyne's relationship with Don Bosco was so close that there
developed deep mutual understanding and affection, and perfect mutual
communication, as between two kindred souls. Desramaut writes: 'This priest
[Lemoyne) felt a great need for tenderness, and this need was satisfied by his
spiritual father. A greater and more intimately shared affection between two
men would be difficult to imagine".37
36 IBM XVI, 419.
37 Di!sr1mu11d-Mtm I, 45. An extraordinary short memoir (a mere scrap of
paper) by Lemoyne reveals the love that bonded the two together: Tun Bosco and I met
unexpectedly at Alessandria as we both were traveling to Borgo San Martino for the feast
of St. Aloysius. [He said to me:) 'Ah! dear Father Lemoyne, I do love you (io ti wglio
bl!nl!).' 'Thank you, Don Bosco.' 'Yes, Don Bosco has always loved you, and loves you now,
very much.' 'Oh! Don Bosco!' 'Because, you know, Don Bosco loves you.' (I am at a loss as
to how to correspond to such undeserved affection. Don Bosco knows me, and he knows
that for him I am ready for any sacrifice.) He repeated those words to me three times,
while holding my hand and looking at me with such tenderness that I was moved to
tears." In the same memoir he records Don Bosco's words on another occasion: "I regard
you as a brother and I love you as a brother" [ASC 272: Lemoyne, Di!sr1Vnaut-Mem I, 45(.
and note 88).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Father Lemoyne's familiarity with Don Bosco enabled him to acquire
a truly personal knowledge of the master, of his method, and of his spirit, to the
extent that he even made Don Bosco's style his own. He became Don Bosco's
perfect interpreter. When Don Bosco needed to write a letter to his boys or to
his Salesians, he would often get Father Lemoyne to do it for him, certain that
his love or concern would be perfectly expressed.38 Through those last few
years Father Lemoyne lived in close contact with Don Bosco and was
privileged to accompany him on some of his journeys. Noteworthy was the trip
to Rome of 1884, rendered more memorable by the fact that it occasioned the
writin~ of a famous Letter, which Father Lemoyne styled in Don Bosco's
name. 9
Through his years of close association with Don Bosco, Father
Lemoyne, whenever possible, would be found in his company in friendly
conversation. .Qn one occasion, Don Bosco spoke some remarkable words to
him. Ceria writes:
On one of those evenings when Father Lemoyne and Don Bosco, as was their
custom, were chatting together, Don Bosco unexpectedly said to him: 'You will
live to a ripe old age." On another occasion, as Father Lemoyne was following
Don Bosco up the stairs, Don Bosco suddenly stopped, turned, and said to him
confidentially: "A glorious future lies in store for you." And after a pause he
continued: 'What you have had to suffer till now is nothing compared with the
sufferings that lie ahead. But have courage; nothing in this world lasts
forever; and in the end... after all this... Heaven!"40
38 For instance, writing to Father Lemoyne from Toulon, Viglietti relays Don
Bosco's request: "Don Bosco would like you to write a letter in his name, because, he says,
no one can interpret his love for the boys better than you can. This letter is for the boys of
the Oratory, and it must be written immediately. Make it short but meaty, and let it
clearly express the idea that the Oratory is in his thoughts continually-that of an
evening, with his little secretary Viglietti, he amuses himself by passing in review the
boys, the superiors (...]" (Letter of April 20, 1885, ASC '02: Viglietti, in Desramaut-Mem
I, 45, note 86).
39 In April 1884 Father Lemoyne accompanied Don Bosco on a trip to Rome (d.
IBM XVII, 65-123). Toward the end of their stay in the Eternal City, Don Bosco had a
dream about the Oratory, and had Father Lemoyne record and send it as a letter to
Father Rua in Turin. It is perhaps the finest example of how perfectly Father Lemoyne
could interpret Don Bosco's spirit. It is the famous Letter from R01m [d. Ibid., 107-114).
For a critical edition, with an extensive introduction and commentary, cl. Pietro Braido,
Lil Lettera di Don Bosco dll Rom11. del 10 maggio 1884 (Piccola Biblioteca dell'Istituto
Storico S4Zlesiano 3). Roma: LAS, 1984).
40 Ceritl-Pro, 398.

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Lemoyne and His Work
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After Don Bosco's death, Lemoyne seemed to die, too, in a way.
Understood and appreciated by some, but misunderstood and criticized by
others, plagued with physical ailments and troubled by mental and emotional
suffering, he practically lived as a recluse for the rest of his life. But he would
be up unfailingly at four in the morning and toil till late at night, organizing
and editing the immense mass of biographical material he had accumulated
on Don Bosco through the years, and laboring tirelessly at the project that
would eventually produce the monumental Biographical Memoirs.41 With
incredible tenacity and dedication he persevered in this labor of love for over
thirty years until his death in 1916.
II. Father Lemoyne and the Biographical Memoirs
1. The Origin of a Biography and the Choice of Lemoyne for the
Work
The idea of a "history" of Don Bosco and his work did not originate
with Father Lemoyne by any means. By the time Father Lemoyne left Nizza to
return to Turin in 1883, Don Bosco and the Salesians around him had already
given some thought to the matter. By this time Don Bosco had also done
something personally in that direction with his Memoirs of the Oratory of St.
Francis tk Sales.42 A substantial portion of this work had then been brought to
a wider readership by Father John Bonetti's serial publication in the Bollettino
Salesiano under the title of Storia dell 'Oratorio di san Francesco di Sales.43
Again, it seems that Don Bosco wished to pursue this very idea when he began
41 Lemoyne writes: "I work by day and by night; I take no recreation; I never
leave my room; I refuse to take on any other assignment; I am almost always alone. But I
hope that my confreres will say a prayer from the heart for me when I am gone. I shall
need it; because, as you know this kind of life is totally contrary to my natural bent"
[Letter to Bishop Cagliero of December 7, 1886(?), ASC 2n.31: Lemoyne-Fagnano, in
Desrt1mRut-Mtm I, 42, note 73).
42 a .note 2 above.
43 Oohn Bonetti], "Storia dell'Oratorio di san Francesco di Sales," Bolltttino
5,z1esia110 3:1 (1879) 6-8 and on serially until 1886; later published as Ci1111ue lustri di
storia dtll'Oratorio Saltsiano di Valdocco. Torino: Tipografia Salesiana, 1892; and
translated into English as Giovanni Bonetti, Don Bosco's Early Apostolatt. London: Bums
Oates and Washboume, 1908 [d. Journal of Saltsilm Studies 1:1 (1990) 24ff.]

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Journal of Salesian Studies
to write his Memorie dal 1841 al 1884-5-6 del sac. Gio. Bosco a' suoi figliuoli
Salesiani.44 Don Bosco had expressed a definite concern for "historical record"
at the General Conferences of St. Francis de Sales of 1876 and at the General
Chapter of 1877, out of a conviction that his own life and that of the
Congregation had been under supernatural guidance, and that the memory of
the life and work of early Salesians should not be lost.45
Among those who realized the importance of such an undertaking was
Father Michael Rua, Don Bosco's right-hand man, and soon (1884) to become
his Vicar with right of succession. But to whom could this task be entrusted?
The gifted and enterprising Father Bonetti was now Spiritual Director of the
Society. Father Francesia, gifted poet and able writer though he was, could not
be depended on to accomplish a task of such magnitude and difficulty. Father
Lemoyne, on the other hand, freed from his Nizza assignment, was both
available, capable, and willing. He had all along been an active recorder and
chronicler of Don Bosco's words and deeds, and he already had a well-
deserved reputation as an indefatigable collector of historical information and
testimonies on Don Bosco and his work. His prior career as a writer fitted him
admirably for the ta_sk and guaranteed the quality of the final product.46 He
was a proven worker, orthodox, painstaking, reliable. His attachment to Don
Bosco was a legend. His job as secretary left him "leisure hours". He was the
ideal man for the task.
44 This is the title of what turned out to be Don Bosco's Spirituiil Testoment,
written in a small note book (hucuino) in the mid-1880s, in ASC 132: Taccuini, FDBMicro
748 06-750 E4; critical edition, with introductory study by Francesco Motto, Memorie dtlI
1841 ol 1884-5-6 pel StlC. Gio. Bosco o' suoi figliuoli Solesiani (Testomento spirituole)
(Piccola Biblioteca dell'Istituto Storico Salesiano 4). Roma : LAS, 1985.
45 a. EBM XII, 51f.; EBM XIII, 205ff. For a fuller discussion, cf. P. Braido,
"L'ISS realta nuova radicata in una tradizione," Ricerche Storiche Solesiane 1 (1982) 16-
33.
46 Lemoyne's career as a writer had been launched when Don Bosco asked him to
write for the Githolic Rutdings a biography of Joseph Mazzarello, a young Salesian who
had been a member of Father Lemoyne's community and teaching staff at Lanzo and who
had died in 1868: Biogrofia del giot1one Mozurello Giuseppe pel Socerdote G.B.
Lemoyne Direttore del Collegio-Cont1itto di umzo. Turin, 1870. Don Bosco gave him
instructions on how and with what aim a biography of that type should be written [cf.
EBM IX, 350f.]. This is of interest because in so doing Don Bosoo described and passed on to
Father Lemoyne his own "method"-a method which, while relying on sources (that is,
on standard books), yet aims chiefly at religious and moral edification. Subsequently
Lemoyne had authored over two dozen historical and biographical, and nearly as many
dramatic, works. He had also gained a reputation for his poetic compositions in praise of
Don Bosco and his work of charity [cf. Br11idcrArenal, 100-114; Desromout-Mem I, 47-55].

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Lemoyne and His Work
21
Lemoyne's words in the Author's Preface to Volume I of the
Biographical Memoirs would lead us to believe that Father Rua was the prime
mover behind the undertakin,= 'To (Father Rua) I dedicate these volumes that
he inspired and approved."4 And likewise the same preface would seem to
indicate that it was Father Rua who set the parameters and the essential goal
for Father Lemoyne's preliminary work-that of assembling the vastest possible
amount of information on Don Bosco and his work: "I had been instructed by
our revered Rector Major, Father Michael Rua, to overlook nothing that should
come to my knowledge, even though at the moment I might consider it
inconsequential" .48
2. Lemoyne's Systematic Search for and Collection of
Biographical Documentation
Lemoyne immediately set about gathering documents that could in
any way contribute to the narration of Don Bosco's story. One should bear in
mind that, generally speaking, for Lemoyne the story was paramount.
Therefore, he was chiefly interested in narrative documentation and in
whatever could contribute to the story. As part of the story, letters, dream
narratives, Good Night talks, and other utterances of Don Bosco were given
important consideration. But such documentation as ledgers, school records,
blueprints, photographs, etc. was almost entirely overlooked.
Specifically--What material did Lemoyne research and bring
together, and what were his sources?
(1) Records originating with Don Bosco himself
Obviously whatever came directly from Don Bosco as a source had
priority. This refers primarily to Don Bosco's writings, many of which were
related specifically to his work and the institutions he founded. The important
Memoirs of the Oratory and the Spiritual Testament have already been
mentioned.49 Then there were the circulars and the numerous personal letters
47 EBM I, xiii.
48 EBM I, xii.
a . 49 notes 2 and 44 above.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
which had been collected.so The biographies of Louis Comollo, Dominic Savio,
Joseph Cafasso, Michael Magone, Francis Besucco were also among his
sources.st Accounts, in manuscript and printed form, of the origin and
development of his work, 52 of the house searches,53 of his Roman trip of 1858,54
so a. ASC 131.01: Lettere, FDBMicro 1-56. Lemoyne transcribes hundreds of
Don Bosco's letters in Documenti and in the nine volumes of the Biographical Memoirs
that he authored. The earliest recorded is the letter describing John's excursion to visit
Professor Banaudi at his home town, written while John was in high school at Chieri [d.
EBM I, 262-265). There follow the letter of advice to a certain rich young man, dated
August 28, 1840 [d . EBM I, 364f.), and the letter of 1843, which is also a profile of the
seminarian Joseph Burzio and the first biographical essay authored by Don Bosco. Then
come the important letters of 1846 written to Father John Borel by Don Bosco while
convalescing at Becchi [d. EBM II, 390-398). From Volume III on through Volume IX
increasing use is made of the letters, some 200 appearing in Volume IX alone. It may be
noted that the letters are used almost exclusively as narrative elements.
St Cami storici sulla T1ita del chierico Luigi Comollo, morto nel Snninario di
Chieri, ammirato da tutti per le sue singolari T1irtu, scritti da un suo Collega, 1. ed.
Torino: Tipografia Speirani e Ferrero, 1844 [d. OE I, 1-84).
Vita del giooanetto 54?1io Domenico, allieoo dell'Oratorio di San Francesco di
Sales, per cura del Sacerdote Bosco Giovanni, 1. ed. Torino: Tip. G.B. Paravia e Comp.,
1859 [d. OE XI, 150-292).
Biografisl del Sacerdote Giuseppe Caffasso, esposta in due ragionamenti funebri
dal sacerdote Bosco Giovanni. Torino: Tip. G.B. Paravia e Comp., 1860 [d. OE XII, 351-
494).
unno biografico sul gio?1anetto Magone Michele, allie?1o dell 'Oratorio di S.
Francesco di Sales, per cura del Sacerdote Bosco Giovanni. Torino: Tip. G.B. Paravia e
Comp., 1861 [d. OE XIII, 155-250).
II pastorello delle Alpi, oooero T1ita del gioT1ane Besucco Francesco
d'Argentera, pel Sacerdote Bosco Giovanni. Torino: Tip. dell'Orat. di S. Franc. di Sales,
1864 [d. OE XV, 242-435).
52 Don Bosco wrote a number of historical sketches of the Oratory for various
purposes and occasions. Examples are: the chapter entitled "Origine di questa
Congregazione" in early constitutional texts from 1858 to 1873 [d. Motto-Cost, 62-70 and
EBM V, 636l.J; unno storico dell'Oratorio di 5. Francesco di Sales (from the Piano di
Regolamento per !'Oratorio [...]of 1854; Cerni storici intorno all'Oratorio di S. Francesco
di Sales of 1862; etc. [d. critical editions in Braido-DBJ .
53 a. ASC 132: Autografi-perquisizioni, FDBMicro 522 A9-524 E3. There were
eleven house searches [d. EBM VI, 315). Lemoyne gives a detailed account of the first one
(May 26, 1660) [d. EBM VI, 310-329), and quotes Don Bosco's preface to his report
entitled, "A Reason for This Memorandum" (Rsigione di questo scritto) [d. EBM VI,
313ff.). He also states that the haste with which "compromising papers" were disposed
of on that occasion accounts for the lack of documents from the early days of the Oratory.
These included documents on "Don Bosco's relations with the Holy See, letters of Pius IX,
copies of Don Bosco's letters to the Pope, Don Bosco's correspondence with the archbishop
of Turin from 1851 oo, Don Bosco's correspondence with former cabinet ministers, notes and

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Lemoyne and His Work
23
of the consecration of the Church of Mary Help of Christians and of "graces"
obtained through her intercession55 were all available to him. Lemoyne was
also able to use the rough drafts and good copies of personal papers which
Father Berto, Don Bosco's untiring former secretary, and at that time devoted
archivist of the Society, had assembled and carefully preserved through the
years.56
(2) Records originating with Lemoyne himself
Lemoyne himself had been active in recording words and events
relating to Don Bosco from the time he entered the Oratory in 1864. As
Director of the Lanzo school (1865-1877) he had carefully recorded and filed
Don Bosco's conferences, Good Nights, dreams, talks, and his letters to the
boys. During his "exile" as local Spiritual Director of the Salesian Sisters at
Momese and Nizza he had less of an opportunity of recording Don Bosco's
words and deeds. But even during that period he managed to add occasional
items to his collections. When he returned to Turin as secretary, he devoted
himself entirely to recording and collecting testimonies.57 In this latter activity
he had Father Berto's priceless help58 and that of Don Bosco's devoted
memorandums on dreams [...], accounts of favors granted by Our Lady, miraculous
occurrences, and also extraordinary deeds of some boys" [EBM VI, 312].
54 CT. ASC 132: Autografi-viaggi, FDBMicro 1352 E3-1354 AS. Account in EBM
V, 534-602.
55 CT. ASC 133: Autografi-M.A. Santuario, FDBMicro 1973 011-1974 A3.
RimembrimZll di 11114 solennittl in onore di M11rUi A11sili11trice pel sacerdote Giovanni
Bosco. Torino: Tip. dell'Oratorio di S. Francesco di Sales, 1868 [cf. OE XXI, 1-174).
Account in IBM IX, 240-293, condensed in EBM IX, 125-140.
56 Joachim Berto (1847-1914), professed in 1865, never left Don Bosco's side and
for about 20 years served as his secretary until replaced in 1883 when his health gave
way. In his capacity as secretary he accompanied the Founder on his most important
trips in the 1870s. His life-long devotion to the Founder was matched by the care with
which he collected and preserved every scrap of documentation about him. When
replaced as secretary by Father Lemoyne, he devoted himself to the priestly ministry
and to writing devotional books and pamphlets; but his chief occupation was that of
collecting and filing documents pertaining to Don Bosco and his work. Thus he
established what would constitute the basic holdings of the Centrlll ArchitJes of the
Society [d. Diz, 38f.]
57 For Lemoyne's chronicles d. ASC 110: Cronachette-Lemoyne, FDBMicro 945
C9-966 A7, and for a description d. Desr111n1111t-Mem I, 157f.).
58 a . note 56 above and text relating thereto.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
personal secretary, the youthful Charles Viglietti.59 Furthermore, with the aim
of tapping all available sources and of collecting the largest possible amount of
material, Lemoyne began a systematic interrogation of witnesses and, first
among them, of Don Bosco himself. Thus it was, for instance, that he collected
the impressive amount of anecdotal material on Margaret Bosco included in
volume I of Documenti and of the Biographical Memoirs.60
(3) Records originating with contemporaries of Don Bosco
and with early Salesians who had been the witnesses of Don Bosco's words and
deeds
Lemoyne had at his disposal and used to good advantage such
accounts as the StoriJz dell'Oratorio61 and the story of the Fall Outings,62 both
published in the Bollettino Salesiano by Father Bonetti during the Founder's
lifetime. The minutes of the Superior Chapter (from 1859 on), of the General
Conferences of Salesian Directors (from 1864 on), and of the General Chapters
held during Don Bosco's life time (1877, 1880, 1883 and 1886) were also given
due consideration. Lemoyne himself had been the author of such minutes
since 1883.
But it would seem that Lemoyne favored the many chronicles and
memoirs produced by early Salesians. The concern among early Salesians,
bordering on obsession, to record Don Bosco's every word and deed for
posterity is a phenomenon that is remarkable, if not unique, in the history of
59 a. note 72 below.
60 A large portion (especially chapters 2-25) of Volume I of the Biographical
Memoirs is devoted to Don Bosco's mother, Margaret [d. EBM I, 11-170]. Only a small
amount of this material is derived from Don Bosco's own Memoirs. It is not otherwise
documented. This material was first edited in Documenti (1885) and later with some
additions in the Biographical Memoirs (1898). It is probable, if not certain, that
Lemoyne obtained most of this information directly from Don Bosco (1883-1885),
apparently in view of a short biography of Margaret Bosco he was preparing for the
Catholic Readings. The popular biography entitled Seem! morali di famiglia esposte
nell11 ?7it11 di M11rgherit11 Bosco, Rilcconto edific11nte ed 11meno was published and
presented to Don Bosco on his name day in 1886 [d. IBM XVIII, 57ff.].
61 a .note 43 above.
a. 62 Bollettino StllesUino 10 (1887) 30-33, 47f., 57f.,116-119, 129-132; 12 (1887)
149-ff., 162-Hi6; 13 (1890) 25ff., 131-135; 202-207, 231ff.; 14 (1891) 37-40, 238-241; 15 (1892)
97-101, 250-254. For the BiographiClll Memoirs' account, d. note 16 above.

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Congregations aitd their founders. From 1858 on, early disciples of Don Bosco
had undertaken to record some of the "marvelous things" they were
witnessing.63 A little later (1861), probably at [Deacon) Rua's suggestion, a
Historical Committee was formed whose task it was to record anything
remarkable that had to do with Don Bosco.64 By and by, however, the initiative
lost momentum due to the fact that all the members of the Committee were
overworked or were assigned to posts outside Turin.65 In a letter to Father Rua,
written from Lanzo in 1865, Father Lemoyne complains about this failure.66
But apparently no action was taken until 1875, after the definitive approval of
the Constitutions. A new Committee was then formed.67 With the help of his
novices, Father Barberis produced a "Little Chronicle", recording words and
events from 1875 to 1880.68 Again the initiative flagged, and for the same
reason-everybody was just too busy. But finally in 1883 Father Lemoyne
returned to the Oratory and took personal charge of the project, indeed with
distinguished results.
63 The oldest chronicle in existence is by Bonetti, and it begins with an entry
dated Oct. 17, 1858 (d. note 70 below].
64 The meeting!! ot this committee began in March 1861. The minutes give the
names of fourteen members under Rua's presidency as well as the reason that brought
them together: "Don Bosco's outstanding brilliant gifts, his extraordinary experiences
which we admire to this day, his unique guidance of young people along virtue's arduous
paths, and hi5 grand plans for the future are indications to us of some supernatural
intervention; they portend a glorious career for him and for the Oratory. All this lays a
strict duty ol gratitude upon us; we are bound to see to it that nothing conrerning Don Bosco
is allowed to fall into oblivion" (EBM VI, SOSff.). It may be noted that the interest of
these early Salesians focused on the "extraordinary" and the "supernatural".
65 E.g., Bonetti to Mirabello and Ruffino to Lanzo (cf. note 27 above).
66 "Re-a55elllble the old group, for no one, I believe, is keeping a record of Don
Bosco's words and deeds at the moment. They are precious, and we cannot afford to let
them fall into oblivion. Everything he says, particularly in his Good Nights, should be
recorded (...]. Appoint secretaries and station them in such a way that they may record
events in detail. I myself have recorded last year's with all possible accuracy" [Letter
November 23, 1865 in ASC 9126: Rua-Lemoyne G.B., published in Bnzido-Amuzl, 124f.].
67 1Father Rua) decided to form a Committee for the purpose of recording (Don
Bosco's] words and deeds. They were to meet regularly to examine the reports jointly and
to edit them for maximum accuracy.[...] We owe a debt of gratitude to [Father Rua), if
records from those years, many by Father Barberis and some by Father Berto, have come
down to us "IA Amadei, n 5eroo di Don Michele Rwi, successore de! Bt!llto D. Bosco, vol I
(Torino: SEI, 1931), 253f.].
68 a. note 71 below.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
The most valuable and informative chronicles were those authored by
Dominic Ruffino,69 John Bonetti,70 Giulio Barberis,71 and Charles Viglietti.72
69 a . Desr11rru11d-Mem I, 142-145. Dominic Ruffino (1840-1865), a slight and
frail young man of angelic life and mien [d. EBM VIII, 86], had corresponded with Don
Bosco when still in secondary school [d. Cnill-Ep I, 130f.]; After he had completed his
philosophy studies, and had begun his study of theology in a diocesan seminary, he
entered the Oratory in 1859. Subsequently he completed his theological studies while
working full time as a teacher, and was ordained in 1863. Although he had not been
among the group that formed the Salesian Society in 1859, he was almost immediately
appointed by Don Bosco Spiritual Director of the Society [d. EBM VII, 339-340]. During
this time he also served as Prefect of Studies of the schools at Valdocco [cl. EBM VI, 282-
283]. In October 1864, he was sent as Director to found the school at Lanzo (the second
Salesian school, after Mirabello, established outside of Turin). He died, probably of
pneumonia, on July 16, 1865, not quite 25 years of age [0.Cerill-Pro, 68-73).
Ruffino's chronicle filled seven note books. Lemoyne found them at Lanzo when
he succeeded him as Director, and he copied them accurately. Only six of the seven note
books utilized by Lemoyne, and none of the Ruffino originals, are extant [cf. ASC 110:
Cronachette-Ruffino, FBMMicro 1206 AS-1217 CB].
This chronicle presents two main problems. The first is one of chronology, that
is, of dating the single episodes; for Ruffino did not write down his notes in an orderly
fashion, one page after another, one note book after another. He rather clustered
episodes and used two or more note books at the same time. The second is one of form and
content-that is, the episodes are barely sketched in, sometimes as mere jottings. In spite
of these drawbacks Lemoyne found a place for all this valuable material in the
Documenti and in the Biogr11phiail Memoirs.
70 a. Desmm11ut-Mem I, 1~149. John Bonetti (1838-1891) entered the Oratory
in 1855 at the age of 17 [d.EBM V, 228]. After a two-year stay, he left to receive the
clerical habit in his hometown and then entered the diocesan seminary at Chieri. But in
1858 a kind of homesickness drew him back to the Oratory. Immediately he began his
preparation for the priesthood, while fully engaged in Salesian activity. He was a
member of the group that founded the Salesian Society in 1859 (he was elected second
Cound.llor) and of the group that first professed in 1862. He was ordained in 1864. His
stay at the Oratory was interrupted in 1863 when he was appointed teacher in the
newly-opened school at Mirabello, under Rua as Director. In 1864 he replaced Rua as
Director, a post he held until 1877, when the school was transferred to Borgo San Martino
[d. EBM VIII, 128f.). He then returned to Turin, where he was appointed Director of the
Bollettino Slllesillno (1877), and later succeeded Bishop Cagliero as Spiritual Director
General of the Society and of the Daughters of Mary Help of Christians (1886). After
Don Bosco's death, he served as Postulator of the cause of beatification and canonization.
In this capacity, he was entrusted by Father Rua with the task of gathering testimonies
and recollections from Salesians on Don Bosco [d. Letter of March 19, 1888, in Ltttere
circol11ri di Don Michele Rllll 11i Slllesillni (Torino: Tip. S.A.l.D. 1910), 18]. Apart from
his valuable contributions as the earliest chronicler, he authored books of special
Salesian interest, among which may be mentioned Biogr11fie dei Slllesillni defunti (Turin,
1878, 400 p.) and the posthumously published Cinque lustri di stori11 dell'Or11torio
511/esillno [cf. note 43 above). Bonetti also distinguished himself as a brilliant
controversialist in speaking and writing, for unlike Ruffino, he possessed a fiery and

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27
passionate temperament, with a tongue and a pen to match. He died prematurely in 1891
[cf. Cerill-Pro, 135-152].
As a principal member of the Historical Committee of 1861, Bonetti continued
what he had already been doing since 1858-recording words and deeds of Don Bosco. He
produced seven note books, five of chronicles and two of smmenirs, that have come down to
us. They passed into Lemoyne's collection at Bonetti's death, and are now held at the
Centrlll ArchitJeS [cf. ASC 110: Cronachette-Bonetti, FDBMicro 919 Al -926 C7].
Basically Bonetti's chronicles span the period 1858-1863 and record notable
words and events, just like Ruffino's. Apart from difficulties arising from inconsistency in
dating the entries, questions arise regarding Bonetti 's editorial criteria in giving his text
its final form, for the present text is apparently a rewriting of earlier and more sketchy
summaries.
71 Cf. Dtsrimu1ut-Mem I, 155f. Giulio Barberis (1847-1927) entered the Oratory
in 1861. He was professed in 1865, was ordained in 1870, and in 1874 was appointed first
Novice Master of the Society, in which capacity he served for 25 years. He then served
as Provincial (from 1902), and as Spiritual Director General of the Society (from 1910
until his death in 1927). He is remembered as an extremely affable and open person, who
exerted tremendous spiritual influence on a generation of Salesians. Andrew Beltrami
and Prince August Czartoryski, whose causes have been introduced, were among his
novices. Among his many writings is the Vllde Mecum dei gioNni slllesilini (Spiritual
Guide Book for Young Salesians) [Cf. CerUi-Pro, 305-324, and Alessio Barberis, Don Giulio
&rberis, Dirtttore SpiritlUlle de/111 Societil di Slln Fr11ncesco di Stiles. Cenni biografici e
memorie. San Benigno Canavese: Scuola Tipografica Don Bosco, 1932].
Barberis produced two chronicles. The more important is entitled Chronichlttll
(Little Cluonicle). It consists of sixteen note books, containing documentation of words and
deeds of Don Bosco spanning the 6 years, 1875-1880. To keep it up to date, and for the
work of transcription, Barberis enlisted the help of some of his novices. This raises
critical questions, but none (it seems) that would undermine the basic reliability of the
chronicle. The second one, produced after the Chronichett11, is entitled Chronichett11
11nterioriore (Little Chronicle of Earlier Times) or Cenni su/111 t1it11 del M. R. Sile.
Giot111nni Bosco {...]. It consists of eleven note books in which he assembled materials
spanning the years 1815-1870, using various sources, chiefly Ruffino and Lemoyne [cf. ASC
110: Cronachette-Barberis, FDBMicro 792 Al-899 Cll].
72 Cf. Desr11m11ut-Mem I, 167-175. Charles Viglietti (1864-1915) was accepted
as a pupil in the Salesian school of Lanzo at the age of 11. The brilliant young man
excelled in everything but "conduct" and came close to being expelled. But to everyone's
surprise in August 1882 he was admitted to the novitiate, and in 1883 he took perpetual
vows. Don Bosco, who had already noticed him at Lanzo, now took him on as his
"personal secretary". Between May 1884 and January 1888, he served Don Bosco with
slavish devotion as his reader, his sacristan, his infirmarian, his constant companion and
attendant, especially on the last trips to France (1885), Spain (1886) and Rome (1887) [cf.
IBM XVII, 433-434; XVIII, 72-74]. He daily took dictation from Don Bosco of letters,
dreams and other matters. Don Bosco trusted him completely and took him into his
confidence. He told him the story of his life and spoke to him of his troubles in detail.
He was ordained in 1886. When .Viglietti was being considered for a post in South
America, Don Bosco arranged for him to remain at Valdocco. After Don Bosco's death,
Viglietti was appointed Spiritual Director at Lanzo (1890-1896), and then Director at
Bologna (1896-1904), at Savona (1906-1906), and finally at Varazze (1906-1912}-where,

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Lemoyne gave these a privileged place. But he availed himself also of the
valuable contributions of other less active chroniclers, now held in the Central
Archives.73
(4) Testimonies given at the Processes of Beatification and
Canonization
At the taking of testimony for the Process in the 1890s over forty
witnesses were called to testify-diocesan priests, Salesian priests and brothers
(among whom were such notables as Fathers Rua, Cagliero, Berto, Barberis
in 1907 he lived through the infamous "scandal". He died in 1915 at Valdocco, where he
held the post of Catechist [d. Diz, 294].
Viglietti reveals himself at every step as a sensitive and imaginative person,
and by far the most original of the chroniclers. Between 1884 and 1888 Viglietti kept a
detailed diary on Don Bosco, at Lemoyne's express request. He was faithful to this
charge to the last. He left us a great amount of information on Don Bosco's last years. The
material of Viglietti's chronicle is chiefly gathered in eight note books covering the
period from May 20, 1884 to January 31, 1888. Additional note books cover the same
period 1884-1888. This seeming repetition is owed to the fact that Viglietti (writing for
future biographers) re-worked the chronicle, or sections of it, in stages, through
considerable editorial work. This staged editorial work resulted in the following
editorial history: (1) An incomplete copy in two note books (217 p.), covering 1884 and
1885, plus a book of 36 sheets entitled, Don Bosco's I.Ast Illness iznd Deizth; (2) A complete
copy in two note books (403 p.); (3) A second complete copy in two note books (344 p.); (4) a
third complete copy, typewritten and bound, dedicated and sent to Mr. Luis Marti
Codolar of Barcelona (197 p.). Obviously, such editorial complexities call for critical
evaluation. Furthermore, since a good deal of the information can no longer be verified,
Viglietti's character and personality are of some importance in determining the degree of
confidence we should place in his reports. He was ebullient to the point of passion, all
heart and emotion. His attachment to Don Bosco was at once that of an affectionate
child, a devoted servant and a reverent worshipper. Viglietti is demonstrably quite
faithful in reporting words of the master. But he is sometimes given to enthusiastic
exaggeration in reporting Don Bosco's activities. His chronicles, however, constitute
irreplaceable documentation on Don Bosco's last years.
The author himself assures us: "I have written this chronicle as truthfully as
possible. I have taken every care to refrain from wordy descriptions and from personal
reflections, etc. I have narrated the events simply and as they occurred, or as I heard
them narrated by Don Bosco himself or from others that were asked to report.[...] What
is reported here has been set down by a person who never left Don Bosco's side day or
night, and was privy to all his secrets [...]" [Viglietti Chronicle, in !MB XVII, 146].
73 Lemoyne himself was the author of chronicles and memoirs in this category
[d. note 57 abqve and text relating thereto]. So were [Fathers] Joachim Berto [cf. note 56
above], Anthony Sala (1836-1895), Francis Cerruti (1844-1917), John Garino (1845-1908),
Joseph Lazzero (1837-1910), Francis Provera (1836-1874), John Baptist Francesia (1838-
1930), Secundus Marchisio (1857-1914), Michael Rua (1837-1910), [Brother] Peter Enria
(1841-1898), and others of lesser stature (d. A.SC 110: Cronachette, FDBMicro 792-1254].

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and Lemoyne), and a number of lay people. Obviously, in spite of the
importance of the occasion, these testimonies are only as authoritative as the
sources from which they stem. The critical biographer would have to ascertain
the origin and the tradition of each item of testimony, taking into account also
the character and personality of the witness.74 All this material was available to
Lemoyne, and he made use of it.75
3. Lemoyne's Documentf6
After a couple of years of researching and collecting biographical
materials, though still in the early stages of the process, Lemoyne decided to
organize it in chronological order, distributing it over the years of Don Bosco's
life, and to edit it for legibility. Thus he began to print the material, in single
copy, in a series of large folio volumes which would eventually reach 45 in
number-known as the Docu~nti. 7l The volumes were bound in black cloth,
with the title in gold on the spine. The first 40 volumes of the Documenti
contain material distributed chronologically over the years 1815-1890. To these
were added four volumes collecting additional material covering the same
period. (A forty-fifth and last volume contains material pertaining to the
Bosco-Castaldi controversy.) New material was entered at different times, for
each page contains only one column, printed on separate paper and glued on
the blank page of the folio register. This column is only 60 mm. wide, set off
center to the right on the page, thus leaving ample room for further entries.
Lemoyne continued to affix in their proper place additional items from various
sources: handwritten notes, newspaper clippings, magazine articles, etc. In
74 For instance, in preparing their testimony Father Berto and Father Barberis,
and to some extent also Father Rua, availed themselves of the material edited by
Lemoyne in the Documtnti. To that extent, therefore, their testimony is only as
authoritative as the reports edited in the Documenti.
75 a. ASC 161: Deposizioni, FDBMicro 2103 09-2207 A2; ASC 163: Positio super
introductione causae-Summarium, FDBMicro 2212 A12-2229 B6.
a. 76 ~sr11m11ut-Mtm I, 57-68.
77 a. note 1 above. The work bears the title, Documenti per scrillert Li storiiz di
D. Giot1ianni Bosco, dtll'Oriatorio di S. Friancesco di Sia/ts t dtllta Congreguiont
Slllesiilnia [Documents preparatory to writing the history of Fr. John Bosco, of the Oratory
of St. Francis de Sales and of the Salesian Congregation]. Place of publication is not
given; but that would have been either San Benigno [according to Ceria, d. EBM XV,
xviii) or Valdocco [according to ~sriam11ut-Mem I, 59). Nor is a date given; but internal
evidence would indicate that the first volume of the Docummfi was printed in 1885.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
time each volume took on the form of a scrap book. Lemoyne's preface to the
Documenti is important:
I have written the story of our most loving father Don Bosco. I do not believe
that any man has ever lived who loved, and who was loved by, yoWlg people
more than he. Not only have I brought together marvelous treasures of facts,
words, work, and supernatural gifts, but also little episodes that might seem of
no importance, but that will help the historically-minded to form a judgment of
Don Bosco and his character. I have omitted none of the things that have come
to my attention, because anything to do with him was most dear to us. These
are scrap books, and perhaps somewhat in disarray; but an index will help
consultation. Some items are repeated. The galley proofs have not been
properly corrected. This was due to the enormous and arduous task of searching
out and organizing the documents, while attending as well to the work that
obedience or necessity imposed on me. Tt.me was of the essence. Some passages
will have to be judged critically, especially those where Don Bosco relates his
own experiences or dreams, or predictions of the future; for it appears that his
humility has imparted to them a certain slant; or they may not have been
rightly Wlderstood by those who kept a record or memory of them. For my part,
I recorded faithfully what many boys, priests and clerics of the Oratory
handed down in writing, and what I myself saw or heard from Don Bosco's own
lips. A word of warning-These galley proofs are no more than a private
manuscript, a private memoir. In them I refer to many persons by name in order
to establish the factual character of the story. But I absolutely forbid the
publication of these names, lest dishonor be brought on these individuals who
have a right to their privacy. A prayer-I have done this work out of love for
Don Bosco, for my confreres, for our yoWlgsters. What is actually described in
these volumes is Don Bosco's own spirit, heart and method of education. God
only .knows what these volumes have cost me. Therefore, I ask my confreres
who will read these pages to remember me at the altar of Mary Help of
Christians and to pray for the repose of my soul.78
From the tenor of this preface (and of the title as well) one may
conclude that Lemoyne printed this work as an intermediate step, to serve him
(and his eventual successors) as a basis for a biography of Don Bosco. And
indeed it was because of Lemoyne's work that Eugene Ceria was able to
publish the last nine volumes of the Biographical Memoirs in the short span of
ten years. But, important as the Documenti are, one should not think that the
Biographical Memoirs are a mere transcription of their materials. Apart from
the necessary editorial work, Lemoyne continued to discover new and relevant
documentation, such as chronicles and oral witnesses, as he produced the first
nine volumes of the Biographical Memoirs. Likewise, both Angelo Amadei
78 DocumD1ti I, 1 in ASC 110: Cronachette-Lemoyne-Doc, FDBMicro 966 AlO.

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Lemoyne and His Work
31
and Eugenio Ceria uncovered new material when editing their respective
volumes.
4. The Biographical Memoirs
After Don Bosco's death on January 31, 1888 Lemoyne examined Don
Bosco's papers, thus discovering further original documents. Occasional
inquiries had already been made at various places connected with Don Bosco's
life and work. After Don Bosco's death, at Lemoyne's request, new inquiries,
though by no means thorough and systematic, were made and new
information gathered.79 Father Rua asked all the confreres to send in an~
material on Don Bosco they might have gathered directly or from witnesses.
To accommodate all the additional material on hand the Documenti would
have had to be recast, and perhaps the number of volumes doubled.
Meanwhile social and institutional changes were taking place within
the Salesian Congregation. With the passing of the Founder, the preservation
and handing down of his spirit became the chief priority of the first decade of
the Rua rectorship (1888-1898). And soon transmitting to succeeding
generations the knowledge of Don Bosco's life and work would become a
necessity and a priority. In his letters and speeches Father Rua makes
constant reference to the Founder's words and practice and to the spirit of the
Oratory, thus expressing this overarching concem.81 Lemoyne was not slow in
perceiving, and adapting to this shift. It would have been in this context that
Lemoyne moved from his original purpose of creating a reservoir of
79 "Father Lemoyne stands accused of not having made personal inquiries at
sites, in archives, in libraries outside Turin that could have provided detailed
information. Father Lemoyne had already on hand a mass of documentation large enough
to completely fill his day from four in the morning to late at night when he left his desk
for short hours of sleep. He had at his disposal no automobiles nor the means of
communication that are common today. Furthermore, up to 1912 he filled the post of
Secretary of the Superior Chapter. No matter, he did all that was in his power; and
what he could not do personally, he did through others" [F1u1ini, 22]. A case in point
might be Lemoyne's request to Father Marchisio to make inquiries at some sites of Don
Bosco's childhood; another would be a like request to Father Francesia to pursue similar
inquiries at Chieri [d.the reports in ASC 110: Cronachette-Marchisio, FDBMicro 1203
D1-E4, published in Desram111d-Mm1 I, 421-427].
80 a. Lettett circolllTi di Don Michele RIUI ai Saltsiizni. Torino: Tip. S.A.l.D.,
1910, p. 18.
81 a. Rua's exhortation to Provincials, ibid., p . 279f.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
documentation for future biographers (his Document!) into his production of
the Biographical Memoirs. As a result his own monumental biography would
now constitute a well-digested narrative, written in a fair chronological order
and amply documented. It is thus that Lemoyne, no doubt under Father Rua's
inspiration and at his behest,82 set about, not to re-edit the Documenti, but to
produce an extended biographical narrative. The Biographical Memoirs83
remain indeed a compilation, but one which is ordered as a continuous
narration and which gives a coherent interpretation of the life, work and spirit
of the Founder.
Lemoyne, who died in 1916, published the first eight volumes of the
Biographical Memoirs between 1898 and 1912. His ninth and last volume was
published posthumously in 1917. Volume X, given its initial shape by Lemoyne,
was published by Father Angelo Amadei in a completely recast form in 1939
(the last volume of the series to be published).84
82 Lemoyne's words in his Preface to Volume I of the Biographiazl Memoirs
seem to point to Father Rua as to the person responsible for this change in program: "this
work entrusted to me by the Superior;" "I had been instructed by our revered Rector Major,
Father Michael Rua, to omit nothing [...];"[...] our Rector Major, Father Michael Rua, to
whom I dedicate these volumes that he inspired and approved" [EBM I, xi, xii and xiii].
83 The title of the work, as it appears in Volume I, is: Memorie Biografiche di
Don Gio"Danni Bosco raccolu da Saardote Salesiano Gio"Danni Battista Lemoyne. The
term biographical memoirs seems to imply that, even though now the intent was
biographical, the conception was more modest than that of a full scale biography.
84 Angelo Amadei (1868-1945) began his theological studies in the diocesan
seminary and then he entered the Salesian school at Faenza in 1887. He visited the
Oratory in Turin and met Don Bosco. He was professed in 1888. He continued the study of
theology while teaching full time in the Salesian School of Borgo San Martino and was
ordained in 1892. After serving in various capacities in several Salesian schools, he was
appointed in 1908 by Father Rua to succeed Father Dominic Minguzzi as Director of the
Bollettino Salesiano, a post he held for twenty years. After Father Rua's death in 1910,
he began compiling Father Rua's biographical memoirs Gater published by him in three
volumes [d. note 67 above]). After Father Lemoyne's death in 1916, Father Amadei
appeared to be the logical candidate to succeed him in the work of the Biographical
Memoirs, and the then Rector Major, Father Paul Albera, entrusted that task to him. But,
as things turned out, Amadei was not to be Lemoyne's real successor, although he did bring
to completion and publish the tenth and mightiest volume of the set in 1939. The reasons
for this failure and for the delay are many--his work at the Bolletino Salesiano, his
research for the Rua biography, his manifold involvement in the priestly ministry, his
deliberate, painstaking and minute working habits, and the fact that the tenth volume
spans the most difficult and controversial years of Don Bosco's life and work (1871-74) [d.
Amadei's Preface, EBM X, xxf.]. Volume X utilizes archival materials and other
documents far beyond Lemoyne's Documenti and initial draft. It is a thorough and careful
work, topically organized, but one which abandons the chronological narrative clarity of
the other volumes and thereby taxes the reader's endurance.

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Lemoyne and His Work
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As may be seen, after Father Lemoyne's death in 1916 and the
appearance of the posthumous ninth volume (1917), the publication of the
Biographical Memoirs was discontinued for a number of years, much to the
disappointment of Salesians everywhere. By the time of Don Bosco's
beatification (1929) this disappointment had turned to near anger, and
demands for a resumption of the work could no longer go unheeded. Thus it
was that the then Rector Major, Father Philip Rinaldi, appointed Father
Eugene Ceria to continue the work. Ceria published volumes XI-XIX between
1930 and 1939, thus bringing the monumental undertaking to completion.85
5. Schematic View of the Publication History of the
Biographical Memoirs in the Original Italian Edition
[author!
[vol.] [DB's yrs.]
[place oi pub.] [yr. of pub.] [pp.of text]
Lemoyne
1815-1841
S. Benigno
1898 547
id.
II
1841-1847
ibid.
1901 5'J'J
85 Eugene Ceria (1870-1957) received his early education from the Christian
Brothers and the Oratorian Fathers. He entered the Salesian novitiate in 1885, was
professed in 1886, and was ordained in 1893. He earned degrees and achieved distinction
in the study of the classics, being involved all the while in secondary education. Later in
his scholarly career he devoted himself to the study of Christian writers. He had many
publications to his name. In 1929 Father Rinaldi called him from Rome to Turin to
continue the work of the Biogr11phiail Memoirs; and from 1930 until his death in 1957,
this elderly, urbane and learned scholar devoted his talents exclusively to Salesian
studies and publications. From 1930 to 1939, starting from Lemoyne's Documenti and
proceeding with a painstaking examination of all archival material then available, he
published in quick succession volumes XI to XIX of the Biogrriphiclll Memoirs, the last
volume being devoted to the history of the Processes of Don Bosco's Beatification (1929)
and Canonization (1934) His writing style is characterized by the simple beauty and
clarity of the Latin classics, with scholarship to match. Father Ceria is Father
Lemoyne's true and worthy successor.
From the Biogr11phic11l Memoirs Father Ceria went on to further Salesian
studies and publications. He authored a survey of the history of the Salesian Society
under the rectorships of Don Bosco, Father Rua and Father Albera in four volumes
(Annllli dtll11 SocietA 5"1esilln11. Torino: SEI, 1941, 1943, 1946, 1951). He published the
first edition of Don Bosco's Memorie dell'Or11torio from archival manuscripts with an
introduction and commentary (S11n Giov11nni Bosco, Memorie dtll'Or11torio di Son
Fr11ncesco di Soles dill 1815 Ill 1855. Torino: SEI, 1846); and likewise from archival
manuscripts, the letters of Don Bosco in four volumes (Epistol11rio di 5. Ciotxznni Bosco.
Torino: SEI, 1955, 1956, and posthumously 1958, 1959). He also published valuable
biographies and biographical sketches of Salesians.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
id.
III
id.
IV
id.
v
id.
VI
id.
VII
id.
VIII
id.
IX
(lemoyne)-Amadei X
Ceria
XI
id.
XII
id.
XIII
id.
XIV
id.
xv
id.
XVI
id.
XVII
id.
XVIII
id.
XIX
1847-1850
18~1853
1854-1857
1858-1861
1862-1864
1865-1867
1868-1871
1871-1874
1875
1876
1877-1878
1879-1880
1881-1882
1883
1884-1885
1886-1888
1888-1938
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
Turin
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
ibid.
19ffi 663
190l 766
19<5 953
1907 1,102
190) 931
1912 1,110
1817 1,032
1939 1,387
1930 617
1931 706
1932 1,010
193.3 849
1934 867
1935 724
1936 902
1937 879
1939 452
total pp.: 16,094
III. Lemoyne as Historian - His Method in Editing the
Biographical Memoirs
We have noted that Lemoyne was an indefatigable researcher of
biographical documents and testimonies about Don Bosco. He himself clearly
states, with reference to the Biographical Memoirs, 'These pages have been
prompted not by imagination, but by a heart guided by calm reason; they are
the result of lengthy investigation, correspondence and comparison of

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35
sources."86 Again and again he makes the very same claim.87 At various places
in his volumes of the Biographical Memoirs, Ceria supports Lemoyne's
claim.88 When Lemoyne's Biographical Memoirs came under attack in the
forties and fifties, Ceria, and other apologists as well, again rose to his defense
and emphasized his conscientious recourse to original sources.89
There is no denying it: the Biographical Memoirs are no "historical
novel" or "novelized history"; their story is based on an awesome array of
documents that Lemoyne (and his successors) researched, assembled and
collated. This will already have become evident from the foregoing pages, and
we do not wish to belabor the point.
But, How did Lemay~ interpret and use the documentation? Again,
the question has already been raised, at least indirectly, in the foregoing
discussion. Here, however, we wish to inquire further into Lemoyne's method
and (by extension) briefly into that of his successors. For one should bear in
86 EBM I, xii.
ff7 For instance, when introducing the vocation dream, he carefully refers to his
sources, Don Bosco's own Memoirs among them [d. EBM I, 92f.]. Later he states: 'The
documentation is so voluminous that, in a way, it can form a library of its own. We have
taken no liberties and have indulged neither in poetic flights nor in exaggerations" [EBM
VIII, 1]. In reporting one of Don Bosco's dream narratives, he assures the reader: "We
have faithfully recorded what we ourselves heard at length from Don Bosco or what was
testified to us orally or in writing [...]" [EBM IX, 100].
88 For instance, In his Preface to Volume XV, replying to Lemoyne's critics,
Ceria discusses certain episodes In the life of Don Bosco that appear to lack "independent
corroboration". In some of the episodes under discussion the critics' objections do seem ill
conceived. In others, Ceria's defense is not quite convincing [d. EBM XV, xiii-xix].
89 In the famous Letter of 1953, Ceria addresses the objections raised by Salesian
theological students against the historical reliability of Lemoyne's work, namely: (1)
Lemoyne's work is less a history than it is a novel; (2) Certain reports cannot be critically
defended; (3) Don Bosco's own Memoirs, used by Lemoyne as a prime source, are a didactic
rather then a historical work; (4) There are demonstrable contradictions or historical
errors In the Biogr11phiclll Memoirs, especially in the earlier volumes; (5) Also Ceria's
work, like Lemoyne's, is less of a history than it is a eulogy of the Founder; (6) The
Biogr11phic11l Mtmoirs fail to show the real Don Bosco, his "shadows" and his
connections with contextual history. Ceria grants that Lemoyne was no critical historian;
but he strongly emphasizes the overall reliability of his work. My assessment again is
that while in some Instances the critics' objection are ill-conceived, In some others, one
remains unconvinced by Ceria's argument [d. Ceria-Ltt].
More recently Father Guido Favini has published a lengthy and impassioned
defense of Lemoyne, making essentially the same points as Ceria [d. F11vini, 18-44].

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Journal of Salesian Studies
mind that Lemoyne's Documenti provided the basic material for Amadei's and
Ceria's work.90
1. Lemoyne's Compilation Method
The Biographical Memoirs are a huge compilation of documents and
testimonies sectioned into discrete items and made to fit into a chronological,
narrative framework. Lemoyne appears to have believed that the best
biography of Don Bosco would be that which had assembled the greatest
possible amount of documentation provided by witnesses. He felt that he
should neglect nothing, not even a single word that had been reported to him
as uttered by Don Bosco.91 He suffered from what Desramaut describes as a
"substantialist" syndrome. This is a pre-scientific mind set which accepts all
"historical reports" as having the same value, failing to distinguish between
what is substantive and what is merely accessory, what pertains to the depth
and what pertains merely to the surface of history. Lemoyne did not ask the
real critical questions with respect to the value of those reports, but treated all
biographical material as of equal merit. For Lemoyne it was sufficient that the
witness be "honest", a quality gauged on the basis of moral criteria.92
Lemoyne's concern not to omit anything resulted in a number of
literary doublets, or even triplets, that is, a double or triple narration of the
same fact on the basis of varying reports by different witnesses. One example
will illustrate the point. Members of the Moglia family, Mrs. Dorothy Moglia
included, in their depositions to Father Marchisio in 188893 and at the Process
of Beatification in the 1890s, testified that John had refused to baby-sit for Mrs.
Moglia's little girl, even when ordered to do so. For this episode Lemoyne had
over half-a-dozen testimonies at his disposal. All but one were in substantial
agreement with the.Marchisio report of the refusal: "Give me as many boys as
90 The paragraphs that follow, dealing with Lemoyne's method of compiling,
interpretating and utilizing documents, as well as with his charismatic portrayal of Don
Bosco, are based on Desnz1'1Qut-Aut, 45-60.
91 In his preface to Volume I Lemoyne states: "I had been instructed by our
revered Rector Major, Father Michael Rua, to omit nothing that should come to my
knowledge, even though at the moment I might consider it inconsequential" [EBM I, xii].
92 a . Desra1'1Qut-Aut, 45f.
~a. note 79 above.

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you like, and I'll look after them; but I don't want to baby-sit for girls."94 This
refusal is rendered by Lemoyne, "Give me as many boys as you like, even ten of
them, and I'll look after them. But I must not look after girls.'o95 However, one
of the testimonies seemed sufficiently different to warrant separate mention.
And so Lemoyne has Mrs. Moglia reiterate her demand, and John his refusal,
no longer in terms of his personal feelings, but in terms of his "vocation": "I am
not destined for this.''96 Now, it seems unlikely that a boy of thirteen in such
circumstances could make such a statement about ''his calling". But the real
point is that Lemoyne had a number of testimonies about the one episode. If
the testimonies differed, the thing to do was bring historical criticism to bear on
the matter and then decide which form of the refusal would be historically
more likely, not "double" John's refusaJ.97
2. Lemoyne's Interpretation of Documents
Lemoyne ignored another yet more basic distinction: that which exists
between history as lived or experienced in real life, and history as reported. He
forgets that documents stemming even from direct witnesses are
interpretations of what happened in real life. An historical report cannot be
understood apart from the person who reported it. This raises the question of
the historical-cultural context of the people involved. We know how important
such a question has become in the critical study of the Bible. It is no Jess
important in critical biography. Of particular interest under this heading, is
Lemoyne's interpretation of the reports of the "Barcelona Bilocation" in
Documenti, taken over by Ceria in the Biographical Memoirs. The fact that
Don Bosco was physically in Turin at the time, and was apparently not in an
"altered" state, would rule out "bilocation". Father Branda's "vision" then would
have to be understood on the basis of the character and the cultural context of
94ASC 110: Cronachette-Marchisio-"Relazioni", 7, FDBMicro 1203 07;
Desr11m11ut-Mem I, 423.
915 BM 1,199, d . EBM I, 149.
96 Ibid.
97 Desramaut [cf. Desr11m11ut-Aut, 46f.] cites further examples of such a
procedure: a doublet of John's recitation of the Jubilee evening sermon to Fr. Calosso on the
basis of varying accounts, by Don Bosco in MO and by chroniclers Ruffino-Bonetti [d. EBM
I, 133 &t 134, two recitations of over half-an-hour and of ten minutes respectively]; a
doublet of the cure of the paralyzed woman at the consecration of the church of Mary
Help of Cltristians on the basis of varying reports by Don Bosco to Lemoyne and by Don
Bosco in the souvenir booklet [cl. IBM IX, 257 and 260 (omitted in EBM)].

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Journal of Sa}esian Studies
the witness.98 The historian or biographer must first "understand" his
documents.
Lemoyne (and the biographers that followed him) may, therefore, be
faulted with a failure of the "critical sense" and with "indifference". It is not
enough to say that they were "men of their times". The Bollandists and the
historians of Port Royal, working centuries earlier, had already set critical
standards for the lives of the Saints. It is true that popular, uncritical
hagiography was the rule in the eighteenth and the nineteenth century. But it
is also true that critical hagiography was gaining momentum late in the
nineteenth century, when the Documenti and the Biographical Memoirs were
being fashioned. It is recognized (and lamented at the time) that, generally
speaking, the studies and the cultural formation of priests left much to be
desired. Hence the quality of seminary formation in the nineteenth century
may be seen as an extenuating circumstance.99 Certainly it provided no exit
from the prevailing popular, pre-scientific, uncritical mentality. This is the
mentality which Don Bosco and the early Salesians shared with the common
people among whom they lived and worked.100 In spite of this, Lemoyne
evidently believed that he had produced biographical work of high critical
value, when he writes:
These pages have been prompted not by the imagination, but by a heart guided
by calm reason; they are the result of lengthy investigation, correspondence and
comparison of sources. The narratives, the dialogues, everything that I
considered worthy of being recorded, are a faithful, literal account of the facts
as presented by the witnesses.tot
98 a. Desramaut-Aut, 48f. and for a fuller discussion F. Desramaut, "La
Viellesse (1884-1888): ~tudes prhlables a un biographie de saint Jean Bosco, VIII,"
Gihiers Salisiens N. 18-19 (1988) 201-208. For Father Branda's own report cf. Positio
super introductione causae. Summarium, Rome, 1907, p. 782-788 [ASC 163, FDBMicro 2225
B2-8]. This is transcribed without any significant changes or additions in Doc XXXI, 86-89
[cf. ASC 110: Cronachette, Lemoyne-Doc, FDBMicro 1118 A12-B3], and in IBM XVIII, 34-
39.
99 a. Dtsramaut-Aut, 49f.
l OO Cf. P. Stella, "Le,ricerche su Don Bosco nel venticinquesimo 1960-1985:
bilancio, problem!, prospettive," in Don Bosco nella Chiesa 11 seroizio dtll'umanita:
Studi t testimcnianu, Pietro Braido, ed. (lstituto Storico Salesiano, Studi 5) Roma: LAS,
1987, p. 383-387.
tOl Lemoyne's preface, EBM I, xii.

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39
He regards mere accumulation of reports by witnesses, without
evaluation and distinction, as critical biography (one prompted not by
"imagination", but by "calm reason"). But such a work may tum out to be
merely a monumental example of popular, pre-scientific hagiography.
3. Lemoyne's Use of Documentation
Not only did Don Bosco's biographers research and collect
documents. They also made them highly readable in the way they transcribed
and compiled them in narrative fashion. The Biographical Memoirs are a
readable and enjoyable work, a good story--but not because they are
"romanticized or novelized history". Again let us stress the fact that Lemoyne
in his Documenti, with little play given to the imagination, brought together all
sorts of documents, including letters and articles from periodicals. Amadei
and Ceria, while availing themselves of Lemoyne's work, collected additional
original documents both in the narrative text and in their increasingly larger
appendices. For instance, for the story of Don Bosco's trip to France in 1883, in
addition to material gathered by Lemoyne in Documenti, Ceria transcribes
some seventy original documents.102
But, when this is granted, we still find serious flaws in Lemoyne's
editorial method. Not only does he transcribe documents so as to make them
readable; he also manipulates them and adds to them. On the assumption
that the report must represent reality, he fleshes out his document in
accordance with what might have happened, usually deriving his material from
other documents and contexts. For example, speaking of Don Bosco's first
Mass he explicitly refers to Don Bosco's Memoirs and quotes the relevant
passage. But under the same reference to the Memoirs he makes significant
additions (here shown in italics):l03
My ordination day was on the vigil of the feast of the Blessed Trinity, June 5,
[ordi1111tions being held] 'by Archbishop Louis Fr11nsoni 11t his residence. I said
my first Mass in the church of St Francis of Assisi, where Father Joseph
Caffasso, my sign11l benef11ctor 11nd director, was dean of the conferences.
102 a. IBM XVI, 465-567 (Appendices 16-78).
l03 The text of the Biogr11phiail Memoirs [EBM I, 385/line 37-386/line 11] is
based on Don Bosco's Memoirs [MO-En, 166, lines 22-33], but it includes various additions
[chiefly EBM I, 386/lines 6-10 and 15-19).

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Though a priest had not said his first Mass in my home town for many a day,
and my neighbors were anxiously waiting for me to say mine there, I preferred
to say it without fuss in Turin 12t tM Guardian Angel 12ltJlr, 12 side 12llllr located
in this church on tM Gospel side. On thizt dil.y the Unitiers12l Church w12s
keeping tM fe12st of the Most Blessed Trinity; the Archdiocese of Turin, the
fe12st of tM mir12cle of the Blessed S12cr12ment; tM Church of St. Fr12ncis of
Assisi, the faist of Our Uidy of Gr12ce, folluwing 12 'Otry 12ncient custom. That
day was the most wonderful day of my life. At the Memento of that
unforgettable Mass I remembered devoutly all my teachers, my benefactors
spiritual and temporal, and especially the ever-lamented Father Calosso,
whom I have always remembered as my great and signal benefactor. It is 12
pious belief thizt tM Lord inf12llibly gmnts tM gr12ce requested of Him by 12 new
priest 12t his first Mizss. I pr12yed most 12rdently for effic12cy of speech thizt I
might therewith do good to souls. It seems th12t the Lord truly he12rd my
humble pr12yer.
Parts of this expansion can be documented elsewhere; most likely
each single element of the expansion was derived from documentation. For
instance, at Lemoyne's request, priests at the Church of St. Francis of Assisi
had ascertained that Don Bosco had said his first Mass at the altar of the
Guardian Angel.104 Further, the expansion occurred in two stages, in the
Documenti and in the Biographical Memoirs, signifying perhaps that
additional documentation had become available to Lemoyne. The point,
however, is that the quote from Don Bosco's Memoirs is actually a compilation
of various documentary excerpts, the total effect of which is to put a more
elaborate construction on Don Bosco's original reflection.
Another example is the long and learned passage in which Don Bosco
relates to his boys the complicated history of St. Michael's Shrine, while on a
pilgrimage there.105 On reading this quote one is struck with awe at Don
Bosco's memory and encyclopedic knowledge. In reality, however, the quote
attributed to Don Bosco comes from a note which Bonetti (quoting from some
l04 With respect to the middle addition, Father Lorenzo Romano, writing to
Father Lemoyne on behalf of the Rector of the Church, stated: "As you requested, I have
searched the Church registers and have ascertained that the V. Rev. Fr. John Bosco did
celebrate his first Mass on June 6, 1841, and he celebrated it at the altar of the Guardian
Angel, which In this church is located on the Gospel side." And he added, "On that day
the Universal Church was keeping the feast of the Most Blessed Trinity; the Archdiocese
of Turin, the feast of the miracle of the Blessed Sacrament; the Church of St. Francis of
Assisi, the feast of Our Lady of Grace, following a very ancient custom" [Letter of
December 11, 1891, Doc XLIII, 9, in ASC 110: Cronachette-Lemoyne-Doc, FDBMicro 1183
C3). The phrases added at the beginning of the quote are derived from Don Bosco's
SpiritUlll Test12ment [d. Motto, Memorie, 20, as in note 44 above).
lOS a. EBM IV, 83f.

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Lemoyne and His Work
41
encyclopedia) appended to that installment of the Storia dell 'Oratorio106 and
which Lemoyne took over and put on Don Bosco's lips.
Again, Lemoyne presents, as coming from Don Bosco, a "testament"
for the Salesian Cooperators, "to be opened after my death", and gives the text
of this "precious document".107 Ceria follows suit.108 Later, however, Ceria
recognized that the document originated with Bonetti.109
Likewise, Don Bosco's audience with Pius IX on February 12, 1870110 is
a composition of various authentic pieces, but the reconstruction is totally
fictitious. 111 As Desramaut writes: "[Lemoyne] has recourse to such a
procedure dozens, perhaps hundreds, of times overall in the Biographical
Memoirs. His quotes, including those from Don Bosco, are seldom faithful,
and never quite reliable.00112
4. Lemoyne's Charismatic Portrayal of Don Bosco
Lemoyne is not satisfied with telling the story of Don Bosco's life and
work. Driven by admiration for his hero, unconsciously perhaps, he gives a
portrayal of Don Bosco on the basis of a preconceived, ideal image of the man.
Lemoyne (and all of Don Bosco's early disciples would have concurred)
basically portrays Don Bosco as a charismatic person, endowed from on high
with idealized perfection and power, and even, in a sense, with infallibility and
omnipotence. They viewed Don Bosco's mission as arising from a divine
predisposition, a predetermined vocation, that bypassed all secondary causes,
l06 a . Bollettino Siilesiimo 4 (1881) 15, in Desr11m11ut-Aut, SSE. For Bonetti's
Storili, d. note 43 above.
l07 a . Doc XL, 324-332, in A.SC 110: Cronachette-Lemoyne-Doc, FDBMicro 1167
E4-1168 Al.
108 a. IBM XVIII, 620.623.
109 a . Ep-Ce IV, 393, note.
llO a. EBM IX, 395ff.
111 a . F. Desramaut, "Le root de l'audience pontificale du 12 f~vrier 1870 dans
les Memorie biografiche de don Bosco," Ric:erche Storiche Siilesiime 6 (1987) 81-104.
112 Desr1111U1ut-Aut, 54f.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
such as human, social, cultural forces. Don Bosco himself, of course, believed
that his life and special vocation had been guided by supernatural
interventions of God and the Virgin Mary. But he always speaks of such an
experience in an open, nuanced manner.
In Documenti Lemoyne relates how Don Bosco in 1847 was
considering joining the Rosminians, provided he would be allowed to carry on
his work for youth. Lemoyne remarks:
[Don Bosco] would have preferred to carry his plan forward under someone
else's guidance [...]. But the Virgin Mary had revealed to him in a vision the
field of his labors. He had thought out and worked out a plan from which he
absolutely could not and would not deviate. He was totally responsible for its
realization. He saw clearly the path he was to follow and the means he was to
use to attain his goal; hence he could ill afford to jeopardize such a plan by
putting it under someone else's control.[...]113
How different "this Don Bosco" appears from the Don Bosco who is
forever reading the signs of the times, forever shifting, adapting, and "rolling
with the punches" of historical events.
In the Biographical Memoirs, this reflection is ascribed to Don Bosco
himself in the first person: "Don Bosco confided to us: ' The Blessed Virgin had
revealed to me in a vision the field of my labor [...]."'114 The change from
"report" to "direct quote" may have been due to Barberis' comment in his Little
Chronicle. After reporting Don Bosco's explanation of "his plan", Barberis
remarks: "It seems to me that he meant to say outri~ht: The Virgin Mary had
revealed to me in a vision the field of my labors[...]."'1 5
Another example is Lemoyne's construction of the dream line
signaling divine intervention at every stage of Don Bosco's vocational
development. After speaking about a dream that John Bosco related to his
friend Joseph Turco during a summer vacation at the Sussambrino farm,
Lemoyne writes:
113 Doc III, 151 in ASC 110: Cronachette-Lemoyne-Doc, FDBMicro 975, E7.
114 EBM III, 171f.
115 ASC 110: Cronachette-Barberis, FDBMicro 796, ESff.

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At this point we cannot refrain from dwelling briefly on the logical
development of the various dreams that wondrously followed one another. At
the age of nine, John Bosco first learned of the great mission that would be
entrusted to him; at sixteen he hears the promise of material means for
sheltering and feeding countless boys; at nineteen a peremptory order makes it
clear that he is not free to refuse the mission entrusted to him; at twenty-one he
is told about the type of boys whose spiritual welfare he must especially look
after; at twenty-two a big city, Turin, is pointed out to him, as the field and
headquarters of his apostolic labors. We shall see how these mysterious
instructions will continue as needed until the completion of God's plans.116
These additional "mysterious instructions" are the dreams of 1844 and
1855, designating Valdocco as the place where Don Bosco would finally
settle.117 Now, Don Bosco himself clearly states that the original dream was
repeated with variations.118 But Lemoyne's elaborate reconstruction of a
predetermined line of supernatural guidance results from the way he edits the
multiplicity of testimonies at his disposal, some of which are clearly doublets,
that is, variant narratives of the the same event.119
From a superhuman charismatic interpretation of Don Bosco's life,
one can then pass almost by simple deduction to a superhuman
representation of Don Bosco's holiness and moral character (the virtues).
Lemoyne portays Don Bosco from the start as untouched by human
imperfection.
The superhuman portayal of Don Bosco flowed from Lemoyne's
predetermined conception of him as a man and a saint. As the biographer saw
it, his hero's vocation and character appeared almost completely enveloped in
a marvelous and supernatural aura. To that extent, however, the real Don
Bosco is hidden from view, and our understanding of his real story is
diminished.
l16 EBM I, 317. Such a reconstruction of Don Bosco's vocation dream line is
accepted by Ceria [d. MO-CL, 134, note to line 8].
117 For the individual dreams in this line of divine guidance d. EBM I, 95f.,
1su., 229, 284f., 31Sf.; n, 190f., 232ff. 267f.
118 a .MO-En, 110, 2()1)f.
119 For a thorough discussion, d. Desr1111U1ut-Mem I, 250-265.

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Journal of Salesian Studies
Similar rese.rvations may be made with regard to the work of
Lemoyne's successors.120
CONCLUSION
After looking at Lemoyne and his background, after tracing the origins
and progress of his wor k as biographer, and after a brief examination of the
method that guided him in the compilation of the Biographical Memoirs, an
additional comment by way of conclusion is in order. The question that now
arises is a simple one: What fate lies in store for the Biographical Memoirs at
the hands of critical scholars and biographers?
First of all, it will have been abundantly clear from the foregoing
discussion that Lemoyne's work is not of the genre of the historical novel, much
less a work of fantasy. Lemoyne's has written an edifying and faithful story for
Don Bosco's sons and followers.
120 Volume X of the Biogr11phiail Memoirs, recast and edited by Amadei on the
basis of Lemoyne's materials, shares the same basic pre-scientific outlook as the earlier
nine volumes by Lemoyne.
Are the nine volumes (XI-XIX) edited by Ceria any different? In some ways
they are. They are better organized and more lucidly written. Ceria does not have
Lemoyne's obsession with sheer accumulation of documents. He exercises greater editorial
freedom and better judgment in selection. His experience with classical literature makes
him skeptical of direct dialogue. Hence he recasts Lemoyne's dialogues in indirect
discourse. He avoids fleshing out documents with additional material from other
contexts. Perhaps, quantitatively, he gives less play to predictions and to the
"supernatural" than Lemoyne and the earlier chroniclers.
On the other hand, we should not overlook the fact that Ceria took over some
30 volumes of Lemoyne's Documenti, 1ock, stock and barrel," without ever questioning
Lemoyne's interpretations or trying to ascertain and analyze Lemoyne's sources. Ceria's
presuppositions for historical interpretation do not seem to have been much different from
Lemoyne's, and historical criticism is never brought to bear on the documents or on
Lemoyne's use and interpretation of them. At controversial points (as in the Gastaldi
confrontation) he tends to soften the narrative by way of compromise. Likewise, he
habitually tones down Don Bosco's emotional reactions to people and events.
Ceria is of a different generation, and his work demonstrates undeniable
progress. However, even though more cautious, Ceria did not really transcend the
literary genre of pre-scientific biography. He largely followed his sources and made
little effort to transcend the religious, charismatic interpretation of Don Bosco's life and
work. His is still basically a "transfigured", supra-historical Don Bosco [cf. Dtsramaut-
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This is how Lemoyne's work was perceived and received, without any
exception, by the Salesians who had known Don Bosco. It may be noted that
Father Paul Albera, Rector Major at the time,121 personally reviewed
Lemoyne's volumes before publication, with the exception of volume VIII,
which was carefully examined by Father Barberis.122
From all of the above it is likewise clear that a definitive and critical
biography of Don Bosco has still to be written. Is such a work still possible?
Apparently it is. Lemoyne's modem successors have been at work laying the
foundations for such an undertaking.123 As Braido points out, the goal remains
that of a critically rigorous, full-scale biography of Don Bosco. The work of
critical analysis in progress on the sources and on other documentation does
not do away with the need for a "new", comprehensive biographical synthesis
on Don Bosco. It must present Don Bosco not in a hyphenated fashion, (Don
Bosco-the educator, Don Bosco-the writer, etc.) but whole-his life, his work, his
ideas, his projects, his significance and his influence in his century and beyond.
l2l Paul Albera (1845-1921) entered the Oratory in 1858, became a Salesian in
1860, and was ordained in 1868. After various appointments, he was named Provincial of
the houses in France in 1881 by Don Bosco, in which capacity he served for 10 years. The
Salesian work in France flourished, and Father Albera became known as the "Little Don
Bosco" because of his deep spiritual life and enterprising spirit. In 1891 he was elected
Spiritual Director General of the Society, and in 1910 he succeeded Father Rua as Rector
Major. He was very close to Don Bosco, indeed a favorite of his; and it is recorded that as
the Saint lay dying. in his delirium, he called for his PIWlino to come to him [cf. IBM
XVIII, 534).
122 a. E. Valentini, "Don Ceria scrittore," Sllltsian11m 19 (1957) 325.
l23 The Salesian Historical Institute [Istit11to Storico Sllltsiano) founded at the
Salesian Generalate in Rome, under the direction of Father Peter Braido, stands in a
tradition of research [cf Braido, L'ISS, as in note 45 above). It is dedicated, as its statutes
indicate, to the critical editing and study of archival and other material that may in the
future serve as the basis for a critical biography [cf. Ibid. Sf., Sf.). Likewise, the Uihitrs
Slllts~ns I-IX, published under Father Desramaut's direction, are described as Et11dts
prtsilllblts ii lint biogriiph~ dt Siiint ]tm Bosco [cf. note 98 above]. Aspects of such an
undertaking are discussed in P. Stella, "Fare storia salesiana oggi," Rictrcht Storicht
SllltSiant 1 (1982) 41-53. At the Centro St11di Don Bosco established at the Uni'Otrsit.t
Pontificia SiiltsiiiM , its director, Father Peter Stella, has published a number of
scholarly contextual studies on Don Bosco that would significantly contribute toward a
critical biography. Such are: Don Bosco ntllii storia dtllii rtligiosit.t ciittolicii, Vol. I
Vitii t opere; Vol. II MentiiliU rtligioS11 t spirit1111liU; Vol. III Lil Cononi%%1l%iont (1888-
1934). Roma: LAS, 1979, 1981, 1988. (English edition: Don Bosco in tht History of Uitholic
Religio11S Thought iind Priictice, Vol. I Don Bosco: Lift iind Work, tr. John Drury. New
Rochelle, New York: Don Bosco Publications, 1985); Don Bosco ntllii storia tconomiai t
socialt (1815-1870). Roma: LAS, 1980; ll GianStnismo in Itlllia: Colla.iont di documtnti,
Vol. 1/i, I/ii, I/ill P~ontt. Ziirich: PAS Verlag, 1966, 1970, 1874.

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Prerequisite to this is a thoroughly critical examination of the sources and of
the biographical literature that has come down to us in Salesian tradition, the
Biographical Memoirs included.124 But Lemoyne will still have to be called in
as a partner. Not only can his work not be overlooked, it will remain
fundamental. He was himself an eyewitness; he collected testimonies from
numerous eyewitnesses; he drew on sources that have since ceased to exist.
The Biographical Memoirs are truly an archive which can contribute
significantly to a definitive historical interpretation of Don Bosco and his work.
124 a. Pietro Braldo, "Prospettive e iniziative della ricerca SU Don Bosco," in
Don Bosco nella storill: Atti del 11 Congresso Intern11Zionale di Stlldi Sil Don Bosco
(Unit1ersitil Pontificill Slllesillnii - Roma 16-20 gennaio 1989) (Pubblicazioni del Centro
Studi Don Bosco. Studi storici - 10), ed. Mario Midali. Roma: LAS, 1990, p . 541-549.
Braido [Ibid., 545f.] adds that Lemoyne and his successors , realizing perhaps the
annalistic character of the Biographical Memoirs, have the merit of having seen the
importance of a comprehensive biographical presentation of the whole Don Bosco. And
that is what they endeavored to do, in an uncritical fashion perhaps, by their Lit1es of
Don Bosco: G.B. Lemoyne, Vita dtl Venmibile Servo di Dia Giovanni Bosco, fondiltore
ddla Pill Societll Salesiana, dell'Istitllto di Maria Allsiliatrice e dei Cooperatori
Salesillni, 2 vol. Torino: SEI, 1911/1914; A. Amadei, Don Bosco e il SWJ apostolato dalle
SW! memorit personiili e dil testimonillnu di contemporanei. Torino: SEI, 1929, ed. 2, 2
vol., 1940; E. Ceria, Slln Gim1Gnni Bosco nella uita e nelle optrt. Torino: SEI, 1938.